Features
Working at Rosmead Place
Although Mr Bandaranaike had a spacious office at Senate Square in the Fort he preferred to work from 65 Rosmead Place, his home. As fancy took him, we would attend to the papers either at the dining table or in the sitting room. It was all very informal with the household activity going on around us. Sometimes the children were at home and their conversations with each other or the mother would be an interesting break from our file work.
Once, Anura, who was about seven or eight and very keen on cricket, was batting on the lawn and being given a difficult time by a young lad brought in from the village to play with him. The lad, who was three or four years older, was constantly breaking Anura’s stumps with his fast bowling. Unable to bear this any longer, Anura shouted to his father that the boy was bowling him out all the time. Without saying a word and with a file in his hand, Mr Bandaranaike walked out and told the boy that he had been brought to Colombo to play with Anura and not to keep bowling him out. That considerably improved matters and Anura continued his love of the game.
I recall too at this time, Chandrika coming home after her ballet lessons and the father introducing her to some visitors with the words “and here comes my Pavlova”. The girls, Sunethra and Chandrika, went to St Bridget’s and Anura to Royal Prep in the same car with an ayah and the morning departure always seemed very rushed. Chandrika was usually the late one. It was a habit which ran in the family except in the case of Mrs Bandaranaike who, obviously, was of more disciplined stock.
Mr Bandaranaike was a master in the usage of English language and was very particular with the style and wording in the letters which he would sign. I was very confused in the early days regarding the first line of acknowledgment of a letter which I would draft for him. When should I use the rather common `I am in receipt of your letter of such and such’ and not `I have your letter of such and such’? If I used receipt, he would say “No, I have your letter.” It left me so traumatized that at times I thought I would just toss for it. But after a while I seemed to get it right.
There was once the use of the word circa which came up in a letter drafted by M N Jilla, assistant secretary of the ministry of defence indicating that the leases to Britain of the air base at Katunayake had been done in ‘circa 1946’. This elicited a classic retort. “Circa,” Mr Bandaranaike’s lips curled contemptuously over the word, “circa 1066 perhaps, but never circa 1946.”
Mr Bandaranaike’s public speeches were pure gems with sonorous cadences studded with classical allusions. The speech he delivered at the convocation at the University of Peradeniya in 1957 had a special appeal and profoundity. He was referring appropriately enough to the new times and his quotation that afternoon was from The Garden of the Hesperides.
And none may taste the golden fruit,
Till the golden new time come,
Many a tree shall spring from shoot,
Many a flower be withered at root,
And many a song shall be dumb,
Broken and still shall be many a lute,
Or ere the new times come.
It was magical stuff and a prelude to many other similar treats.
As to official conferences, I found his first chairing of the pre-budget estimate discussions in 1956 direct, informal and at times downright hilarious, with the famous Bandaranaike brand of humour coming to full flower in situations connected with the lower human anatomy. His earlier stints as a minister of government especially in the State Council days had given him a sharp eye for the cracks and fault-lines in government business.
The discussion that day was of the home affairs ministry on the item of maintenance of rest-houses and the urgency of money for repairs and improvements. While strongly endorsing the conversion of the old style bucket-toilets with water-seal systems he regaled the company with a story of what had happened to his good friend Abraham at the old Dompe rest-house.
Apparently Abraham, an agricultural instructor, on circuit, had gone to the loo on urgent business but had rushed out shouting that he had been bitten by a cobra who had been lurking inside the receptacle. The rest-house arachchi was summoned and after due search, soon disclosed that it was not a cobra at all, but a hen that was sitting on her eggs – the toilet not having had occupancy for some weeks. The hen had fluffed up and pecked what she thought was an object descending on her. Abraham clearly was not amused at the explanation. Bandaranaike’s full-blooded tales certainly kept the usually dull budget meetings alive and greatly lightened my minute-taking.
