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Editorial

Business as usual in the House

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Thursday’s farcical re-election of Ranjith Siyambalapitiya as the Deputy Speaker of the incumbent Parliament is a clear demonstration, if any is needed, that it’s business as usual in the Sri Lanka Parliament. This despite the revolutionary fervor of the people outside that first the Rajapaksas, aiya and malli, and thereafter the other clansmen must go. ITAK MP, Shanakiyan Rasamanickam, put it neatly. He said that the 65 Members who voted for Mr. Imthiaz Bakeer Markar represented the people. The 148 who voted for the eventual winner represented the Rajapaksas.

The way that papadam crumbled defies rational explanation. First, Siyambalapitiya, elected on the SLFP ticket resigned some weeks ago saying that having being elected from the blue party (which incidentally had an arrangement with the Rajapaksa pohottuwa) was resigning as his party had decided to leave the ruling group. He said that the president, no less, had refused to accept his resignation and he, in deference to this request, would stay on till May 1 when he would quit. He even said that he will not draw any of the pay and perks of his office until his eventual departure. And so it (presumably) was.

Then came his eventual departure. The ex and back-again deputy speaker then left office and the House last week solemnly set about electing his successor. But voila, who was that successor? None other than Siyambalapitiya himself, proposed by longtime minister and dyed-in-the-wool SLFPer, Nimal Siripala de Silva seconded by equally senior Susil Premajayantha aka Premajayanth. The latter, readers would remember, not long ago got shunted to the ‘B’ team after a long innings in the ‘A’ team and was sulking somewhat until he suddenly found himself sacked altogether, a fate later suffered by Weerawansa and Gammanpila, and took a three-wheeler home to don his black coat and return to practicing law.

If this was not a deal between the Rajapaksas and the SLFP, one cannot know what a deal is. So we are back to business as usual with various opportune arrangements made to suit needs of the moment. These are often accompanied by consideration, both visible and invisible as the Galle Face agitators are loudly proclaiming; and the rest of the country has long known but done nothing about until the advent of the aragalaya. How independent are the claimed “independents” who recently crossed from one side of the House to the other? Not much, the results of the deputy speaker’s election (more correctly re-election) shows.

Wimal Weerawansa, one of the more garrulous of that group was absent at the voting. He has not up to the time of writing offered an explanation of why this was so. TNA leader R. Sampanthan, is a very old man and may not have been well enough to attend. Justice Wigneswaran too has been mum on the subject and would hopefully offer and explanation sooner or later; like in the old days on the bench when judgments were reserved or delivered with a terse “reasons later.” Why three MPs spoilt their votes – how this was done was not made public – is also inexplicable. While there’s been a lot of noise in the public domain over the years that many of our MPs are uneducated or not educated enough to perform legislative and other parliamentary duties, nobody has been accused of being illiterate. All that a valid vote required was the name of the candidate of choice and the signature of the voter.

Why Siyambalapitiya’s resignation went to the president is a mystery that remains uncleared. Commonsense would dictate that it should go to the speaker. Standing Orders, we are told, has no provision as to whom a presiding member of the House, whether speaker, deputy speaker or deputy chairman of committees should tender a resignation. So Siyambalapitiya had chosen to go to the president and the speaker, apparently, had waited to hear what the outcome was before the election of a successor was taken up. Although a solemn ritual of placing a screen and a ballot box in the well of the house was conducted, and names of members were called out to vote, opposition whip Lakshman Kiriella was heard asking “where’s the secrecy when MPs must sign the ballot paper?” But that is the way Standing Orders prescribe for taking a secret ballots.

There was no response to the demand that ballot papers be immediately destroyed. Presumably they would be kept in the safe custody of the Secretary General of Parliament. But strange are the ways of our Parliament. There isn’t a trace of the impeachment motion against former President Ranasinghe Premadasa which a former speaker “entertained” and then stopped entertaining. Where it went, who signed it and who didn’t and whether it still exists will presumably remain for ever in the realm of the unknown. It also needs clarification whether an MP voting in secret has the freedom to write he/she was abstaining on the ballot paper. And if that was done were the votes deemed “spoilt?” Perhaps we’ll know in the fullness of time and will also learn the strategy underlying Thursday’s events.

