Midweek Review

Canada plays politics with Sri Lanka again ahead of its national election

Published

2 weeks ago

2025/02/5

Conservative Party leader Pierre Poilievre

UK Premier Keir Starmer reiterated his Government’s commitment to addressing justice, accountability of reconciliation in Sri Lanka and issues faced by Tamils, including advocating for human rights and justice for Tamil victims.

The often repeated declaration was made at the Thai Pongal celebration at 10 Downing Street on 20th January. The Indian High Commissioner in the UK Vikram Doraiswami was among those present. Perhaps Starmer hadn’t considered India’s culpability as the regional sponsor of a terror project in Sri Lanka that claimed the lives of as many as 70,000 combatants and civilians. Among the dead were former Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and over 1,300 Indian soldiers.

Doraiswami joined the Indian Foreign Service in 1992, the year after the LTTE assassinated Gandhi at Sriperumbudur in Tamil Nadu. Would Starmer dare to raise India’s accountability and also look into the UK role in bolstering Tamil terrorism? The UK allowed a free hand to the LTTE with the group’s International Secretariat functioning from London without any restrictions. The LTTE wouldn’t have achieved status as a major terrorist organization if UK didn’t facilitate its operations. The writer’s assessment is that the British backing for Tamil terrorism was much more than that of Canada.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Over 17 years after the decimation of the terrorist group, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), with a conventional fighting might militarily by our security forces, Canada and the UK are still seeking to punish Sri Lanka for pulling off that most unlikely victory against their deadly pet that they nurtured covertly.

Both the British and Canadian governments alike play politics at Sri Lanka’s expense. Canadian Conservative Party leader Pierre Poilievre recently stated that he would lead the world in seeking prosecutions in international courts of the Rajapaksas and other “criminals” who have persecuted the Tamil people. Influential groups of Sri Lankans of Tamil origin are represented in both the UK and Canadian parliaments.

Poilievre, whose party is widely expected to win the election, was speaking at the ‘Harvest of Hope’ event in Toronto on 18 January, marking Thai Pongal and Tamil Heritage Month. Obviously, the Conservative Party leader seems to be confident that he could win over Canadians of predominantly Sri Lankan Tamil origin at the October parliamentary elections.

Poilievre sought to appease the Tamil Canadians close on the heels of Premier Justin Trudeau’s announcement that he would resign after a successor is chosen. Rightwing Poilievre, early last year, declared he would seek to prosecute Sri Lanka at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and appoint lawyers to pursue charges against Lankan “war criminals” in international criminal courts.

However, the Conservative Party wouldn’t find it easy to entice Tamil Canadians as during Trudeau’s 10-year premiership, when Canada went out of its way to attack Sri Lanka. The Liberal Party, under Trudeau’s leadership, humiliated war-winning Sri Lanka at any given opportunity.

Recently, the Canadian media quoted Trudeau as having said: “I intend to resign as party leader, as Prime Minister, after the party selects its next leader through a robust nationwide competitive process.” Whoever replaces Trudeau will continue hostile policy towards Sri Lanka. One-time central banker Mark Carney and former Deputy Prime Minister Chrystia Freeland are in the fray. The Liberal Party is scheduled to announce the winner on 09 March.

All political parties represented in the Canadian Parliament, in May 2022, unanimously and arrogantly agreed that Sri Lanka perpetrated genocide during the war against the LTTE. On the basis of that unsubstantiated decision that had been endorsed by both Liberal and Conservative Parties, the Canadian Parliament recognized 18 May as the Tamil Genocide Remembrance Day. These overwhelmingly white accusers, however, forget the fact that like all of Americas, Canada, too, was established by committing numerous acts of genocide against its first citizens. And, to this day, they continue to perpetrate such acts with impunity. Such pale faces, with so much innocent blood on their hands, have the audacity to accuse small countries, like Sri Lanka, that refused to yield to terrorists, who were subtly supported by them, the same way they back even Islamic terrorists when it suits them as we clearly saw in Syria for example.

Sri Lanka brought the war to a successful conclusion on May 18, 2009 though LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran was only killed on the banks of the Nanthikadal lagoon at the dawn of the following day as his surviving band tried to breakthrough security forces lines.

What the Conservative Party Leader Poilievre could do to outdo Trudeau who had glorified Prabhakaran’s macabre project by targeting some Sri Lankan leaders responsible for eradicating the LTTE terrorism?

Over the years, those who had received Canadian citizenship, as well as others awaiting same, funded the LTTE as it killed and maimed thousands of Sri Lankans. Obviously, both Liberals and Conservatives, as well as other political parties, represented in Canadian Parliament, have conveniently forgotten thousands of Tamils killed by the LTTE. Canadian political parties are also silent on the origins of terrorism in Sri Lanka that may have claimed the lives of as many as 70,000 people. The dead included 1,300 Indian soldiers, members of rival Tamil terrorist groups, several dozens of politicians, like President Ranasinghe Premadasa as well as one-time Indian Premier Rajiv Gandhi, among many others.

