Features
Better the known devil? Some thoughts on the politicisation of education
The 2024 general elections saw many academics on election stages and a visibly larger number in Parliament. Some of them now hold ministerial positions. Others have been appointed to various other institutions. It is unsurprising then that we academics as a class, have been looking at familiar faces in the news. Is this a new turn to a politicised university?
In 2012-2014 when I interviewed academics for my doctoral research, they referred to the politicication of our sector (education and higher education). The common understanding of this was of an interference from without. Politicians were outsiders, interfering and influencing the University Grants Commission (UGC) or the way universities worked or they were trying to place their stooges in high offices. One of my participants referred to the 1970s as the beginning of this unwarranted politicisation of academia. This has continued to date – we have seen academics being seconded to high positions in state institutions external to the education sector. (A secondment is when a public official or state employee takes leave to assume duties in a different state institution). The provision is present so that academics can provide expertise in a place where it is needed, e.g., when a children’s language expert is needed in the Ministry of Health.
When secondments are made in visibly unsuitable instances, there have been outcries and allegations of cronyism and politicisation. Still, for the longest time politicisation has entered higher education in plain sight, unnoticed by most of us, largely due to its validation through legal means. Applicants to a permanent academic position for example, respond to a call for applications which sets out the desired qualifications in a ‘scheme of recruitment’. Similarly, there are guidelines or requirements drawn up for some other positions, e.g., Director of Quality Assurance at the UGC. There is, however, a larger number of positions to which people are appointed not by a scheme of recruitment, nor nominated from a shortlist produced by a selection panel. Their names are being pulled out of a hat, as it were, by the President of the country, the Minister of Education or the UGC. There may be guiding principles set out in an Act or a regulation but these are flimsy enough to warrant appointing anyone that the ‘appointing authority’ chooses. The names in the hat are, like the magician’s silk tie, only a surprise to the audience. Let’s take the provisions of the Universities Act no. 16 of 1978.
* The President appoints the UGC Chair, Vice Chair and the five Commission members.
* The UGC then appoints other staff members of the UGC, requisitioning state employees from other state institutions if they so desire. It can also set up standing committees or ad hoc committees as it sees fit, and appoint members for those. These committees must be chaired by the Commissioners themselves.
* The UGC also appoints nearly half of the Council – the managing body of a state university. It includes several ex officio members from within the university itself, plus the UGC’s appointees, the number decided by the Act. This can be up to 15 appointees depending on the university. At present, 17 universities are governed by the Act. Each university has members appointed by the UGC in their Council, including some nominated by the Minister.
You should now have a general sense of how the management of universities are impacted each election cycle. Some of these appointments may have guidelines attached, which are vague enough to be of use to a politician, but many do not.
The Minister of Education’s remit extends over the whole of the education sector and, therefore, she (or he as the case may be) is required by law and thus has the ‘obligation’ to appoint a much larger number of people to offices – to other state universities outside the UGC (e.g., Buddhist and Pali University), to institutions such as the National Institute of Education, and so on and so forth. She also has to nominate or recommend others to the President. According to information obtained via a Right to Information request, the President has so far given nearly 50 appointments in the education sector (excluding the appointments of vice chancellors which have a selection process).
The sheer scale of such appointments across state institutions can only be imagined.
So why is this a problem? After all, academics are state employees who have experience (if not a specialisation) in the education sector. Many of them may embody a passionate work ethic, have experienced the failings of previous governments and the harm such governments have done to higher education and will, hopefully, try to do their best for the future of our institutions. As I have been asked, these positions must anyway be filled by academics so why not these particular academics? Why does the manner of appointment matter, if the Minister has the best interests of the sector at heart and thus will appoint suitable people, and if the UGC is full of similarly ‘good’ people? Why does it matter, if this is the means to change the system for the better?
It matters because by virtue of the modus of these appointments, they become political. A political appointment is one who is chosen and who works on the principle of shared networks: Who do you know for this position? Are they good?