That apart, this issue of our newspaper today offers readers a range of analytical commentary on the ongoing drama both at Galle Face and elsewhere. There is also a perception among television viewers that events around us are taking a new flavour to what prevailed before with the Frontline Socialist Party-aligned Inter University Students Federation adopting a more boisterous attitude than previously on view in their demonstrations. It has been previously reported that the FSP is the only political presence at Galle Face. Whether this can cause an ‘infection,’ and how all this will unravel, only time can tell.



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Editorial

The toxic legacy of two lakes

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Friday 28th August, 2026

Sri Lanka boasts a hydraulic heritage dating back more than two millennia and has a long history of harnessing water for agriculture and human settlement, but its urban water bodies are struggling with pollution. It has tamed rivers and built huge reservoirs since Independence, but lakes and canals in its urban centres have become watery versions of the Augean Stables, demanding a Herculean effort to restore them. No government has proved equal to the task. Among these polluted water bodies are two lakes; one is located close to the western seafront, and the other nestles in the hills.

Lake Gregory, a watery jewel adorning green-clad Nuwara Eliya, is as much a paradox as pleasure turning to poison in Keats’ Ode on Melancholy, which speaks of “beauty that must die” and “joy … bidding adieu”. Beneath its placid surface lurks a danger invisible to visitors drawn to its scenic beauty.

The Central Environmental Authority (CEA) has said Gregory Lake is highly polluted, and its water could pose serious health risks, according to Nuwara Eliya District Coordination Committee Chairman Manjula Suraweera Arachchi, MP. He has told the media that the CEA presented its findings about lake pollution at a recent committee meeting. That Lake Gregory is facing a serious deterioration in water quality, with agricultural and urban pollution contributing to its degradation, is public knowledge, but nobody seems to care.

The pollution of Lake Gregory is mainly due to fertilisers, pesticides and other agrochemicals washed from agricultural land and urban wastewater and runoff. Studies conducted by universities have identified sewage, domestic waste and organic matter as significant sources of pollution. But no action has been taken to block these sources of pollution.

Lake Gregory is a vital wetland ecosystem as well as a major tourist attraction. Tourists, both local and foreign, do not consider a trip to Nuwara Eliya complete without a boat ride in this scenic lake. They risk exposure to splashes of polluted water. It has been reported that the Ministry of Environment, the Urban Development Authority and the Irrigation Department are working on measures to address the problem. This is good news, but when they will clean up the lake is anybody’s guess. It is hoped that they will not go on talking indefinitely as pollution worsens. Thousands of people will continue to enjoy water sports and recreational activities, ranging from relaxed paddle boats to high-speed jet skis in the lake, unaware of health risks. Shouldn’t at least an official warning of severe water pollution be issued?

There are many countries from which Sri Lanka can learn how to keep its urban lakes clean. Malaren in Sweden and Lake Geneva, Switzerland, serve as the best examples. Singapore’s Marina Reservoir also provides a striking example of managing an urban water body in a densely built-up city. Some developing countries, too, have successfully restored polluted urban lakes, but only a few can match Stockholm’s example of maintaining a major urban lake as a high-quality source of drinking water. What Sri Lanka needs most to maintain its urban water bodies properly is a political will to do so.

Beira Lake is perhaps worse than Lake Gregory. Its pollution is mostly due to untreated or partially treated sewage, illegal sewer connections, urban runoff, solid waste and industrial discharges. Recent research has revealed excessive levels of organic pollutants, nutrients and, in some areas, heavy metals in the lake, which also promotes algal growth responsible for its green appearance.

The success of projects to clean up Beira and Lake Gregory hinges on the elimination of the sources of pollution. Experts have stressed the need to identify and block illegal sewage and wastewater connections entering the lakes and their storm-water network besides intercepting polluted stormwater and diverting it for appropriate treatment.

One can only hope that urgent action will be taken to put an end to the toxic legacy of the two vital lakes.