Canadian political parties have bent backwards to appease Tamil Canadian voters. With their eyes on the still growing significant number of Tamil Canadian votes, they haven’t at least bothered to examine why Sri Lanka took on the separatist conventional military challenge. Canada never realized the need for a negotiated political settlement in Sri Lanka as long as the LTTE wielded conventional military power. Had the LTTE overwhelmed Sri Lankan military, Canada would have been one of the first countries to congratulate the triumph of terrorism here. That is the reality.

Fortunately, by the time Trudeau received the Liberal Party leadership in 2013, and became the Premier in late 2015, more than four years after Sri Lanka brought the LTTE to its knees, called “the deadliest terrorist group” even by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, was not in a position to resurrect its military. In other words, once considered invincible by so-called experts, had been truly defeated. Canada, like many other like-minded countries, responded with shock and dismay at the way the LTTE collapsed after having vowed to defeat the military.

Sri Lanka created history by eradicating the LTTE militarily. Sri Lanka’s triumph dispelled the myth spread by interested parties that our armed forces were incapable of defeating a major terrorist group with conventional fighting means, like the Tigers.

Tamil electorate on a new path

Eradication of the LTTE is no longer a major issue at national or lower level elections in Sri Lanka. Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s superlative performance in the Northern and Eastern regions, at the last presidential and parliamentary elections in Sept. and Nov., last year, respectively, proved that predominantly Tamil electorates couldn’t be significantly influenced by post-war issues.

Regardless of much touted accountability issues and assurances to pursue the Geneva agenda, Tamil parties failed to garner the required support of the Tamil electorate. They overwhelmingly voted for Tamil candidates fielded by the National People’s Front (NPP) at the general election and thereby inflicted unprecedented defeat on the Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK).

Finally, the JVP-led NPP won all the Northern and Eastern electoral districts. The Tamil-speaking people declared beyond doubt that they wanted to move ahead and not be entrapped in the past. They obviously realized that a politically motivated high profile Western campaign against Sri Lanka is not meant to help restore their shattered lives but play politics with an issue. Those who cannot stomach Sri Lanka’s triumph over terrorism still want to haul up the war-winning country before international criminal courts. However, ITAK, and smaller Tamil political parties, have now realized that accountability issues do not attract voters. Over 17 years after the end of the war, young voters, in no uncertain terms, had indicated that they aren’t interested in pursuing a political agenda, based on accountability issues.

Earlier, the ITAK-led Tamil National Alliance (TNA) wholeheartedly represented the LTTE interests.

Perhaps, the NPP, too, has realized that its often repeated promise to release political prisoners is irrelevant. Even if the NPP wanted to release some to deceive the people, no such prisoners are held by the government. There are only a handful of Tamil convicts and few others held in terms of the PTA (Prevention of Terrorism Act). The convicts are responsible for major attacks and high profile assassinations. Actually political prisoners are nothing but a non-issue and those demanding their release from detention are only fooling themselves.

It is high time Tamil political parties give up their primary strategy revolving around accountability issues. Having received the LTTE’s backing both in and out of Parliament at the outset of Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s second term, the ITAK is now struggling to come to terms with unfavourable situations in the North.

Failure on the part of M.A. Sumanthiran, PC, to retain his Jaffna district seat, meant that the ground situation had changed drastically. That was nothing but a severe warning issued not only to Sumanthiran but to all Tamil politicians who have been essentially advancing an accountability agenda like a beggar’s wound. However, Canada appeared to have failed to recognize the changing situation on the ground. Perhaps, the Canadian High Commission (CHC) should re-examine post-national election developments closely. The CHC should wait till the conclusion of the Local Government polls early this year to carry out reassessment as at least a section of the Tamil electorate may switch their allegiance back to the ITAK.

But, the writer is of the view that dynamics have changed and those genuinely concerned about the wellbeing of the Tamil people shouldn’t depend on accountability issues to promote political agenda. In fact, having played ball with the LTTE throughout the war and backed Prabhakaran’s decision to indiscriminately use hapless Tamil civilian human shields on the Vanni east front, the ITAK should be investigated for its culpability for war crimes. The ITAK had no shame at all as it fully cooperated with the LTTE’s despicable strategies. Today, the ITAK wouldn’t dare to mention that it recognized the LTTE in 2001 as the sole representative of the Tamil speaking people. Of course that was done at gunpoint. The late R. Sampanthan had no choice but to cooperate with Prabhakaran’s strategy meant to build a political front subservient to them.