There was another great story which someone, who was at Horagolla on the day the prime minister set apart for meeting his constituents, told us. Apparently an old acquaintance was complaining about the inordinate increase in the rent he was paying. He was finding it difficult to make, as he put it, both ends meet. What was most unconscionable was that he was being charged, as he said, “450 rupees per annum” — with the stress on the a, as in aviation. Mr Bandaranaike had echoed him saying, “Good gracious! My poor man, per a num?” and continued, “My dear fellow, that must certainly have been much more painful than paying through the nose.” I can imagine that all this was way above the head of the constituent who would have walked away both relieved at the hearing afforded him and equally mystified at the prime minister’s extreme concern.
Mr Bandaranaike loved going to the Parliament and his speeches and repartee were much enjoyed in a chamber boasting a galaxy of brilliant English speakers. All of them, each in their own way were forceful and eloquent — Colvin R de Silva of the LSSP, Pieter Keuneman of the CP, J R Jayewardene of the UNP, the brothers Robert and Philip Gunewardene among the foremost. But Mr Bandaranaike rode above them all, imperious, commanding and sardonic, cutting especially the hapless UNP opposition speakers into shreds.
His Sinhala speeches, although he hardly wrote in the language and read it with difficulty, were no less ironic and forceful. Forged in the smithy of the public platform and assisted by a phenomenal memory — the essential stock in trade of the political leader — he would translate almost word for word a complicated cluster of sentences he had a moment earlier mouthed in English. I found this bilingual competency in public speaking staggering, especially since he did not often use Sinhala in normal daily speech. The language with officials, and at home in the drawing room and at the dining table was invariably, always English.
Giving effect to his chief election pledge of Sinhala Only in 24 hours was Mr Bandaranaike’s immediate concern. As he ingenuously put it, all it needed to fulfil this pledge was to begin the process early by introducing the necessary legislation. And he proceeded to do so with one of the shortest pieces of legislation the Parliament had seen. The draft `Sinhala Only’ bill was worked on at Rosmead Place and although Mr Bandaranaike tried hard to soften its impact by permitting English and Tamil to be used for a transition period and candidates for government service to sit for examinations in those languages, the hardliners had their way and key clauses were dropped.
The introduction of the Bill in the Parliament on June 5 satisfied those important constituencies who had campaigned for the change but triggered a convulsive reaction especially in the Tamil majority areas of the country. I was personally a witness to the Tamil reaction through the satyagraha the Federal Party launched on the northern end of Galle Face Green the day the Bill was introduced. About 150 satyagrahis dressed in white were seated on the grass that morning as I drove slowly by on my way to office.
Among them were some whom I recognized – Dr E M V Naganathan and my university colleague C S Navaratnam, later MP for Chavakacheri. Soon after I had passed I learnt that the peaceful protest had been broken up by armed thugs who chased the satyagrahis off the Green.. Some of them had sought refuge in the Galle Face Hotel. Later that morning when the House convened, I was in the officials box to see Dr Naganathan come in with his head swathed in a bloody bandage. It was sad to hear the usually gentlemanly prime minister taunt the wounded MP with the words “here he is with his wounds of war.”
Trouble erupted that morning with rampaging mobs in the Pettah looting boutiques. In the Eastern Province, especially in Trincomalee and Batticaloa, mob violence broke out with attack and counter-attack by both ethnic groups. In the Gal Oya valley, in Ampara – where I was to serve in the 1970s as government agent –rumours fanned the rioting and the Sinhalese colonists, many of them labourers from the development scheme who had been given land allotments, rose against the Tamils. It was reported that over a 100 were killed and thousands made homeless in three days of rioting. This was, up to then, the worst episode of ethnic strife the country had faced. The signs for the future were not propitious.
I am certain Mr Bandaranaike was acutely concerned at what had happened and the potential for the worsening of the ethnic problem. He never indulged in communal bigotry and strove throughout 1957 to lessen the impact of the official language legislation on the Tamil people and forwarded his proposal for the ‘reasonable use of Tamil’ in the conduct of the administration. He decided to link this with the work he had been doing preparing legislation on the concept of the regional councils.
This led to opposition from extremists on both sides of the divide. Among the Sinhalese the extremists were joined by the UNP under J R Jayewardene who accused the prime minister of a colossal fraud’ and of giving in to the exaggerated claims of a small coterie of Tamils. This was ironically a complete reversal of roles of what had happened in 1955 in the run-up to the election where the SLFP had accused the UNP of betrayal of the Sinhala cause and giving in to the Tamils, through its then two-language policy.