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Editorial

Unfolding El Niño and burning issues

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Thursday 27th August, 2026

The world is bracing itself for a historic El Niño event, which is very likely to be the strongest ever measured, “breaking records by a considerable and dangerous margin”, experts have warned. The World Health Organization, World Meteorological Organization (WMO) and World Food Programme are urging nations to be prepared for extreme weather conditions and their impact on health, food and energy systems.

Sri Lanka apparently believes in disaster response rather than disaster preparedness. It usually does not heed warnings or expert opinion. Unlike in the past, today, the world is lucky that El Niño is no longer unpredictable. About three months ago, WMO issued the first warning of the unfolding El Niño event. Sri Lanka should have sprung into action immediately afterwards.

The Ministry of Trade, Commerce, Food Security and Cooperative Development has reportedly launched a programme to ensure an uninterrupted supply of essential food items and stable prices amidst the possible global impact of the current El Niño phenomenon. It held a meeting, chaired by Minister Wasantha Samarasinghe, on Tuesday, to discuss ways and means of handling issues affecting food availability. According to media reports, the officials present at the meeting were of the view that the impact of El Niño on Sri Lanka could be minimal, but action had to be taken to face the food issues that might arise from possible disruptions to agricultural production in other countries and the resultant price escalations.

It has been reported that Tuesday’s meeting was attended by Ministry Secretary K. A. Wimalenthirarajah, Consumer Affairs Authority Chairman Hemantha Samarakoon, Cooperative Wholesale Establishment Chairman Kosala Wilbhava and Lanka Sathosa Chairman Ravindra Fernando, along with other officials and representatives of food importers. The government should involve all stakeholders in discussions on working out a strategy to accomplish the difficult task of ensuring food security, especially during disasters. A multi-sectoral approach is required, with the participation of officials and experts drawn from various fields such as trade, agricultural and irrigation and meteorology, and farmers’ organisations.

No room must be left for optimism in planning for disaster mitigation, and the country must always be ready for the worst-case scenario. In fact, the dry zone is already facing a severe water crisis, and the prevailing drought has caused widespread crop losses there. Reservoirs are drying up fast in those parts of the country while precipitation is high in some areas, especially in the central hills. El Niño is known to drive such extreme and erratic weather conditions.

The success of any strategy to mitigate the impact of El Niño or any other adverse weather or climate event hinges on timely anticipatory action, which alone can prepare a country for the impact of droughts, floods or heat waves on its public health and agriculture.

Experts have pointed out the steps Sri Lanka needs to take urgently in view of El Niño events. They include strengthening early-warning systems, adjusting planting dates and crop choice, promoting drought- and heat-tolerant crop varieties, improving irrigation efficiency, harvesting and storing more water, diversification of agriculture and rural incomes, and strengthening food storage and distribution systems. Why rainwater harvesting is not promoted in all parts of the country as a national priority is the question. It can help mitigate water issues to a considerable extent.

Meanwhile, a national strategy needs to be formulated to address the key factors that affect Sri Lanka’s agriculture sector and food security. They have been identified as adverse weather and climate shocks, low agricultural productivity, economic and forex constraints, high cost of production, disaster-related damage to food infrastructure, post-harvest losses and wildlife depredation. Sri Lanka is believed to lose roughly 20% to 30% of its fruits and vegetables after harvest, while wildlife is estimated to account for about 40% of annual crop damage.

Drought has already taken a heavy toll on food crops in the dry zone, with paddy bearing the brunt. Hence the government’s focus must be on maintaining buffer stocks of paddy. The current El Niño event is expected to continue into early 2027, but its effects will be felt even afterwards.

It defies comprehension why the government has allowed paddy/rice to be used for manufacturing animal feed and beer. Farmers’ demand for higher prices for their produce and a shortage of maize may have led the government to do so, but it should have heeded the warnings of a possible food shortage. Paddy production is bound to drop during the prevailing drought in the main rice producing areas affected by the prevailing drought, as it is highly water intensive, and therefore its diversion to animal feed or beer production must be stopped.

