Opinion
Anagarika Dharmapala’s contribution to restoration of Buddha Sasana in India
By Rohana R. Wasala
It seems I was born to restore the Sasana in India. When I started Buddhist work in India, a lot of lay Buddhists as well as Bhikkhus in Ceylon started working against me. They did not accept my advice……… I left Ceylon and went to India to do the work for the Sasana because there was no one to do that work….. In February 1906, my father passed away. Mrs Mary Foster came to my rescue. Mrs Foster is the modern Vishaka. She is helping the Sasana through me……..The well-to-do Sinhalese have no patriotic love for the land. They run after the British. Our leaders are disunited in faith and nationality. I am leaving a country with a slave mentality due to the Missionary education which is unpatriotic, which is not eager to find modern technologies. Uncultured manners are regarded highly in the society………….. To improve the life of the foolish Sinhalese is a difficult task. Economically they cannot be uplifted. They are lazy. They do not have a vision for progress. They do not have an urge to safeguard the Buddha Sasana….. Even now, Buddhists who did not contribute a cent towards my work in India, questioned me about the details of the accounts. They know only to criticize me and question me about accounts.
Anagarika Dharmapala (‘My Life Story’, ed. Lakshman Jayawardane, Sarasavi Publishers, Nugegoda, Sri Lanka, 2013)
(My opinion is that it is important to interpret the Anagarika, his language and ideas, as reflected in the above extract, in relation to the historical context in which he lived and worked. We today realise how accurate he was in his observations about the moral and economic degeneration of a great nation that suffered under foreign rule for centuries and its lost genius that needed to be restored through its own efforts under a good leadership. Aren’t we still struggling to live down that national humiliation amidst predatory interferences from the descendents of those former colonisers? Contrary to the negative view that most modern Sri Lankans seem to have been brainwashed to entertain about him due to decades of anti-national propaganda, shouldn’t we appreciate how far ahead of his time Anagarika Dharmapala actually was? He is criticised for having been ‘hostile’ towards the ‘minorities’. But were the ‘minorities’ then comparable to the minorities that the majority Sinhala Buddhists coexist peacefully with today? Which minority then thought about the historical homeland of the Sinhalese with the same degree of self-denying love and devotion as they did?)
The 157th Anagarika Dharmapala birth anniversary falls today. To mark this occasion, I thought it appropriate to write about the contribution he made to the revival of Buddhism in the land of its birth.
Anagarika Dharmapala contrived to closely interact with Mahatma Gandhi and other leaders of the Indian independence movement such as Jawaharlal Nehru, Rajendra Prasad, Muslim leader Shaukat Ali, Madan Mohan Malaviya and poet, philosopher and writer Rabindranath Tagore in the early decades of the last (20th) century, and achieved what he could for his own cause in India. Dharmapala was active as a Buddhist missionary who was determined to revive Buddhism in the country where it originated, initiating his campaign by trying to reclaim Buddha Gaya to world Buddhists, among whom he considered the Sinhalese to be foremost as the Custodians of Theravada Buddhism, generally regarded as the pristine form of the Dharma preached by Gautama Buddha. He wanted to take the word of the Buddha to the Western world as well as to strengthen ties with the Buddhist countries of the East. Apart from being in the same boat in terms of their respective life missions, chronologically too they were close to each other: Dharmapala was the senior having been born on September 17, 1864. Gandhi was junior to him by five years, for he was born on October 2, 1869. Close contemporaneity and shared cultural affinity made interaction between the two easier and more natural. This was significant because, by then, Mahatma Gandhi was already a man on a pedestal for many in India.
Having said that, it is essential to make an important distinction between Dharmapala and Gandhi as visionary men committed to great missions. Gandhi was more a political pragmatist than a spiritual visionary. Dharmapala kept to his chosen Buddhist missionary role and adopted an unwaveringly apolitical approach to his mission. But this was ignored by the British colonial government, which, during the 1915 Riot, for fear that Dharmapala’s potential presence in Sri Lanka in the years following would be problematic, quite arbitrarily subjected him to a five year long term of house arrest (1915-1920) in Calcutta, where he was then engaged in his normal missionary activities. It was virtually, a punishing term of internment for a constantly active, mobile individual like Dharmapala. Gandhi, on the other hand, in his failure to work with Muslim leaders without compromising legitimate Hindu interests, earned the murderous wrath of a group of Hindu nationalists.