In the best of outcomes, the position is filled by an individual who can contribute to that position and that institution through their expertise. Long term, nevertheless, there are repercussions to the sector which we should consider.
* Power circulates in a small, known circle. We rely on people we know, have heard of through other networks, etc. We cannot nominate people we don’t know, however suitable they may be.
* The nominator – be it the President, the Minister or others close to them – will, at some point, run out of known names to appoint to key positions. The burden to appoint ‘good people’ weighs on the nominator and, therefore, unknown names are treated with suspicion. How do we know they are good? One must take a chance on them but if they do not perform well, it rebounds on the nominator.
* Decision-making is easier and at the same time harder. Speaking truth to power is harder when the person sitting in the hot seat is your comrade, your friend or your friend’s friend. Loyalty makes one slightly hard of hearing when critique comes about. Hard hitting questions might be softened in light of social connections. A dissenting vote or opinion may not be raised because social connections or political comradeship might be jeopardised. Social networks make it harder for us to walk away from uncomfortable situations.
* State institutions are tied to election cycles. Boards or committees dissolve with the end of a government. Closer to general elections, officials and committee members prepare to step down to make way for the new team (or attempt to curry favour with the incoming political party to be able to continue in office).
Appointing people to positions in this way is an insidious form of politicisation because it appears to be de rigueur.
But this can, of course, be changed.
One can set up schemes of recruitment, an application process, a set of criteria for inclusion or exclusion that limit the pool of possible candidates. I do not mean to claim that these are foolproof. Lived experience tells us that it is possible to rig selections, manipulate loopholes and so on. Indeed, the academic grapevine is constantly passing on stories of such events. Still, changing this system from one that appoints people to office or committee without a selection procedure, to one involving open calls and/or selection criteria, provides an opportunity for suitable persons (with or without political connections) to apply. Such appointments need not be tied to election cycles and can also provide the public with opportunities to counter or protest less suitable candidates. It will also pave the way to strengthening the independence of our institutions.
Politicisation in this fashion is not a new problem that the NPP government has brought to us. On the contrary, de-politicisation was an election promise! It permeates all our institutions, because this is how the entire system works. This is a long-existing canker that has already weakened our governance systems and which the current government–with its much vaunted majority–is in a prime position to change for the better. Circulars can be rescinded, Acts can be amended, policies and selection criteria can be put in place. A more planned, transparent policy for appointments is surely within the realm of possibility for a government with virtually absolute power.
(Kaushalya Perera is a senior lecturer at the University of Colombo)
Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.
by Kaushalya Perera
Features
Mannar’s silent skies: Migratory Flamingos fall victim to power lines amid Wind Farm dispute
By Ifham Nizam
A fresh wave of concern has gripped conservationists following the reported deaths of migratory flamingos within the Vankalai Sanctuary—a globally recognised bird habitat—raising urgent questions about the ecological cost of large-scale renewable energy projects in the region.
The incident comes at a time when a fundamental rights petition, challenging the proposed wind power project, linked to India’s Adani Group, remains under examination before the Supreme Court, with environmental groups warning that the very risks they highlighted are now materialising.
At least two flamingos—believed to be part of the iconic migratory flocks that travel thousands of kilometres to reach Sri Lanka—were found dead after entanglement with high-tension transmission lines running across the sanctuary. Another bird was reportedly struggling for survival.
Professor Sampath Seneviratne, a leading ornithologist, expressed deep concern over the development, noting that such incidents are not isolated but indicative of a broader and predictable threat.
“These migratory birds depend on specific flyways that have remained unchanged for centuries. When high-risk infrastructure, like poorly planned power lines, intersect these routes, collisions become inevitable,” he said. “What we are witnessing now could be just the beginning if proper mitigation measures are not urgently implemented.”
Environmentalists argue that the Mannar region—particularly the Vankalai wetland complex—is one of the most critical stopover sites in South Asia for migratory waterbirds, including flamingos, pelicans, and various species of waders. The sanctuary’s ecological value has also supported a niche with growing eco-tourism sector, drawing birdwatchers from around the world.