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Editorial

Warning of power cuts: El Niño and corruption

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Wednesday 26th August, 2026

The Public Utilities Commission of Sri Lanka (PUCSL) has warned of possible power cuts due to the prevailing El Niño phenomenon. It has said demand for electricity could rise steeply under the prevailing weather conditions, with power generation declining, if water levels in the hydropower reservoirs recede drastically. One may recall that long before the onset of El Niño, experts predicted that power cuts would have to be imposed as substandard coal stocks, procured allegedly in a fraudulent manner, had led to a generation shortfall at the Norochcholai coal-fired power complex. They also pointed out that it would not be feasible to increase the output of hydropower and oil-fired power plants indefinitely to compensate for the shortfall. But the government ignored expert opinion for political reasons. Going by the PUCSL warning, the situation has now come to a head, and the government is apparently left with no alternative but to impose power cuts.

Curiously, Director of the Water Management Secretariat of the Mahaweli Authority Nilantha Dhanapala sounded optimistic about reservoir water levels when he addressed the media the other day. He said the Mahaweli reservoirs were at 55% of capacity, with those used for hydropower generation and irrigation at 64% and 52%, respectively. Water levels in reservoirs under the Irrigation Department had reached 49% of capacity, he said, noting that the Mahaweli, Walawe and Kelani systems were at 54%, 57% and 93%, respectively. He described the overall reservoir levels as “good”. If so, why is the PUCSL so concerned about the major hydropower reservoir water levels to the extent of warning of possible power cuts?

As for the PUCSL warning, there are two possibilities. Either the picture is not as rosy as Dhanapala has made it out to be, and the government cannot sustain hydropower generation at the current level due to the impact of El Niño, or there is enough water in the hydropower reservoirs, as claimed, but the cost of running oil-fired power plants has become unbearable.

Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya has recently informed Parliament that fuel import expenditure significantly increased during the first half of the current year, compared to the corresponding period in 2025. She has said that about USD 3,168 million was spent on fuel imports during the first six months of 2026, but fuel cost only USD 1,995 million during the first half of 2025.

Chairman of the Sectoral Oversight Committee on Infrastructure and Strategic Development, SJB MP S. M. Marikkar, has told Parliament, quoting from a PUCSL report, that due to substandard coal imports, Norochcholai was unable to generate about 300MW of power needed to meet electricity demand between Jan. 1 and June 30, 2026, resulting in additional expenditure of Rs. 8,536 million on oil-fired power generation to make up for the shortfall.

Instead of having the coal procurement scam under his watch probed urgently in keeping with his promise to ensure transparency and accountability, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake sought to obfuscate the issue by appointing a Presidential Commission of Inquiry to investigate coal procurement from 2009 to 2026. JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva said in his May Day speech this year that the Presidential Commission would exonerate those from the NPP government of wrongdoing and find those from the opposition guilty. Subsequently, he apologised to the Commission for his remarks at issue, but they can be considered a Freudian slip that revealed the government’s real intention.

According to the Central Bank data, the massive increase in the country’s fuel bill is due to several key factors, such as a surge in international oil prices owing to the Iran conflict, higher import volumes, and higher expenditure on refined petroleum products. These are no doubt causative factors, but the fact remains that the shortfall in Norochcholai’s coal-fired power generation also forced the country to rely more heavily on costly oil-fired power generation, adding to its fuel import expenditure. The Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) admitted in April that it had bought three shipments of diesel between the last week of March and the second week of April at prices of between USD 288 and USD 281 per barrel. It did so following a revelation by HSBC Group’s CEO, Georges Elhedery, that the highest price he had seen paid for a barrel of oil was USD 286—and that it went to Sri Lanka. Critics claimed that the government had purchased those diesel shipments at extremely high prices because it was desperate to keep diesel-fired power plants running to make up for the drop in Norochcholai’s power output. The additional fuel used for operating oil-fired power plants to compensate for Norochcholai generation shortfall and its cost need to be estimated.

Power cuts are bound to take a heavy toll on the country’s economic recovery efforts. They could lead to lower production, higher costs, weaker exports, and ultimately slower economic recovery. There is no way the government can deny the fact that the questionable coal procurement deals have led to a shortfall in power generation, higher cost of electricity, increased tariffs and the prospect of power cuts.

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