Passage of time and emerging new research studies about them enable us to put them into perspective, and make fresh assessments of their personalities, individual perceptions and achievements. To name just two examples among many books concerning Gandhi, we have “The Gift of Anger: And Other Lessons from My Grandfather Mahatma Gandhi” by Arun Gandhi (2018) that provides evidence of a less admirable aspect of his personality which, if not suppressed by himself, would have been a stain on his nonviolent image (but Gandhi himself viewed anger as an empowering emotion that should not be abused), and “Gandhi in South Africa: A Racist or Liberator?” by Dr Siby K. Joseph (2019) which reveals that he was not initially free from a streak of racist prejudice against black Africans though, as a lawyer, he stood up for their independence and human rights. Regarding Anagarika Dharmapala, there is Dr Sarath Amunugama’s “Lion’s Roar” (2016), which, taking the facts of his life and times into consideration, seems to follow a more cautious, if unconvincing, middle course between passionate admirers of the iconic figure and his traditionally biased detractors, though the book repeats the unfounded eurocentric ‘protestant Buddhism’ thesis to describe the indigenous Buddhist revival movement which Dharmapala saw the beginning of, and which he enriched with his own epochal contribution.
Such deconstructive literature about Dharmapala and Gandhi has by now exposed their feet of clay as well as their focal strengths, and made them credibly and acceptably more human in the public perception. Both were great men and played truly heroic roles in the national and international causes that they championed; Gandhi was the leading anti-colonial Indian nationalist of his time, and the model political ethicist; the non-violent resistance movement that he led ultimately won India its independence from Britain, but failed to prevent the partition of India on August 15, 1947 into two independent states that resulted in two million deaths and 14 million displaced, and in his own assassination a few months later, on January 30, 1948. Dharmapala had to be satisfied with only partial success in his endeavour to acquire Buddha Gaya for Buddhists. But their monumental legacies have left indelible marks on the history of their nations and on that of the world at large, though these are hardly recognized, particularly in respect of Anagarika Dharmapala.
In the 1940s, Gandhi opposed the partition and worked with some Muslim leaders such as the famous Ali brothers, the Maulanas Shaukat and Mohamed Ali, and his friend Badhshah Khan, who shared his vision of an independent India based on religious multiculturalism. The Ali brothers were the leaders of the anti-British Khilafat Movement of Indian Muslims who demanded justice for the Sunni Islamic Turkey (Ottoman Empire). Gandhi’s actively supportive association with that organization made him temporarily popular among the Muslims. But with the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire after WWI and the establishment of the Republic of Turkey under Mustafa Kemal Ataturk in 1923, the Khilafat Movement also ended in 1924. Gandhi and Badhshah Khan had wanted Hindus and Muslims each to open their places of worship to the other for prayer. The Hindus offered their temples to Muslims for prayer, but the Muslims were not ready to reciprocate the conciliatory gesture. The Hindus’ tolerant and accommodating attitude, and the Muslims’ less liberal response are not surprising to anyone who has a basic comparative knowledge of Hinduism and Islam in this respect. It was obvious that Gandhi did not know enough about the second to avoid such embarrassment among his own people, although he had claimed he had a good knowledge of Islam’s holy book.