Canada had no qualms in mollycoddling the ITAK in spite of that political party endorsing recruitment of child soldiers. The highpoint of the LTTE-ITAK/TNA relationship was the engineering of Ranil Wickremesinghe’s defeat at the 2005 Nov. presidential election that paved the way for Mahinda Rajapaksa’s victory, resumption of war in August 2006 by the LTTE and its decimation militarily by the armed forces.

Canada seeks Tamil Canadians support

Against the backdrop of the 2015, 01 Oct. Geneva Resolution that had been treacherously backed by the then Sri Lankan government, headed by Maithripala Sirisena, and Ranil Wickremesinghe as the President and Prime Minister, Canada took a series of measures to step up pressure on the war-winning country. In May 2022 Canada publicly announced that Sri Lanka perpetrated genocide. Trudeau dismissed Sri Lanka’s protests though Ottawa didn’t have absolutely anything to back its extremely politically motivated claims. Shame on Canada and its Premier.

It would be pertinent to mention that Premier Stephen Harper’s Conservative government, too, couldn’t stomach Sri Lanka’s triumph over terrorism. In fact, both Conservatives and Liberals competed with each other to censure Sri Lanka. They felt Canadians of Sri Lankan origin could be easily won over by censuring Sri Lanka.

In May 2014, the Canadian High Commission in Colombo asked the writer whether The Island could publish a hard-hitting statement issued by the then High Commissioner Shelley Whiting prominently ahead of Sri Lanka’s Victory Day parade. The writer, in his capacity as the News Editor of The Island, gave the HC an assurance that regardless of what Whiting had to say it would receive front-page coverage. The HC wanted to know whether any sections would be deleted. Assurance was given that it would be carried, sans any alterations. As promised The Island carried the Whiting’s statement that challenged President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s decision to celebrate the country’s triumph over terrorism.

Whiting, who had served at their Kabul mission prior to being posted to Colombo, declared that Canada wouldn’t be represented at the Victory Day parade that was to be held in Matara on May 18, 2014. In spite of proscribing the LTTE and the World Tamil Movement in 2006 and 2008, respectively, funds flowed to the LTTE. The LTTE couldn’t have sustained conventional fighting for over two decades without uninterrupted funding from the West. Canada remained a major source of funding until the very end when the Sri Lankan military decimated the LTTE militarily in a series of operations on the Vanni east front.

Having won the 2015 presidential election, Maithripala Sirisena, in consultation with Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe, cancelled the Victory Day parade. Canada must have been thrilled. Whiting’s condemnation of the military celebration was the only instance a foreign government called for the ending of the annual event held to mark a worthy victory clinched against so many odds.

In Oct. 2015, treacherous Yahapalana leadership (UNP-SLFP combine) co-sponsored a US-led accountability resolution against the Sri Lankan military. There hadn’t been a previous instance of any country moving/backing a resolution targeting its own armed forces and political leadership at the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC).

In May 2022 Canada declared Sri Lanka perpetrated genocide. In early January 2023, Ottawa sanctioned former presidents Mahinda Rajapaksa, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Staff Sergeant Sunil Ratnayake and Lieutenant Commander Chandana Prasad Hettiarachchi. Both Ratnayake and Hettiarachchi had been earlier sanctioned by the US, one of the worst human rights offenders, for committing what it called serious crimes.

Interestingly, no Western government has so far sanctioned war-winning Army Chief Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka though a number of senior officers, including General Shavendra Silva (US) and Maj. Gen. Chagie Gallage (Australia). The US threw its weight behind Fonseka at the 2010 presidential election. Having accused Fonseka’s Army of murdering thousands of Tamils, the LTTE proxy Tamil National Alliance (TNA) formed an alliance with the UNP and the JVP to defeat Mahinda Rajapaksa. Their project failed pathetically as the electorate inflicted a massive defeat on the celebrated Sinha Regiment hero. The drubbing was such Mahinda Rajapaksa polled over 1.8 mn votes more than Fonseka.

In the absence of cohesive policy on the part of Sri Lanka in countering unsubstantiated war crimes accusations, Western powers pursued an agenda inimical to Sri Lanka. The idea was to push Sri Lanka to offer a political package that addressed Tamils’ aspirations. In other words, Western powers wanted Sri Lanka to grant what the LTTE couldn’t secure through terrorism driven war.