This was another defining moment in our political history and an unfortunate phenomenon which was to recur in the future. The party in power in late 1957 – the SLFP (MEP) – was trying to foster accommodation. The party in opposition – the UNP – was parochially trying to wreck it. The equation was to be reversed many times over in my 50 years with the country’s political leaders.
In June 1957, discussions between Mr Bandaranaike and the Federal Party led by S J V Chelvanayakam commenced about the powers of the regional councils. The FP wanted regional control over land alienation, agriculture, fisheries, industries, education and health. The prime minister gave ground on Sinhalese colonization in predominantly Tamil areas and in the background of further Tamil agitation on July 25, a pact – the BC or Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam Pact was signed. It was a historic moment and symbolized Mr Bandaranaike’s genuine commitment for accommodating the Tamil community, short of language parity and the abrogation of the `Sinhala Only’ Act which the FP had demanded.
The BC Pact had brought some important concessions to the Tamils, given the then rigidly centralist policies and practices of the state. Selection of settlers on state land was left to the regional council; the councils in Tamil areas would be permitted to amalgamate and collaborate; and, although still to be specified by the Parliament, the regional councils would have certain powers over agriculture, education, health and taxation.
I recall vividly the protest campaigns that followed the disclosure of the details of the pact which were fully reported especially in the Ceylon Daily News. The protests came both from the political opposition, the UNP as well as hardliners from the prime minister’s own party. J R Jayewardene termed it a ‘betrayal of the Sinhalese’ and even Dudley Senanyake called it an ‘act of treachery’. On the Tamil side, G G Ponnambalam (who had advocated 50:50 for allocation of seats in the Parliament between the Sinhalese and the minorities before the Soulbury commissioners in 1945) saw it as an ‘abject surrender’ to the Sinhalese. But the silent majority on both sides of the divide, I felt, were relieved at the positive initiative towards harmony and future peace.
Features
Trade preferences to support post-Ditwah reconstruction
The manner in which the government succeeded in mobilising support from the international community, immediately after the devastating impact of Cyclone Ditwah, may have surprised many people of this country, particularly because our Opposition politicians were ridiculing our “inexperienced” government, in the recent past, for its inability to deal with the international community effectively. However, by now it is evident that the government, with the assistance of the international community and local nongovernmental actors, like major media organisations, has successfully managed the recovery efforts. So, let me begin by thanking them for what they have done so far.
Yet, some may argue that it is not difficult to mobilise the support for recovery efforts from the international community, immediately after any major disaster, and the real challenge is to sustain that support through the next few weeks, months and years. Because the recovery process, more specifically the post-recovery reconstruction process, requires long-term support. So, the government agencies should start immediately to focus on, in addition to initial disaster relief, a longer-term strategy for reconstruction. This is important because in a few weeks’ time, the focus of the global community may shift elsewhere … to another crisis in another corner of the world. Before that happens, the government should take initiatives to get the support from development partners on appropriate policy measures, including exceptional trade preferences, to help Sri Lanka in the recovery efforts through the medium and the long term.
Use of Trade Preferences to support recovery and reconstruction
In the past, the United States and the European Union used exceptional enhanced trade preferences as part of the assistance packages when countries were devastated by natural disasters, similar to Cyclone Ditwah. For example:
- After the devastating floods in Pakistan, in July 2010, the EU granted temporary, exceptional trade preferences to Pakistan (autonomous trade preferences) to aid economic recovery. This measure was a de facto waiver on the standard EU GSP (Generalised Scheme of Preferences) rules. The preferences, which were proposed in October 2010 and were applied until the end of 2013, effectively suspended import duties on 75 types of goods, including textiles and apparel items. The available studies on this waiver indicate that though a significant export hike occurred within a few months after the waiver became effective it did not significantly depress exports by competing countries. Subsequently, Pakistan was granted GSP+ status in 2014.
- Similarly, after the 2015 earthquakes in Nepal, the United States supported Nepal through an extension of unilateral additional preferences, the Nepal Trade Preferences Programme (NTPP). This was a 10-year initiative to grant duty-free access for up to 77 specific Nepali products to aid economic recovery after the 2015 earthquakes. This was also a de facto waiver on the standard US GSP rules.
