Features

Academic freedom: What is it and why is it important?

Published

8 months ago

2025/07/22

“When we commit ourselves to education as the practice of freedom, we participate in the making of an academic community where we can be and become intellectuals in the fullest and deepest sense of the word.”

– bell hooks (1989)

Traditionally understood, academic freedom refers to the freedom for academic communities to teach, learn, engage in research and advance scholarly inquiry, without interference. It encompasses the freedom to comment on internal university matters and also on issues of public interest without facing institutional censorship. These freedoms are vital for universities to function as places of learning and scholarship that promote critical dialogue and inquiry. They also allow university communities to hold power to account, whether inside or outside the university, and thus play a vital role in democratising society.

At a seminar on academic freedom, held at the University of Jaffna recently, the discussion opened with a question from a university teacher: “Does academic freedom mean we have the freedom to stay away from work?” While there was consensus among those present that academics at the pinnacle of the university hierarchy do enjoy considerable academic freedom in teaching, research and expressing opinions, others, especially those at lower ranks, shared concerns about what they believed was an abuse of academic freedom by teachers who do not turn up regularly to work, fail to fulfil the required number of teaching hours, place the teaching load on juniors, etc. In this article, we look at how academic freedom is framed within the state university system and the limits of our understanding and its implications.

State universities and academic freedom

The University Grants Commission (UGC) and university administrations only make fleeting references to academic freedom in their policies and guidelines where it is framed as an antithesis to academic accountability, which is now being policed by the UGC, COPE and others. A UGC policy document on academic ethics and accountability (2015) recognises that “[u]niversity teachers should have ‘Academic Freedom’ to: teach and carry out research without any interference; be open and flexible in their academic activities; and undertake activities outside their employment that enhance their intellect and professional skills…” but proposes the implementation of a ‘Workload and Work Norms Model’ to hold academics accountable. This model aims to quantify work based on a set of pre-defined standards; it recommends academics be allowed a maximum of seven hours from their minimum weekly workload for “pursuit[s] of their choice,” including those that involve remuneration.

Such directives have filtered down to the universities, which now have policies on academic accountability (not freedom). For instance, the ‘Policy on Academic Accountability’ of the University of Jaffna (2021) states: “While academic freedom is crucial for the academic achievement of the individual and as well as the University, it is necessary for a university academic to recognise and accept duties and responsibilities to fulfil.” This is followed by a lengthy list of principles in the areas of academic ethics, scholarly competence and engagement, respect for students and colleagues and, puzzlingly, “scholarly respect for the university”, which includes supporting “the mission, goals, policies, procedures, and expectations of the university.” Also based on UGC directives, universities have adopted social media guidelines that place limits on sharing views that may bring universities to disrepute; the social media guidelines for students and staff at the University of Colombo include “Non-violation of the dignity of the University as an institution,” as a core principle. While such policies and guidelines could be weaponised against teachers and students, faculty boards and senates blithely adopt them with little or no critical analysis or discussion of their implications.

At times, the attacks on academic freedom are less overt. For instance, the UGC’s Quality Assurance Framework, while compelling universities, faculties, and departments, to engage in a top-down checkbox activity that is expected to enhance quality (but often doesn’t because of its cookie-cutter approach that usually involves little consultation with academics or students), also normalises a restrictive outcome-based framework to curriculum development that compels alignment of graduate outcomes with industry requirements. The favouring of STEM research in national and university research grants and the emphasis on commercialisation, deprioritises social justice-oriented inquiry and scholarship in the social sciences and humanities. Our universities also restrict our freedom to “be” or express our identities, for instance, by policing attire, sexual activity, and erasing certain ways of being (e.g., LGBTIQ+, minority ethnicities).

Academic freedom should extend to all members of university communities, including those at the bottom of the university hierarchy. Yet, such freedom is seriously restricted for probationary lecturers, fixed-term staff and undergraduates. The hierarchical structure of the university breeds conditions for academic exploitation, sexual servitude, and other misconduct. In certain departments, junior staff take on the lion’s share of teaching, leaving them little time for research and career development. While they have little or no recourse to safe and independent grievance procedures, various other institutional barriers prevent probationary and fixed-term staff from engaging in academic life. For instance, restrictions on sitting on committees, not being encouraged to speak and participate actively at meetings, not being granted opportunities to represent the university at academic forums, and so on. Neither these staff nor students are permitted to organise meetings or events without obtaining approval at multiple levels. At the University of Peradeniya, students need to obtain eight signatures before they are granted approval to hold an event; very recently an event critical of the IMF was arbitrarily cancelled.