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Midweek Review

How USAID influenced Sri Lanka

Published

4 days ago

2025/02/12

Sahan Weerasooriya

Director of the USAID Sri Lanka Office, Reed J. Aeschliman, with then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa in June 2021 (pic courtesy PMD)

While the country was rapidly heading for an unprecedented political, economic and social crisis, then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in the first week of June 2021, received Director of the USAID Sri Lanka Office, Reed J. Aeschliman, at the Presidential Secretariat. Among those present were Deputy Chief of Mission at the US Embassy Martin Kelly, USAID Programme Director Chistopher Foley, Secretary to the President P.B. Jayasundera, Finance Secretary S.R. Attygalle and Director General of External Resources Department at the Finance Ministry Ajith Abeysekera. Following the meeting, the President’s Office announced that steps would be taken to accelerate development programmers funded by the USAID. Perhaps, the former President should inquire whether the USAID actually provided any assistance to the public sector during his presidency.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) never hesitated to provide funding for any project at any level as long as they aligned primarily with the overall US political and even sinister objectives. The beneficiaries ranged from Parliament to media organizations and even individuals.

In August 2024 the USAID partnered with Neon and Echelon Media to host the Shine 50 Awards at the Oak Room Ballroom, Cinnamon Grand. According to the organizers the event was meant to celebrate 50 young women making remarkable contributions across Sri Lanka.

Ambassador Julie J. Chung was there to recognize women aged 18 to 35 who were described as driving change in diverse fields, such as entrepreneurship, environmental advocacy, the arts, science, and technology. That was a minor thing by their standards or level of operations.

It would be pertinent to mention that USAID operations here should be examined taking into consideration developments in the wake of Maithripala Sirisena’s triumph at the 2015 January presidential election.

President Donald Trump has taken steps to neutralize USAID in line with an overall strategy meant to cut down on external spending. Those who had been receiving US funding on various pretexts are aghast over the unexpected development. However, Trump has suffered an initial setback due to the US District Judge Carl Nichols temporarily blocking the new administration from putting over 2,000 USAID employees on paid leave. Nichols agreed with two federal employee associations seeking a pause in the administration’s plans to put USAID employees on paid leave.

The Yahapalana government of Sirisena and Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe had a treacherous understanding with the US. Their operation began with the Yahapalana duo betraying the war-winning armed forces at the Geneva based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), in early Oct. 2015, where they helped move a war crimes resolution against one’s own country, possibly a world first.

While USAID spent as much as USD 7.9 mn (what a gravy train?) to teach Sri Lankan journalists how to avoid “binary-gendered language”, attracted public attention recently, far bigger issues have been conveniently ignored. In other words, the US promoted and encouraged the LGBTGQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer) project here. Do not forget that SLPP National List MP and Attorney-at-Law Premanath Dolawatta perhaps realising which way the wind was blowing, jumped on that band wagon and presented a Bill in support of LGBTQ people in Parliament in April 2023.

USAID intensified its operations here during Sirisena’s presidency. Having secured the executive presidency, with the backing of the UNP-TNA-JVP combine, Sirisena had no option but to go with Wickremesinghe’s agenda. The US orchestrated the Geneva betrayal with the support of the Yahapalana government and the TNA. Those who now represented the main Opposition SJB had been with the UNP and should be also held accountable for the great betrayal of our armed forces.

The UNP and Maithripala Sirisena’s SLFP fully cooperated on the high profile USAID project. Karu Jayasuriya, the incumbent head of the so-called National Movement for Social Justice (NMSJ), as the then Speaker, should be able to explain the circumstances in which Parliament finalized an agreement with the USAID worth USD 13.7 mn (Rs 1.92 bn).

Perhaps the current Parliament can examine the outcome of the high-profile USAID project launched in late November 2016. Interestingly, USD 3 mn had been released in September 2016 before the official launch of the project.

Parliament announced the USAID project in the wake of Sri Lanka becoming the newest member of the United States’ House Democracy Partnership programme which purports to support peer-to-peer exchanges for partner legislatures around the world.

The signing of the agreement took place in Washington DC on Sept. 14, 2016. Speaker Jayasuriya and US Congressman Peter J. Roskam, Chairman of the House Democracy Partnership, signed on behalf of the Sri Lanka Parliament and the House Democracy Partnership, respectively.

Jayasuriya was accompanied by Deputy Minister of Power and Renewable Energy Ajith P. Perera, Deputy Minister of Parliament Reform and Mass Media Karu Paranavithane, State Minister for City Planning and Water Supply Dr. Sudarshini Fernandopulle, Secretary General of Parliament Dhammika Dasanayake and Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to the United States of America Prasad Kariyawasam.

The Parliament certainly owes an explanation as to the improvement made in terms of the three-year Strengthening Democratic Governance and Accountability Project (SDGAP) geared to improve strategic planning and communication within the government and Parliament, enhance public outreach, develop more effective policy reform and implementation processes, and increase political participation of women and underrepresented groups in Parliament and at a local level.

All know that Parliament deteriorated further during the operation of that particular USAID project. The launch of the SDGAP project took place after the UNP, led by Ranil Wickremesinghe, who also served as the Prime Minister, engineered the massive Treasury bond scams in Feb. 2015 and March 2016.