- Earlier, after Hurricanes Mitch and Georges caused massive devastation across the Caribbean Basin nations, in 1998, severely impacting their economies, the United States proposed a long-term strategy for rebuilding the region that focused on trade enhancement. This resulted in the establishment of the US Caribbean Basin Trade Partnership Act (CBTPA), which was signed into law on 05 October, 2000, as Title II of the Trade and Development Act of 2000. This was a more comprehensive facility than those which were granted to Pakistan and Nepal.

What type of concession should Sri Lanka request from our development partners?
Given these precedents, it is appropriate for Sri Lanka to seek specific trade concessions from the European Union and the United States.
In the European Union, Sri Lanka already benefits from the GSP+ scheme. Under this arrangement Sri Lanka’s exports (theoretically) receive duty-free access into the EU markets. However, in 2023, Sri Lanka’s preference utilisation rate, that is, the ratio of preferential imports to GSP+ eligible imports, stood at 59%. This was significantly below the average utilisation of other GSP beneficiary countries. For example, in 2023, preference utilisation rates for Bangladesh and Pakistan were 90% and 88%, respectively. The main reason for the low utilisation rate of GSP by Sri Lanka is the very strict Rules of Origin requirements for the apparel exports from Sri Lanka. For example, to get GSP benefits, a woven garment from Sri Lanka must be made from fabric that itself had undergone a transformation from yarn to fabric in Sri Lanka or in another qualifying country. However, a similar garment from Bangladesh only requires a single-stage processing (that is, fabric to garment) qualifies for GSP. As a result, less than half of Sri Lanka’s apparel exports to the EU were ineligible for the preferences in 2023.
Sri Lanka should request a relaxation of this strict rule of origin to help economic recovery. As such a concession only covers GSP Rules of Origin only it would impact multilateral trade rules and would not require WTO approval. Hence could be granted immediately by the EU.
United States
Sri Lanka should submit a request to the United States for (a) temporary suspension of the recently introduced 20% additional ad valorem duty and (b) for a programme similar to the Nepal Trade Preferences Programme (NTPP), but designed specifically for Sri Lanka’s needs. As NTPP didn’t require WTO approval, similar concessions also can be granted without difficulty.
Similarly, country-specific requests should be carefully designed and submitted to Japan and other major trading partners.
(The writer is a retired public servant and can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)
by Gomi Senadhira
Features
Lasting power and beauty of words
Novelists, poets, short story writers, lyricists, politicians and columnists use words for different purposes. While some of them use words to inform and elevate us, others use them to bolster their ego. If there was no such thing called words, we cannot even imagine what will happen to us. Whether you like it or not everything rests on words. If the Penal Code does not define a crime and prescribe a punishment, judges will not be able to convict criminals. Even the Constitution of our country is a printed document.
A mother’s lullaby contains snatches of sweet and healing words. The effect is immediate. The baby falls asleep within seconds. A lover’s soft and alluring words go right into his or her beloved. An army commander’s words encourage soldiers to go forward without fear. The British wartime Prime Minister Winston Churchill’s words still ring in our ears: “… we shall defend our Island, whatever the cost may be, we shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender …”
Writers wax eloquent on love. English novelist John Galsworthy wrote: “Love is no hot-house flower, but a wild plant, born of a wet night, born of an hour of sunshine; sprung from wild seed, blown along the road by a wild wind. A wild plant that, when it blooms by chance within the hedge of our gardens, we call a flower; and when it blooms outside we call a weed; but flower or weed, whose scent and colour are always wild.” While living in a world dominated by technology, we often hear a bunch of words that is colourless and often cut to verbal ribbons – “How R U” or “Luv U.” Such words seem to squeeze the life out of language.
Changing medium
Language is a constantly changing medium. New words and forms arrive and old ones die out. Whoever thought that the following Sinhala words would find a place in the Oxford English Dictionary? “Asweddumize, Avurudu, Baila, Kiribath, Kottu Roti, Mallung, Osari, Papare, Walawwa and Watalappan.” With all such borrowed words the English language is expanding and remains beautiful. The language helps us to express subtle ideas clearly and convincingly.