Although students could be a progressive force in demanding academic freedom, in Sri Lanka, not only the university administrations, but also the students threaten academic freedom. Ragging and the need to conform and follow rules set by seniors, including dress codes, is a clear example. Student unions control the kinds of events students organise and also impinge on the academic freedom of others. Quite recently, an event was cancelled at the University of Jaffna under pressure from the Student Union, who opposed the dissenting political views held by the speaker. Arguably, however, the greatest threats to academic freedom lie outside the university embedded in the political economy.

External threats to academic freedom

The security granted by tenure and collegial governance, so crucial to academic freedom, is under threat. Governments are defunding universities and rebranding them as businesses, crippling their ability to function as centres of critical thinking and inquiry. Left to generate their own funds, universities are becoming more and more reliant on course fees, and must now compete to attract students. Deep cuts to university budgets have been accompanied by a rise in the proportion of non-tenured teaching faculty. In parallel, power has steadily shifted from academic bodies like faculty boards and senates to administrators and funders—the latter including corporations. Collaboration with industry heavily shapes research agendas, rendering certain kinds of research questions off limits. The shift to outcome-based education, which prioritises skilling students for the labour market, has led to content that requires critical or analytical thinking being removed from curricula.

Rather than the pursuit of knowledge as an end in itself, the prime aim of higher education appears to be to create compliant workers for the industry.

In Sri Lanka too, this managerial model of university governance has taken hold, not least through quality assurance processes, which seem to force academic bodies into acquiescence. The freeze on hires under the economic crisis has led to a greater reliance on temporary and contract staff. The consequences of these changes to university education and, in particular, academic freedom, are felt most acutely at the lower rungs of the university hierarchy. Although state university enrolment is at an all-time high, students struggle to make end meet, as higher education is becoming increasingly unaffordable with insufficient residential facilities, rising food prices, and an overall weakening of the Free Education policy—a clear erosion of the freedom to learn.

To conclude

The emphasis on academic accountability in discussions on academic freedom may be misplaced. As state universities are being weakened by funding cuts and rampant privatisation, the UGC and university administrations are instituting policies and mechanisms to contain academic freedom. Rather than quantifying workload or introducing appraisal forms to police academic activity, the solution to deficits in accountability may be found in academic freedom itself. We should aim to create egalitarian university spaces in which power is re-distributed so that staff at all levels and students feel valued and encouraged to participate in university governance. When academic freedom is strengthened and practiced, the demands for accountability would come from within, from those very ranks whose academic freedom are trampled upon today.

(Ramya Kumar teaches at the University of Jaffna; Shamala Kumar and Sivamohan Sumathy teach at the University of Peradeniya)

Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies

by Ramya Kumar, Shamala Kumar
and Sivamohan Sumathy

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Features

Mannar’s silent skies: Migratory Flamingos fall victim to power lines amid Wind Farm dispute

Published

6 hours ago

2026/03/26

Sahan Weerasooriya

Victims: Flamingos / Birds found dead in Mannar

By Ifham Nizam

A fresh wave of concern has gripped conservationists following the reported deaths of migratory flamingos within the Vankalai Sanctuary—a globally recognised bird habitat—raising urgent questions about the ecological cost of large-scale renewable energy projects in the region.

The incident comes at a time when a fundamental rights petition, challenging the proposed wind power project, linked to India’s Adani Group, remains under examination before the Supreme Court, with environmental groups warning that the very risks they highlighted are now materialising.

At least two flamingos—believed to be part of the iconic migratory flocks that travel thousands of kilometres to reach Sri Lanka—were found dead after entanglement with high-tension transmission lines running across the sanctuary. Another bird was reportedly struggling for survival.

Professor Sampath Seneviratne, a leading ornithologist, expressed deep concern over the development, noting that such incidents are not isolated but indicative of a broader and predictable threat.