Dharmapala met and made friends with Shaukat Ali and tried to enlist Muslim support on his struggle to legally take possession of the Buddha Gaya holy place for Buddhists. When Ali visited Colombo in 1921, he spoke in support of Gandhi’s work in India for promoting Hindu-Muslim unity. Dharmapala wrote articles in Sinhala expressing solidarity with Indian Muslims engaged in the Khilafat agitation, but he was shrewd enough not to expect the impossible from Muslims unlike Gandhi. His love of peaceful Hindu-Muslim co-existence was utilitarian: he wanted the assistance of both Hindu and Muslim leaders on his struggle at the Buddha’s birthplace. Though Dharmapala was able to gain only partial control of the place for Buddhists, he had better luck at Sarnath. He had founded his Mahabodhi Society with the idea of reclaiming Buddhist sites in India. He bought a plot of land at Sarnath and built the impressive Mulagandhakuti Vihara, which he was able to complete in 1930. It became the main centre of Buddhist worship in India, which it remains even today, as Amunugama says. It drew the admiration not only of Buddhists, but of the colonial government and that of Indian national leaders Nehru, Tagore, and Malaviya. Dharmapala’s remarkable success in causing India’s lost Buddhist cultural heritage to be brought to the forefront of Indian national consciousness was not confined to this.
Buddhism, he learnt from Sir Edwin Arnold’s “Light of Asia”, he expressed his displeasure, implying that an Indian leader of Gandhi’s stature was remiss in acquiring the best part of India’s spiritual knowledge. Dharmapala himself said that it was through the medium of English that he himself learnt the Dhamma, for at that time no decent education was available in the vernacular. People with ability to do so sent their children to English medium schools as Dharmapala’s did. But Dharmapala did learn Sinhala and Pali as well from erudite Buddhist monks.
According to the 2011 census, there were 8.4 million Buddhists in India, mostly concentrated in Maharashtra. But they belong to different sects, not only to the Theravada tradition that Dharmapala represented. The Mahayana sect is the most prevalent form of Buddhism in India today, as it is in the rest of the world. But the inspiration that Dharmapala left in India as a Buddhist revivalist is not small. He was largely responsible for getting the small village of Buddha Gaya in Bihar, where the Buddha attained Buddhahood, with its historic Mahabodhi Temple complex recognized as the most important Buddhist pilgrimage site in the Buddhist world.
Opinion
Sally Hulugalle
Sally Hulugalle was a vibrant presence, and I am only sorry that I got to know her only over the last fifteen years or so. This was because her husband, Arjuna Hulugalle, who was distantly connected to my family through a Kurunegala link, got in touch with me in the aftermath of the war, for he was involved in various projects to help the people of the north.
I was able to get for his very worthy initiatives a lot of support, all on a small scale, from the Japanese government, through their hyper-active Deputy Ambassador, Mr Ishizuka, with whom I had bonded well from the time I took over the Peace Secretariat.
I would visit Arjuna at his house, and there I met his wife Sally, the daughter of a Civil Servant whose distinguished children included Barbara Sansoni. Sally was dedicated to social service, and was deeply concerned about the plight of women and children who suffered from neglect.
Having seen the appalling conditions at Mulleriyawa, where many women were incarcerated arbitrarily, given abuse of the Vagrants’ Ordinance, she set up NEST along with my old friend Kamini de Soysa. It worked at what is called the half way house for women meant to be released, but who rarely were, because they had nothing to go to. NEST gave them occupational therapy which provided a purpose in lives that were otherwise empty.
NEST also set up centres round the country which provided support to women and children in need. There were four of these when I first found out about them, though the one in Galle had to close. The other three, in Hendala and Dumbara and Kahatagasdigiliya, continue to provide yeoman service, the first two in houses belonging to NEST, the one in Dumbara having been set up after Sally received a cash prize from Norway for her work. Using what was given to her personally for those less fortunate was second nature to her.
Sally understood, in a way many of those in government responsible for those who fall through the net do not, the need for counseling, for listening to people in need, and for providing often very little things that made a substantial difference to their lives. She participated readily in the committees I set up when I was Adviser on Reconciliation to look into the plight of women and children, our recommendations extending to the rest of the country too, for I realized that government had not tried to coordinate the work of social service officials at divisional levels, and a few simple guidelines would have worked wonders.