You are judged by the words you use. If you constantly use meaningless little phrases, you will be considered a worthless person. When you read a well-written piece of writing you will note how words jump and laugh on the paper or screen. Some of them wag their tails while others stand back like shy village belles. However, they serve a useful purpose. Words help us to write essays, poems, short stories and novels. If not for the beauty of the language, nobody will read what you write.
If you look at the words meaningfully, you will see some of them tap dancing while others stand to rigid attention. Big or small, all the words you pen form part of the action or part of the narrative. The words you write make your writing readable and exciting. That is why we read our favourite authors again and again.
Editorials
If a marriage is to succeed, partners should respect and love each other. Similarly, if you love words, they will help you to use them intelligently and forcefully. A recent survey in the United States has revealed that only eight per cent of people read the editorial. This is because most editorials are not readable. However, there are some editorials which compel us to read them. Some readers collect such editorials to be read later.
Only a lover of words would notice how some words run smoothly without making a noise. Other words appear to be dancing on the floor. Some words of certain writers are soothing while others set your blood pounding. There is a young monk who is preaching using simple words very effectively. He has a large following of young people addicted to drugs. After listening to his preaching, most of them have given up using illegal drugs. The message is loud and clear. If there is no demand for drugs, nobody will smuggle them into the country.
Some politicians use words so rounded at the edges and softened by wear that they are no longer interesting. The sounds they make are meaningless and listeners get more and more confused. Their expressions are full of expletives the meaning of which is often soiled with careless use of words.
Weather-making
Some words, whether written or spoken, stick like superglue. You will never forget them. William Vergara in his short essay on weather-making says, “Cloud-seeding has touched off one of the most baffling controversies in meteorological history. It has been blamed for or credited with practically all kinds of weather. Some scientists claim seeding can produce floods and hail. Others insist it creates droughts and dissipates clouds. Still others staunchly maintain it has no effect at all. The battle is far from over, but at last one clear conclusion is beginning to emerge: man can change the weather, and he is getting better at it.”
There are words that nurse the ego and heal the heart. The following short paragraph is a good example. S. Radhakrishnan says, “In every religion today we have small minorities who see beyond the horizon of their particular faith, not through religious fellowship is possible, not through the imposition of any one way on the whole but through an all-inclusive recognition that we are all searchers for the truth, pilgrims on the road, that we all aim at the same ethical and spiritual standard.”
There are some words joined together in common phrases. They are so beautiful that they elevate the human race. In the phrase ‘beyond a shadow of doubt’, ‘a shadow’ connotes a dark area covering light. ‘A doubt’ refers to hesitancy in belief. We use such phrases blithely because they are exquisitely beautiful in their structure. The English language is a repository of such miracles of expression that lead to deeper understanding or emphasis.
Social media
Social media use words powerfully. Sometimes they invent new words. Through the social media you can reach millions of viewers without the intervention of the government. Their opinion can stop wars and destroy tyrants. If you use the right words, you can even eliminate poverty to a great extent.
The choice of using powerful words is yours. However, before opening your mouth, tap the computer, unclip a pen, write a lyric or poem, think twice of the effect of your writing. When you talk with a purpose or write with pleasure, you enrich listeners and readers with your marvellous language skills. If you have a command of the language, you will put across your point of view that counts. Always try to find the right words and change the world for a better place for us to live.
By R. S. Karunaratne
karunaratners@gmail.com
Features
Why Sri Lanka Still Has No Doppler Radar – and Who Should Be Held Accountable
Eighteen Years of Delay:
Cyclone Ditwah has come and gone, leaving a trail of extensive damage to the country’s infrastructure, including buildings, roads, bridges, and 70% of the railway network. Thousands of hectares of farming land have been destroyed. Last but not least, nearly 1,000 people have lost their lives, and more than two million people have been displaced. The visuals uploaded to social media platforms graphically convey the widespread destruction Cyclone Ditwah has caused in our country.
The purpose of my article is to highlight, for the benefit of readers and the general public, how a project to establish a Doppler Weather Radar system, conceived in 2007, remains incomplete after 18 years. Despite multiple governments, shifting national priorities, and repeated natural disasters, the project remains incomplete.