“These migratory birds depend on specific flyways that have remained unchanged for centuries. When high-risk infrastructure, like poorly planned power lines, intersect these routes, collisions become inevitable,” he said. “What we are witnessing now could be just the beginning if proper mitigation measures are not urgently implemented.”

Environmentalists argue that the Mannar region—particularly the Vankalai wetland complex—is one of the most critical stopover sites in South Asia for migratory waterbirds, including flamingos, pelicans, and various species of waders. The sanctuary’s ecological value has also supported a niche with growing eco-tourism sector, drawing birdwatchers from around the world.

Executive Director of the Centre for Environmental Justice, Dilena Pathragoda, said the incident underscores the urgency of judicial intervention and stricter environmental oversight.

“This tragedy is a direct consequence of ignoring scientifically established environmental safeguards. We have already raised these concerns before court, particularly regarding the location of transmission infrastructure within sensitive bird habitats,” Pathragoda said.

“Renewable energy cannot be pursued in isolation from ecological responsibility. If due process and proper environmental impact assessments are bypassed or diluted, then such losses are inevitable.”

Conservation groups have long cautioned that the installation of wind turbines and associated grid infrastructure—especially overhead transmission lines—within or near sensitive habitats could transform these landscapes into lethal zones for avifauna.

An environmental activist involved in the ongoing legal challenge said the latest deaths validate earlier warnings.

“This is exactly what we feared. Development is necessary, but not at the cost of biodiversity. When projects of this scale proceed without adequate ecological assessments and safeguards, the consequences are irreversible,” the activist stressed.

The debate has once again brought into focus the delicate balance between renewable energy expansion and biodiversity conservation. While wind energy is widely promoted as a clean alternative to fossil fuels, experts caution that “green” does not automatically mean “harmless.”

Professor Seneviratne emphasised that solutions do exist, including rerouting transmission lines, installing bird diverters, and conducting comprehensive migratory pathway studies prior to project approval.

“Globally, there are well-established mitigation strategies. The issue here is not the absence of knowledge, but the failure to apply it effectively,” he noted.

The timing of the incident is particularly worrying. Migratory flamingos typically remain in Sri Lanka until late April or May before embarking on their return journeys. Conservationists warn that if hazards remain unaddressed, larger flocks could face similar risks in the coming weeks.

Beyond ecological implications, experts also highlight potential economic fallout. Wildlife tourism—especially birdwatching—contributes significantly to local livelihoods in Mannar.

Repeated reports of bird deaths could deter eco-conscious travellers and damage the region’s reputation as a safe haven for migratory species.

Environmentalists are now calling for immediate intervention by authorities, including a temporary halt to high-risk operations in sensitive zones, pending a thorough environmental review.

They stress that protecting animal movement corridors—whether elephant migration routes or avian flyways—is a fundamental pillar of modern conservation.

As the controversy unfolds, one question looms large: can Sri Lanka pursue sustainable energy without sacrificing the very natural heritage that defines it?

Pathragoda added that for now, the sight of fallen flamingos in Mannar stands as a stark reminder that development, if not carefully planned, can carry a heavy and irreversible cost.

Features

‘Weaponizing’ religion in the pursuit of power

Published

6 hours ago

2026/03/26

Sahan Weerasooriya

President Donald Trump; miscalculating in M-E / Ayatollah Khomeini; Architect of Iranian Revolution

A picture of US President Donald Trump apparently being prayed for by supporters, appearing in sections of the international media, said it all loud and clear. That is, religion is being flagrantly leveraged or prostituted by politicians single-mindedly bent on furthering their power aspirations.

Although in the case of the US President the trend took on may be an exceptionally graphic or dramatic form, the ‘weaponizing’ of religion is nothing particularly new, nor is it confined to only religiously conservative sections of the West. For example, in South Asia it is an integral part of politics. The ‘South Asian Eight’ are notorious for it and it could be unreservedly stated that in Sri Lanka, the latter’s ethnic conflict would be more amenable to resolution if religion was not made a potent weapon by ambitious politicians of particularly the country’s South.

The more enlightened sections of Christian believers in the US may not have been able to contain their consternation at the sight of the US President apparently being ‘blessed’ by pastors claiming adherence to Christianity. Any human is entitled to be blessed but not if he is leading his country to war without exhausting all the options at his disposal to end the relevant conflict by peaceful means.