The people have a right to know how the USAID funds were spent and whether stated objectives were achieved, especially in light of former US Secretary of State John Kerry having crowed publicly about how they brought about undemocratic secret regime changes here and elsewhere after spending hundreds of millions of dollars. Having disclosed that the US spent USD 585 mn during that period for such operations Kerry perhaps unintentionally declared that Myanmar, Nigeria and Sri Lanka were the recipients of State Department funding for those clandestine projects.

Maryland-headquartered Development Alternatives, Inc. (DAI) implemented the project intended to reform the public sector in accordance with an agreement between Sri Lanka and the House Democracy Partnership of the US House of Representatives.

During the implementation of that USAID project, Speaker Jayasuriya retained retired controversial career diplomat Prasad Kariyawasam as his advisor. Kariyawasam, who had served as the Foreign Secretary after being Sri Lanka’s Ambassador in Washington, was on the USAID payroll. Kariyawasam earned the wrath of the JO/SLPP and various other parties. They accused him of promoting US interests, both in and outside Parliament. Even as Sri Lanka’s Ambassador in Washington, he figured in a rather embarrassing press conference with TNA Parliamentarian M.A. Sumanthiran, where the latter asserted that there was a tripartite agreement on the setting up of a hybrid court to investigate accountability issues in Sri Lanka, meaning war crimes.

People have forgotten how the US backed retired General Sarath Fonseka’s candidature (Sirisena promoted him Field Marshal in 2015) at the 2010 presidential election. How the US and the UNP ensnared the Sinha Regiment war hero is still a mystery and the 2009/2010 US project that also involved the JVP didn’t do Fonseka any good.

Target political parties

Sri Lankans love freebees. Our politicians and officials are no exception. They are never satisfied. Karu Jayasuriya created history when he requested China to arrange MPs in Yahapalana Parliament to visit China. Of the 225 MPs, nearly 200 received free trip. Sri Lankan lawmakers also received nearly 240 laptops from China in August 2017. China gifted the laptops worth $ 293,000 on a request made by Speaker Jayasuriya. What our lawmakers did with those laptops to enhance their efficiency is nothing but a mystery.

By the time our MPs concluded group visits to China and Parliament installed laptops, the Yahapalana government finalized an agreement on Hambantota port with China. It gave a 99-year lease on the Hambantota port in 2017 for USD 1.2 bn which is an utterly controversial but irreversible agreement that jeopardized Indo-Lanka relations. As to what the Yahapalana government, which practiced anything but good governance, did with that money and more than USD 12 billion it borrowed at high interest from the international bond market for no apparent reason, is anybody’s guess; perhaps only thing it achieved was causing an unprecedented foreign exchange crisis that led to the unceremonious downfall of the succeeding SLPP government of Gatabaya Rajapaksa.

Our political parties never refused anything. Fully paid foreign trips are something our lawmakers cannot decline under any circumstances. That is the ugly truth.

In the midst of political, economic and social turmoil against the backdrop of the country being declared bankrupt, the Women Parliamentarians’ Caucus’ visit to New Zealand in July/August 2023 grabbed public attention.

So much so, Secretary General of Parliament Kushani Rohanadeera issued a brief statement to explain the position of the Parliament. Rohanadeera insisted that public funds weren’t utilized. The funding was provided by Sri Lanka’s development partners. The initiative launched two and half years ago, never received public funding and the visit was meant to gain experience from developed countries in the Commonwealth.

The group consisted of Dr. Sudarshini Fernandopulle (SLPP), Dr. Sitha Arambepola (SLPP), Rohini Kumari Wijeratne (SJB), Pavithradevi Vanniarachchi (SLPP), Geetha Samanmalee Kumarasinghe (SLPP), Thalatha Atukorale (SJB), Kokila Gunawardena (SLPP), Mudita Prishanthi (SLPP), Rajika Wickramasinghe (SLPP), Manjula Dissanayake (SLPP) and (Dr.) Harini Amarasuriya (JJB). Secretary General of Parliament Kushani Rohanadeera, Assistant Director (Administration) Indira Dissanayake and Media Manager of Parliament Nimmi Hathiyaldeniya accompanied the delegation. Having left the country on 24th July, the group concluded the visit on 3rd August.

The US provided the funding. The National Democratic Institute (NDI), with funding provided by the USAID, organized the tour undertaken by the Women Parliamentarians’ Caucus.

In addition to the USAID, the NDI works closely with the National Endowment for Democracy, the US Department of State and the Consortium for Elections and Political Process Strengthening (CEPPS). The above-mentioned organisations are well known around the world for sponsoring such initiatives, in line with furthering US interests.