But Mahinda Rajapaksa was not really interested in my advice and, though we had a thoughtful Ministry Secretary, Eric Illapayarachchi, he had to work with a neanderthal Minister who could not care less for the deprived. I could only think it sheer wickedness, that those in authority would not work swiftly to get rid of the Vagrants Ordinance, an archaic British law, which I was told was the only way prostitution could be stopped. That other women were swept into the net, and the way to stop prostitution was to make it illegal, not take in anyone on suspicion, were concepts beyond them.
I had another chance to make a difference when, as Chairman of the Tertiary and Vocational Education Commission, I set up a Health Sector Council. That did good work, under Dr Narme Wickremesinghe, but when I was sacked it, though it did much for nursing and pharmacology, lost interest in the counseling component of its brief, and Sally and her great friend Kusala Wettasinghe ceased to go to meetings. And since I lost my position on the National Education Commission, the efforts I had been making through the Sub-Committee on General Education to develop counseling in schools also came to naught.
But when I reflect on the failure of these efforts, I think too of the great work done by private initiatives, and how the intensity of Sally’s commitment has made such a difference to so many. This year, seeing the work of the centres at Hendala and at Kahatagasdigiliya, and the devotion of the staff to her memory, I was struck again by the way she transformed her passion for social welfare into practical support for so many. She will be greatly missed by hundreds outside the charmed circle in which she was born.
Rajiva Wijesinha
Opinion
Blueprint for economic empowerment in Sri Lanka’s gig economy
“Creating 300,000 Online Jobs:
By Dammike Kobbekaduwe,
FIPM (SL), Member-CIPM-SL, MBA(HRM)
Objectives of the Article
Assess
the viability and economic impact of creating 300,000 online jobs in Sri Lanka.
Present
a bankable business plan for investment support from financial institutions.
Outline
a detailed cost-benefit analysis, supported by viability ratios for funding eligibility.
Establish
a sustainable financial and operational model for building a skilled gig workforce.
Sri Lanka’s gig economy presents a compelling solution for youth employment, targeting 300,000 online jobs for young people, particularly those who completed GCE OL. With a goal of generating substantial monthly income streams, this project seeks to address the country’s economic challenges and stimulate growth through digital employment. While a monthly earning a realistic starting income of $300–$500 is achievable and scalable, infusing approximately $50 million monthly into the economy once the workforce reaches full capacity.
To ensure financial viability and attract investment, we conduct a comprehensive economic analysis. This document highlights key investment metrics, including viability ratios, projected cash flow, and a cost-benefit breakdown to support the proposal as a bankable doEconomic Analysis and Viability
This project’s financial feasibility and appeal for funding rely on assessing profitability and return potential. Calculations are based on the cost of infrastructure, worker setup costs, and recurring expenses.
1. Capital and Operational Costs
Capital Setup Per Worker
Laptop (16GB RAM):
LKR 300,000 (one-time purchase)
Data Plan:
LKR 8,000 per month
Electricity:
LKR 8,000 per month (solar option as a long-term cost-saving measure)
Annual Cost Per Worker
One-time Equipment Cost:
LKR 300,000
Recurring Monthly Costs:
LKR 192,000 (LKR 16,000 x 12)
Total Yearly Cost Per Worker
Year 1:
LKR 492,000
Year 2+ (Excluding Laptop):
LKR 192,000 per year
Total Initial Investment for 300,000 Workers
Laptops:
LKR 90 billion
Year 1 Recurring Costs:
LKR 57.6 billion
Initial Year Investment Requirement:
LKR 147.6 billion
2. Projected Revenue and Cash Injection
A monthly earning potential of $300–$500 per worker in Sri Lanka’s gig market (based on average entry-level online job earnings globally) provides realistic targets for cash generation.
Monthly Cash Injection at Full Capacity
Minimum Revenue Goal (300,000 workers at $300):
$90 million/month
Maximum Revenue Goal (300,000 workers at $500):
$150 million/month
Expected Economic Contribution:
$50 million/month as a sustainable average.