More compounded would be his problem if his directives lead to the death of civilians in the hundreds. In the latter case he is stringently accountable for the spilling of civilian blood, that is, the committing of war crimes.

However, the US along with Israel did just that in the recent bombings of Iran, for instance. The majority of the lives lost were those of civilians. If the US President is endowed with a Christian conscience he would have paused to consider that he is guilty of ordering the taking of the life of another human which is forbidden in the teachings of Jesus Christ.

Moreover, the ‘pastors’ praying over the US President should have thought on the above lines as well. May be they were in an effort to curry the President’s favour which is as blame-worthy as legitimizing in some form the taking of civilian lives. Apparently, the realisation is not dawning on all Christian conservatives of the US that some of these ‘pastors’ could very well be the proverbial false prophets and the latter are almost everywhere, even in far distant Sri Lanka.

However, the political reality ‘on the ground’ is that the Christian Right is a stable support base of the Republican Right in the US. Considering this it should not come as a surprise to the seasoned political watcher if the Christian Right, read Christian fundamentalists, are hand-in-glove, so to speak, with President Trump. But it is a scathing indictment on these rightist sections that they are all for perpetrating war and destruction and not for the fostering of peace and reconciliation. Ideally, they should have impressed on their President the dire need to make peace.

That said, political commentators should consider it incumbent on themselves to point out that religion is being ‘weaponized’ in Iran as well. Theocratic rule in Iran has been essentially all about perpetuating the power of the clerical class. The reasons that led to the Islamic Revolution in Iran are complex and the indiscreet Westernization of Iran under the Shah dynasty is one of these but one would have expected Iran to develop from then on into a multi-party, pluralistic democratic state where people would be enjoying their fundamental rights, as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, for example.

Moreover, Iran should have taken it upon itself to be a champion of world peace, in keeping with its Islamic credentials. But some past regimes in Iran had vowed to virtually bomb Israel out of existence and such regional policy trajectories could only bring perpetual conflict and war. Considering the current state of the Middle East it could be said that the unfettered playing out of these animosities is leading the region and the world to ‘reap the whirlwind’, having recklessly ‘sowed the wind’.

However, religious fundamentalism-inspired conflict and war has spread well beyond the Middle East into almost every region since 1979, the year of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. So much so, knowledgeable opinion now points out that religious identity has come to replace nationalism as a principal shaper of international politics or “geopolitics”, as quite a few sections misleadingly and incorrectly term it.

Elaborating on the decisive influence of religious identity, the well known and far traveled Western journalist Patrick Cockburn says in his authoritative and comprehensive book titled, ‘The Age of Jihad – Islamic State and the Great War for the Middle East’ at page 428 in connection with the war in Chechnya ; ‘If nationalism was not entirely dead, it no longer provided the ideological glue necessary to hold together and motivate people who were fighting a war. Unlike the Islamic faith, it was no longer a belief or a badge of identity for which people would fight very hard.’ (The book in reference was published by VERSO, London and New York).

In his wide coverage of Jihadist Wars the world over Cockburn goes on to state that today a call from a cleric could motivate his followers to lay down no less than their lives for a cause championed by the former. The 9/11 catastrophe alone should convince the observer that this is indeed true.

However, as often pointed out in this column, there is no alternative but to foster peace and reconciliation if a world free of bloodshed and strife is what is being sought. Fortunately we are not short of illustrious persons from the East and West who have shone a light on how best to get to a degree of peace. Besides Mahatma Gandhi of India, who was the subject of this column last week, we have former President of Iran Mohammad Khatami, who made a case for a ‘Dialogue of Civilizations’ rather than a ‘Clash of Civilizations’.

The time is more than ripe to take a leaf from these illustrious personalities, for, the current state of war in the Middle East has raised the possibility of a war that could transcend regional boundaries. The antagonists are obliged to exhaust all the peaceful options with the assistance of the UN system. Besides, war cannot ever have the blessings of the sane.

Features

Venerable Rahula Thera’s 35-year green mission and national Namal Uyana

Published

6 hours ago

2026/03/26

Sahan Weerasooriya

Venerable Rahula Thera

It was 35 years ago, on March 28, 1991, that Venerable Rahula Thera, then a young monk, embarked on a journey to the Na forest in Ulpathagama, Palagama, in the Anuradhapura District. Today, three and a half decades later, this mission stands as living proof of the enduring bond between Buddhist philosophy and the natural world.