Executive Director of the Centre for Environmental Justice, Dilena Pathragoda, said the incident underscores the urgency of judicial intervention and stricter environmental oversight.
“This tragedy is a direct consequence of ignoring scientifically established environmental safeguards. We have already raised these concerns before court, particularly regarding the location of transmission infrastructure within sensitive bird habitats,” Pathragoda said.
“Renewable energy cannot be pursued in isolation from ecological responsibility. If due process and proper environmental impact assessments are bypassed or diluted, then such losses are inevitable.”
Conservation groups have long cautioned that the installation of wind turbines and associated grid infrastructure—especially overhead transmission lines—within or near sensitive habitats could transform these landscapes into lethal zones for avifauna.
An environmental activist involved in the ongoing legal challenge said the latest deaths validate earlier warnings.
“This is exactly what we feared. Development is necessary, but not at the cost of biodiversity. When projects of this scale proceed without adequate ecological assessments and safeguards, the consequences are irreversible,” the activist stressed.
The debate has once again brought into focus the delicate balance between renewable energy expansion and biodiversity conservation. While wind energy is widely promoted as a clean alternative to fossil fuels, experts caution that “green” does not automatically mean “harmless.”
Professor Seneviratne emphasised that solutions do exist, including rerouting transmission lines, installing bird diverters, and conducting comprehensive migratory pathway studies prior to project approval.
“Globally, there are well-established mitigation strategies. The issue here is not the absence of knowledge, but the failure to apply it effectively,” he noted.
The timing of the incident is particularly worrying. Migratory flamingos typically remain in Sri Lanka until late April or May before embarking on their return journeys. Conservationists warn that if hazards remain unaddressed, larger flocks could face similar risks in the coming weeks.
Beyond ecological implications, experts also highlight potential economic fallout. Wildlife tourism—especially birdwatching—contributes significantly to local livelihoods in Mannar.
Repeated reports of bird deaths could deter eco-conscious travellers and damage the region’s reputation as a safe haven for migratory species.
Environmentalists are now calling for immediate intervention by authorities, including a temporary halt to high-risk operations in sensitive zones, pending a thorough environmental review.
They stress that protecting animal movement corridors—whether elephant migration routes or avian flyways—is a fundamental pillar of modern conservation.
As the controversy unfolds, one question looms large: can Sri Lanka pursue sustainable energy without sacrificing the very natural heritage that defines it?
Pathragoda added that for now, the sight of fallen flamingos in Mannar stands as a stark reminder that development, if not carefully planned, can carry a heavy and irreversible cost.
Features
‘Weaponizing’ religion in the pursuit of power
A picture of US President Donald Trump apparently being prayed for by supporters, appearing in sections of the international media, said it all loud and clear. That is, religion is being flagrantly leveraged or prostituted by politicians single-mindedly bent on furthering their power aspirations.
Although in the case of the US President the trend took on may be an exceptionally graphic or dramatic form, the ‘weaponizing’ of religion is nothing particularly new, nor is it confined to only religiously conservative sections of the West. For example, in South Asia it is an integral part of politics. The ‘South Asian Eight’ are notorious for it and it could be unreservedly stated that in Sri Lanka, the latter’s ethnic conflict would be more amenable to resolution if religion was not made a potent weapon by ambitious politicians of particularly the country’s South.
The more enlightened sections of Christian believers in the US may not have been able to contain their consternation at the sight of the US President apparently being ‘blessed’ by pastors claiming adherence to Christianity. Any human is entitled to be blessed but not if he is leading his country to war without exhausting all the options at his disposal to end the relevant conflict by peaceful means.
More compounded would be his problem if his directives lead to the death of civilians in the hundreds. In the latter case he is stringently accountable for the spilling of civilian blood, that is, the committing of war crimes.
However, the US along with Israel did just that in the recent bombings of Iran, for instance. The majority of the lives lost were those of civilians. If the US President is endowed with a Christian conscience he would have paused to consider that he is guilty of ordering the taking of the life of another human which is forbidden in the teachings of Jesus Christ.