3. Viability Ratios and Business Metrics
To validate the project’s financial health, banks and investors can consider the following key metrics:
A. Return on Investment (ROI)
The ROI assesses the profitability relative to costs.
See FIG 1
For Year 1 (Initial setup + recurring costs):
Total Annual Revenue:
$90 million * 12 months * 300,000 = LKR 324 billion (at $300/month per worker) See FIG 2
Interpretation:
A 119.5% ROI suggests strong profitability, with returns significantly outpacing the initial investment within the first year, making it attractive for lenders and investors.
B. Break-even Point (BEP)
The BEP indicates when revenue will cover initial costs.
See FIG 3
For a $50 million monthly injection:
Interpretation: A break-even within three months reflects a rapid recovery period, underscoring the project’s viability. See FIG 4
C. Debt-Service Coverage Ratio (DSCR)
To ensure sufficient earnings to cover debt obligations, DSCR is critical for bank funding. See FIG 5
Assuming monthly operating income of LKR 3.24 billion and an estimated debt service of LKR 1.5 billion:
Interpretation:
With a DSCR above 2, the project is well-positioned for loan approval, demonstrating strong debt repayment capacity. See FIG 6
Implementation Plan for the National Gig Workforce
Phase 1: Training and Equipment Setup
Digital Literacy Programs:
Partner with local institutions to offer foundational training.
Laptop Financing:
Government-backed financing for laptops and solar installations for sustainable power solutions.
Phase 2: Skill Development and Placement
Skill Development Centers:
Partner with international e-learning platforms and host training boot camps.
Placement Programs:
Establish online job-matching platforms to connect workers with international clients.
Phase 3: Scaling and Economic Integration
Tax Incentives:
Offer tax breaks to local businesses hiring from the gig workforce.
Freelancer Support Network:
Create a national freelancer association for continued training and mentorship.
Resources Required For Workers:
Training:
Digital and language skills to enter global markets.
Equipment:
Laptops with financing options.
Connectivity:
Affordable data plans or subsidies.
For Stakeholders:
Government Initiatives:
Funding for training and incentives.
Private-Sector Partnerships: Skill development programs and job portals.
Financial Institutions: Loan products tailored for workers’ needs.
Conclusion
This plan offers a scalable solution to Sri Lanka’s unemployment crisis, particularly for young people with limited formal education. By creating 300,000 online jobs and targeting a monthly cash inflow of $50 million, the initiative supports economic resilience while empowering youth with valuable skills. A financial model based on solid viability ratios makes this project attractive to lenders, ensuring a rapid return on investment and sustainable growth.
References
International Labour Organization. (2023). The Gig Economy: Opportunities and Challenges for Youth Employment in Developing Economies. Available at: https://www.ilo.org/
Upwork. (2023). Freelancer Earnings and Trends Report. Available at: https://www.upwork.com/research
World Bank. (2022). Digital Jobs and Economic Growth:
A Guide for Developing Nations. Washington, DC: World Bank Publications.
Fiverr. (2023). Freelancer Earnings and Skill Development:
A Global Perspective. Available at: https://www.fiverr.com/research
Coursera. (2023). Skill Trends in the Digital Economy:
A Report on Online Education in Emerging Markets. Available at: https://www.coursera.com/research
Sri Lanka Department of Census and Statistics. (2023). Youth Unemployment and Educational Attainment: Annual Report.
Opinion
Hospitals and corruption
On December 2, in The Island Cassandra CRY saw the state of hospitals and corruption as separate issues, but I believe they are deeply interconnected. The dismal condition of hospitals is a direct consequence of systemic corruption. Over the past several decades, trade unions, driven by self-interest, have focused solely on advocating for their members’ rights, often at the expense of their responsibilities. This trend has affected not only hospitals but also other government and some private sector institutions.
Currently, the country is led by a political party that has heavily relied on its trade unions for promotion and political gain. Given this close relationship, restoring order should be relatively straightforward. A simple directive from the relevant ministers to their allied union leaders could be enough to initiate meaningful reforms.
S K Muthukumara
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