The US fully sponsored another parliamentary delegation in Oct. 2023. Chairpersons of all Oversight Committees were invited, while denying patriotic Chairman of Oversight Committee on National Security Rear Admiral (retd.) Sarath Weerasekera, MP, the opportunity to join the delegation. That visit, too, had been organized by the NDI with the funding provided by USAID.

According to the US Embassy here they have provided more than US $2 billion (Rs. 598 billion) in assistance to Sri Lanka since 1956 (over a period of 68 years) to support Sri Lanka’s agriculture, education, health, environment, water, sanitation, infrastructure, governance, and business development and provide humanitarian assistance. Over the last seven decades, US support has helped modernize Sri Lanka’s diesel coaches, supported its thriposha supplemental nutrition programme, supported the development of electric vehicle charging stations., and empowered women entrepreneurs to drive economic growth, the Embassy has stressed.

Funding for BASL

The Bar Association of Sri Lanka is another major recipient of USAID funding. Over the years, USAID has become an indispensable partner for the BASL as the former generously provided the required funding.

The USAID is believed to be the main external sponsor of the BASL while from time to time BASL asked for sponsorship from the Colombo Port City as well as Perpetual Treasuries Limited (PTL), still suspended for perpetrating Treasury bond scams.

USAID financial backing had been so vital for the BASL, Ambassador Julie Chung attended the two-day National Law Conference (NLC) in March 2023 as the Guest of Honour. BASL invited Ambassador Chung in spite of continuing controversy over her direct alleged role in the overthrowing of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. The BASL defended the decision on the basis of continuous USAID financial backing for several legal education programmes, conducted by the BASL, under the Effective & Efficient Justice (EEJ) Programme, and several other programmes.

Ambassador Chung addressed the final session of the National Law Conference held at the Grand Hotel Nuwara Eliya over a period of three days in the first week of June 2023. Less than a year later the shocking disclosure of BASL-JICA controversy over disbursement of funds received from the latter and the unceremonious resignation of BASL President Kaushalya Nawaratna, PC, in mid-September 2024 underscored the gravity of the situation. JICA handled the developments carefully as the bankrupt country learnt about corruption in a JICA-funded anti-corruption project.

The Bar Council, the apex body of the BASL unanimously asked Nawaratna to step down after it was proved that he failed to act with transparency in respect of the contract entered into by the BASL with JICA, dated Dec 11, 2023, and thereby violated the trust reposed in him as its President.

Although various NGOs receiving foreign funds had been an issue, the agreements the Parliament, BASL and the Justice Ministry had entered into with external sponsors never earned the public attention. Let me stress that in addition to USAID funding, various other parties such as China, India, EU and UNDP spent quiet lavishly for projects here. At one-time, Norway had been the leading foreign funds provider to various groups and organizations here. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) had been among the recipients of Norwegian funding. The Tamil Rehabilitation Organization, an LTTE front, too, had received foreign funding while they caused death and destruction.

In Nov. 2023 the then dissident SLPP MP Gevindu Cumaratunga raised concerns in Parliament about external interventions in the judiciary. When the writer inquired about his move, the leader of the Yuthukama civil society organization said he did so without any malicious intent. Cumaratunga urged Parliament to provide required funds for judges of the Supreme Court and other courts to receive overseas training.

The MP warned against the judges receiving foreign training, courtesy USAID, against the backdrop of the US development assistance arm being accused of influencing the powers that be. Such criticism should be re-examined in the aftermath of the new US administration’s fierce attacks on USAID.

The first time National List MP also questioned the influence the USAID was having on the BASL. Cumaratunga also questioned the amount of money received by the BASL from the USAID annually.

The outspoken MP said that if the government felt the necessity to provide foreign expertise to judges at any level it should be at the expense of Sri Lankan taxpayers. This was raised in the wake of a group of Supreme Court judges receiving US training.

Referring to the happenings during the Yahapalana administration (2015-2019), MP Cumaratunga recalled the role played by former Lankan Ambassador to Washington and then Foreign Secretary Prasad Kariyawasam, who then served as the USAID paid advisor to the then Speaker Karu Jayasuriya. Referring to the role played by Kariyawasam in the finalization of ACSA (Access and Cross Servicing Agreement) in August 2017, MP Cumaratunga pointed out the then President Maithripala Sirisena is on record as having said that he was not really informed of what was going on.

However, Sri Lanka first entered into ACSA during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s first tenure as President over a decade before Cumaratunga entered Parliament, with the former’s blessings. Sri Lanka, however, should be eternally thankful to the US for providing critical intelligence support that enabled the Navy to hunt down floating LTTE arsenals on the high seas during the final phase of the conflict, Eelam War IV (2006-2009). That was the turning point in the war against the LTTE many considered invincible. (The writer was a beneficiary of US Defence Department programme in the 90s that enabled visits to countries where US maintained powerful forces, including Hawaii, home to all branches of US military). It could well have been a case of changing horses on seeing the writing on the wall, especially with New Delhi after being a perennial thorn on its back finally cosying up to Washington with dreams of joining the rich man’s club.