Moreover, the ‘pastors’ praying over the US President should have thought on the above lines as well. May be they were in an effort to curry the President’s favour which is as blame-worthy as legitimizing in some form the taking of civilian lives. Apparently, the realisation is not dawning on all Christian conservatives of the US that some of these ‘pastors’ could very well be the proverbial false prophets and the latter are almost everywhere, even in far distant Sri Lanka.
However, the political reality ‘on the ground’ is that the Christian Right is a stable support base of the Republican Right in the US. Considering this it should not come as a surprise to the seasoned political watcher if the Christian Right, read Christian fundamentalists, are hand-in-glove, so to speak, with President Trump. But it is a scathing indictment on these rightist sections that they are all for perpetrating war and destruction and not for the fostering of peace and reconciliation. Ideally, they should have impressed on their President the dire need to make peace.
That said, political commentators should consider it incumbent on themselves to point out that religion is being ‘weaponized’ in Iran as well. Theocratic rule in Iran has been essentially all about perpetuating the power of the clerical class. The reasons that led to the Islamic Revolution in Iran are complex and the indiscreet Westernization of Iran under the Shah dynasty is one of these but one would have expected Iran to develop from then on into a multi-party, pluralistic democratic state where people would be enjoying their fundamental rights, as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, for example.
Moreover, Iran should have taken it upon itself to be a champion of world peace, in keeping with its Islamic credentials. But some past regimes in Iran had vowed to virtually bomb Israel out of existence and such regional policy trajectories could only bring perpetual conflict and war. Considering the current state of the Middle East it could be said that the unfettered playing out of these animosities is leading the region and the world to ‘reap the whirlwind’, having recklessly ‘sowed the wind’.
However, religious fundamentalism-inspired conflict and war has spread well beyond the Middle East into almost every region since 1979, the year of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. So much so, knowledgeable opinion now points out that religious identity has come to replace nationalism as a principal shaper of international politics or “geopolitics”, as quite a few sections misleadingly and incorrectly term it.
Elaborating on the decisive influence of religious identity, the well known and far traveled Western journalist Patrick Cockburn says in his authoritative and comprehensive book titled, ‘The Age of Jihad – Islamic State and the Great War for the Middle East’ at page 428 in connection with the war in Chechnya ; ‘If nationalism was not entirely dead, it no longer provided the ideological glue necessary to hold together and motivate people who were fighting a war. Unlike the Islamic faith, it was no longer a belief or a badge of identity for which people would fight very hard.’ (The book in reference was published by VERSO, London and New York).
In his wide coverage of Jihadist Wars the world over Cockburn goes on to state that today a call from a cleric could motivate his followers to lay down no less than their lives for a cause championed by the former. The 9/11 catastrophe alone should convince the observer that this is indeed true.
However, as often pointed out in this column, there is no alternative but to foster peace and reconciliation if a world free of bloodshed and strife is what is being sought. Fortunately we are not short of illustrious persons from the East and West who have shone a light on how best to get to a degree of peace. Besides Mahatma Gandhi of India, who was the subject of this column last week, we have former President of Iran Mohammad Khatami, who made a case for a ‘Dialogue of Civilizations’ rather than a ‘Clash of Civilizations’.
The time is more than ripe to take a leaf from these illustrious personalities, for, the current state of war in the Middle East has raised the possibility of a war that could transcend regional boundaries. The antagonists are obliged to exhaust all the peaceful options with the assistance of the UN system. Besides, war cannot ever have the blessings of the sane.
Features
Venerable Rahula Thera’s 35-year green mission and national Namal Uyana
It was 35 years ago, on March 28, 1991, that Venerable Rahula Thera, then a young monk, embarked on a journey to the Na forest in Ulpathagama, Palagama, in the Anuradhapura District. Today, three and a half decades later, this mission stands as living proof of the enduring bond between Buddhist philosophy and the natural world.