Marking the 35th year of this green mission, Rahula Thera’s relentless dedication has transformed the National Namal Uyana into an environmental landmark admired not only across Sri Lanka but around the globe, as well.

When studying the life of Venerable Rahula Thera, one cannot ignore the profound connection between Buddhism and the environment. Buddhism is a philosophy deeply attuned to nature. The historical use of the sacred “Na Ruka” by all four Buddhas: Mangala Buddha, Sumana Buddha, Revata Buddha, and Sobhita Buddha — for enlightenment —demonstrates that from time immemorial, Buddhism has maintained a sacred bond with the Na tree. From the birth of Siddhartha to his enlightenment, the propagation of the Dharma, and even the great Parinirvana, all of these milestones unfolded in verdant, living landscapes.

Venerable Rahula Thera did not embark on the Namal Uyana mission seeking government support or personal gain. His commitment sprang from a deep devotion to the Buddha’s teachings on grove cultivation. A grove cultivator is one who spreads compassion for nature. As the Vanaropa Sutta teaches:

Venerable Rahula Thera reclaimed Namal Uyana which was then under the control of timber smugglers and treasure hunters. The term “Wanawasi” does not merely mean living in a forest; it signifies finding rest and enlightenment through nature, free from the destructive roots of greed, sin, and delusion.

Another defining aspect of Venerable Rahula Thera’s 35-year mission is the purification of the human mind. He has consistently taught the thousands who visit Namal Uyana that a person who loves a tree will never harm another human being. As the Dhamma proclaims:

It is important to remember that Venerable Rahula Thera devoted his life, without fear, speaking the truth and taking necessary action, tirelessly advancing the national mission he began. From 1991 to the present, he has worked with every government elected by the people, maintaining impartiality and independence from political ideology. Yet, he never hesitated to raise his voice fearlessly against any individual, of any rank or party, who committed wrongdoing.

Religious and Social Mission

The National Namal Uyana is not merely a forest; it is a magnificent heritage site, dating back to ancient times. Scattered across the landscape are boundary walls, the remains of ancient monastery complexes, and stone carvings believed to date back to the reign of King Devanampiyatissa. In earlier centuries, this sacred land had served as a meditation sanctuary for hundreds of monks. The name “National Namal Uyana,” by which this ecological and archaeological treasure is known today, was introduced by Venerable Rahula Thera in 1991. The government’s later recognition of the site as the National Namal Uyana stands as a significant achievement for both religion and national heritage.

Venerable Rahula Thera is a monk who has lived a life of renunciation. A striking example of this is his decision not to assume the position of Chief Incumbent of the National Namal Uyana Viharaya, instead entrusting the temple to the Ramanna Nikaya and its trustees. In doing so, he set a precedent for the contemporary Sangha. The Thera himself stated that he was merely the trustee of Namal Uyana, not its owner.

Legacy and Continuing Inspiration

The 35th anniversary of Venerable Wanawasi Rahula Thera’s arrival at Namal Uyana is not merely the commemoration of a period of time; it is a message of nature to future generations. Through his work, the Thera revived the ancient Hela tradition of loving trees and venerating the environment as something sacred. This religious and environmental mission remains unforgettable.

The revival experienced by Namal Uyana, after the arrival of Venerable Wanawasi Rahula Thera, is beyond simple description. Some of the major accomplishments achieved under his leadership include:

* Securing and protecting the largest Rose Quartz (Rosa Thirivana) reserve in South Asia.

* Restoring the Na forest spread across hundreds of acres, providing shelter to numerous rare plants and animal species.

* Transforming the area into a living centre for environmental education, offering practical learning experiences for thousands of schoolchildren and university students.

* Drawing the attention of world leaders and international environmentalists to Sri Lanka’s unique environmental heritage.

In recognition of his immense contribution to environmental conservation, Venerable Rahula Thera was honoured with the Presidential Environment Award and the Green Award in 2004—a significant moment in his life. Yet the Thera himself has always remained devoted to the work rather than the recognition it brings, making such appreciation even more meaningful.