Sri Lanka needs to tighten controls. The Central Bank must take tangible measures to ensure stricter control of fund transfers even in the guise of being meant for religious work. Comprehensive examination of funds transfers would reveal that what has been achieved on the ground doesn’t correspond with massive sums of money received by organizations here.

Midweek Review

Reflections on the functions of language

Published

4 days ago

2025/02/12

Sahan Weerasooriya

The political economy of language teaching:

by Gamini Keerawella

(Based on a speech delivered at the BCIS Language Awards Ceremony 2023)

The Bandaranaike Center for International Studies (BCIS) has been offering language-teaching programmes alongside its International Relations courses for many years. Currently, BCIS offers over 10 languages, including Chinese, French, German, Hindi, Japanese, Korean, Spanish, Thai, as well as Sinhala and Tamil, making BCIS a truly international language hub. The Language Awards Ceremony is a key event in the BCIS annual calendar. We are honoured to have His Excellency Jean-François Pactet, the French Ambassador to Sri Lanka and the Maldives, as the Chief Guest. The BCIS extends its sincere gratitude to you for your unwavering support and invaluable assistance. Ms. Tharanga Jayaweera, who has been heading the Language and Cultural Affairs division at the BCIS for several years, organised this event to highlight the importance of language learning.

Language as a Means of Communication and Social Interaction

Language is fundamentally a tool for communication, serving as the primary medium through which individuals express thoughts, ideas, emotions, and information. It enables humans to interact, convey meaning, and build social connections across diverse contexts. This communicative function of language manifests in several ways. Language allows individuals to articulate their thoughts, share knowledge, and disseminate information. Whether through spoken or written form, it serves as the foundation for education, governance, and cultural transmission. In essence, communication remains the core function of language, shaping human experiences and interactions across time and space.

Beyond merely conveying facts, language enables interpersonal relationships by allowing individuals to express emotions, negotiate meanings, and engage in social bonding. Greetings, conversations, and storytelling all rely on language for effective interaction.

Language as the Medium of Knowledge Construction

Language is the primary medium through which knowledge is constructed. Human thought is fundamentally shaped by language, as it provides the structure for formulating and communicating ideas. While visual narratives and organised sounds also play significant roles in transmitting meaning, language remains central to the cognitive process of constructing knowledge. People think through concepts, and these concepts are formed, refined, and expressed through words and sentences. Without language, the formulation of complex ideas and the development of knowledge would be impossible. Knowledge itself is an ongoing process of understanding, interpreting, and engaging with the world. It is through language that individuals analyse their surroundings, articulate their experiences, and seek to influence and transform their reality. Every field of human inquiry—from science to philosophy, from history to politics—relies on language to develop, debate, and disseminate knowledge. Whether in spoken or written form, language provides the essential framework for reasoning, argumentation, and intellectual progress. Without it, the vast and intricate systems of knowledge that define human civilisation could not exist.

Language is depositary of knowledge

Knowledge formation is a dialectical process. We inherit it from the past, enrich it through our experiences, and transmit it to future generations. In this continuous cycle, language serves as the primary repository of knowledge, encapsulating the collective wisdom, history, and cultural identity of societies across generations. It functions not merely as a tool for communication but as a dynamic archive that preserves traditions, scientific advancements, philosophies, and worldviews. Through written and spoken forms, language encodes and transmits knowledge, ensuring continuity and evolution in human thought. Moreover, language shapes cognition and influences how individuals perceive and interpret reality. The terminology, idioms, and conceptual frameworks embedded within a language reflect the intellectual heritage and epistemological foundations of a civilisation. Indigenous languages, for instance, often contain intricate ecological and medicinal knowledge passed down orally over centuries, offering insights that may be lost if the language itself declines. In an era of globalisation and rapid technological advancement, the preservation and study of languages remain crucial for safeguarding diverse knowledge systems. Multilingualism enhances access to a broader spectrum of ideas, fostering cross-cultural dialogue and innovation. Thus, recognising language as a depositary of knowledge underscores the necessity of linguistic preservation, education, and research to sustain intellectual and cultural diversity.

Language is a main component of culture reproduction of society

Language is a fundamental pillar of cultural reproduction in society. It serves as the primary medium through which traditions, values, and collective knowledge are transmitted across generations. Through language, societies preserve their historical narratives, reinforce social norms, and sustain unique cultural identities. Oral traditions, literature, religious texts, and educational systems all rely on language to pass down beliefs and customs. Additionally, language shapes the way individuals perceive and interpret the world, influencing social interactions and group cohesion. As societies evolve, language adapts to reflect changing cultural landscapes while maintaining continuity with the past. Furthermore, language is deeply intertwined with national identity and political structures, often serving as a unifying force within communities. It also plays a crucial role in globalisation, where dominant languages can facilitate cross-cultural exchange but may also contribute to the erosion of linguistic diversity. Language is not merely a tool for communication; it is a living repository of cultural heritage that ensures the continuity and evolution of societal traditions.