Marking the 35th year of this green mission, Rahula Thera’s relentless dedication has transformed the National Namal Uyana into an environmental landmark admired not only across Sri Lanka but around the globe, as well.
When studying the life of Venerable Rahula Thera, one cannot ignore the profound connection between Buddhism and the environment. Buddhism is a philosophy deeply attuned to nature. The historical use of the sacred “Na Ruka” by all four Buddhas: Mangala Buddha, Sumana Buddha, Revata Buddha, and Sobhita Buddha — for enlightenment —demonstrates that from time immemorial, Buddhism has maintained a sacred bond with the Na tree. From the birth of Siddhartha to his enlightenment, the propagation of the Dharma, and even the great Parinirvana, all of these milestones unfolded in verdant, living landscapes.
Venerable Rahula Thera did not embark on the Namal Uyana mission seeking government support or personal gain. His commitment sprang from a deep devotion to the Buddha’s teachings on grove cultivation. A grove cultivator is one who spreads compassion for nature. As the Vanaropa Sutta teaches:
Venerable Rahula Thera reclaimed Namal Uyana which was then under the control of timber smugglers and treasure hunters. The term “Wanawasi” does not merely mean living in a forest; it signifies finding rest and enlightenment through nature, free from the destructive roots of greed, sin, and delusion.
Another defining aspect of Venerable Rahula Thera’s 35-year mission is the purification of the human mind. He has consistently taught the thousands who visit Namal Uyana that a person who loves a tree will never harm another human being. As the Dhamma proclaims:
It is important to remember that Venerable Rahula Thera devoted his life, without fear, speaking the truth and taking necessary action, tirelessly advancing the national mission he began. From 1991 to the present, he has worked with every government elected by the people, maintaining impartiality and independence from political ideology. Yet, he never hesitated to raise his voice fearlessly against any individual, of any rank or party, who committed wrongdoing.
Religious and Social Mission
The National Namal Uyana is not merely a forest; it is a magnificent heritage site, dating back to ancient times. Scattered across the landscape are boundary walls, the remains of ancient monastery complexes, and stone carvings believed to date back to the reign of King Devanampiyatissa. In earlier centuries, this sacred land had served as a meditation sanctuary for hundreds of monks. The name “National Namal Uyana,” by which this ecological and archaeological treasure is known today, was introduced by Venerable Rahula Thera in 1991. The government’s later recognition of the site as the National Namal Uyana stands as a significant achievement for both religion and national heritage.
Venerable Rahula Thera is a monk who has lived a life of renunciation. A striking example of this is his decision not to assume the position of Chief Incumbent of the National Namal Uyana Viharaya, instead entrusting the temple to the Ramanna Nikaya and its trustees. In doing so, he set a precedent for the contemporary Sangha. The Thera himself stated that he was merely the trustee of Namal Uyana, not its owner.
Legacy and Continuing Inspiration
The 35th anniversary of Venerable Wanawasi Rahula Thera’s arrival at Namal Uyana is not merely the commemoration of a period of time; it is a message of nature to future generations. Through his work, the Thera revived the ancient Hela tradition of loving trees and venerating the environment as something sacred. This religious and environmental mission remains unforgettable.
The revival experienced by Namal Uyana, after the arrival of Venerable Wanawasi Rahula Thera, is beyond simple description. Some of the major accomplishments achieved under his leadership include:
* Securing and protecting the largest Rose Quartz (Rosa Thirivana) reserve in South Asia.
* Restoring the Na forest spread across hundreds of acres, providing shelter to numerous rare plants and animal species.
* Transforming the area into a living centre for environmental education, offering practical learning experiences for thousands of schoolchildren and university students.
* Drawing the attention of world leaders and international environmentalists to Sri Lanka’s unique environmental heritage.
In recognition of his immense contribution to environmental conservation, Venerable Rahula Thera was honoured with the Presidential Environment Award and the Green Award in 2004—a significant moment in his life. Yet the Thera himself has always remained devoted to the work rather than the recognition it brings, making such appreciation even more meaningful.
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