Language as a Tool of Power: Domination and Subordination

I wish to pay another function of language – tool of power. Language is not merely a means of communication; it is a powerful instrument of control, influence, and hierarchy. Throughout history, language has been used to assert dominance, shape narratives, and reinforce structures of power. It serves as a vehicle for authority, legitimising the perspectives of those in control while marginalising or silencing others.

The strategic use of language enables individuals, institutions, and states to establish and maintain dominance. Political rhetoric, legal discourse, and media framing shape public perception and reinforce power dynamics. Those who master language can dictate terms of engagement, define legitimacy, and control the discourse surrounding critical issues. Colonial powers, for instance, imposed their languages on indigenous populations, erasing native tongues and asserting cultural supremacy. Conversely, language can be a tool of subjugation. Exclusionary language policies, linguistic discrimination, and the suppression of minority languages or vernaculars serve to disempower certain groups. Those who lack proficiency in dominant languages often find themselves excluded from political participation, economic opportunities, and social mobility. The imposition of standardised languages in education and governance can marginalise ‘other’ languages, reinforcing structural inequalities.

Language is a key trait of identity

Language is a fundamental trait of identity, shaping both individual and collective self-perception. It serves as a primary means of communication, preserving cultural heritage, transmitting values, and fostering a sense of belonging. The way people speak often reflects their history, geography, and social affiliations. On a personal level, language influences thought patterns, emotional expression, and cognitive development. At the societal level, language can unite/divide communities. In an era of globalisation, language continues to evolve, blending influences from different cultures while also facing challenges such as linguistic homogenisation and the decline of indigenous languages. Despite these shifts, language remains a powerful marker of identity, shaping how individuals and groups define themselves and interact with the world.

Language is an attribute of National identity in Nation state framework

Language is a fundamental attribute of national identity within the nation-state framework, serving as a key marker of cultural unity, historical continuity, and political sovereignty. It acts as a binding force that fosters a shared sense of belonging among citizens, distinguishing one national community from another. In the nation-state model, language often plays a central role in shaping national consciousness by enabling communication, preserving cultural heritage, and reinforcing collective memory. It is frequently institutionalised through state policies, including education, legal systems, and governance, to promote cohesion and maintain the integrity of the national identity. Moreover, language policies in nation-states reflect broader political and ideological objectives. Some states adopt a single national language to unify diverse populations, while others recognize multiple languages to accommodate linguistic pluralism. However, language can also become a site of contestation, particularly in multilingual societies where linguistic minorities seek recognition and inclusion. Thus, within the nation-state framework, language is not merely a tool for communication but a powerful symbol of national identity and political legitimacy shaping both domestic cohesion and international representation.

Window to other Civilizations

Learning a language is like opening a window to other civilizations, allowing us to explore their histories, traditions, and worldviews. It provides a deeper understanding of diverse cultures, fosters meaningful connections with people from different backgrounds, and enhances our appreciation of global perspectives. Through language, we gain access to literature, art, and philosophical ideas that shape societies, ultimately broadening our intellectual and emotional horizons.

Language is a Tool for Building Peace

Language plays a crucial role in shaping relationships, conveying ideas, and fostering understanding across cultures and societies. It is also a powerful tool for building peace. At the grassroots level, language is fundamental to fostering interpersonal communication and resolving conflicts. In multilingual societies, language plays a pivotal role in bridging divides, offering a platform for different language groups to express their concerns while encouraging inclusivity. By promoting linguistic diversity and multilingualism, communities can create spaces for mutual respect and understanding, reducing tensions that may arise from cultural differences. Language policies that promote inclusivity, such as recognising multiple official languages or encouraging bilingualism, contribute to social cohesion by reducing the marginalisation of linguistic minorities and promoting equality. Educational institutions can serve as vital spaces for teaching language skills and cultivating a culture of peace. By incorporating peace education into curricula, schools can help future generations develop the language skills needed to engage in constructive dialogue, resolve conflicts peacefully, and collaborate with others across cultures. Moreover, language education often emphasises the importance of empathy, respect, and understanding, laying the foundation for a peaceful society.

Language is not just a means of communication; it is a transformative tool for building peace at all levels of society. By promoting dialogue, fostering understanding, and bridging cultural divides, language has the power to prevent conflict and create harmonious relations in communities, nations, and the world. I sincerely hope you will embrace the role of Peace Ambassadors—an urgent need of our time.