Over the years, the National Audit Office, the Committee on Public Accounts (COPA), and several print and electronic media outlets have highlighted this failure. The last was an excellent five-minute broadcast by Maharaja Television Network on their News First broadcast in October 2024 under a series “What Happened to Sri Lanka”
The Agreement Between the Government of Sri Lanka and the World Meteorological Organisation in 2007.
The first formal attempt to establish a Doppler Radar system dates back to a Trust Fund agreement signed on 24 May 2007 between the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) and the World Meteorological Organisation (WMO). This agreement intended to modernize Sri Lanka’s meteorological infrastructure and bring the country on par with global early-warning standards.
The World Meteorological Organisation (WMO) is a specialized agency of the United Nations established on March 23, 1950. There are 193 member countries of the WMO, including Sri Lanka. Its primary role is to promote the establishment of a worldwide meteorological observation system and to serve as the authoritative voice on the state and behaviour of the Earth’s atmosphere, its interaction with the oceans, and the resulting climate and water resources.
According to the 2018 Performance Audit Report compiled by the National Audit Office, the GoSL entered into a trust fund agreement with the WMO to install a Doppler Radar System. The report states that USD 2,884,274 was deposited into the WMO bank account in Geneva, from which the Department of Metrology received USD 95,108 and an additional USD 113,046 in deposit interest. There is no mention as to who actually provided the funds. Based on available information, WMO does not fund projects of this magnitude.
The WMO was responsible for procuring the radar equipment, which it awarded on 18th June 2009 to an American company for USD 1,681,017. According to the audit report, a copy of the purchase contract was not available.
Monitoring the agreement’s implementation was assigned to the Ministry of Disaster Management, a signatory to the trust fund agreement. The audit report details the members of the steering committee appointed by designation to oversee the project. It consisted of personnel from the Ministry of Disaster Management, the Departments of Metrology, National Budget, External Resources and the Disaster Management Centre.
The Audit Report highlights failures in the core responsibilities that can be summarized as follows:
· Procurement irregularities—including flawed tender processes and inadequate technical evaluations.
· Poor site selection
—proposed radar sites did not meet elevation or clearance requirements.
· Civil works delays
—towers were incomplete or structurally unsuitable.
· Equipment left unused
—in some cases for years, exposing sensitive components to deterioration.
· Lack of inter-agency coordination
—between the Meteorology Department, Disaster Management Centre, and line ministries.
Some of the mistakes highlighted are incomprehensible. There is a mention that no soil test was carried out before the commencement of the construction of the tower. This led to construction halting after poor soil conditions were identified, requiring a shift of 10 to 15 meters from the original site. This resulted in further delays and cost overruns.
The equipment supplier had identified that construction work undertaken by a local contractor was not of acceptable quality for housing sensitive electronic equipment. No action had been taken to rectify these deficiencies. The audit report states, “It was observed that the delay in constructing the tower and the lack of proper quality were one of the main reasons for the failure of the project”.
In October 2012, when the supplier commenced installation, the work was soon abandoned after the vehicle carrying the heavy crane required to lift the radar equipment crashed down the mountain. The next attempt was made in October 2013, one year later. Although the equipment was installed, the system could not be operationalised because electronic connectivity was not provided (as stated in the audit report).
In 2015, following a UNOPS (United Nations Office for Project Services) inspection, it was determined that the equipment needed to be returned to the supplier because some sensitive electronic devices had been damaged due to long-term disuse, and a further 1.5 years had elapsed by 2017, when the equipment was finally returned to the supplier. In March 2018, the estimated repair cost was USD 1,095,935, which was deemed excessive, and the project was abandoned.
COPA proceedings
The Committee on Public Accounts (COPA) discussed the radar project on August 10, 2023, and several press reports state that the GOSL incurred a loss of Rs. 78 million due to the project’s failure. This, I believe, is the cost of constructing the Tower. It is mentioned that Rs. 402 million had been spent on the radar system, of which Rs. 323 million was drawn from the trust fund established with WMO. It was also highlighted that approximately Rs. 8 million worth of equipment had been stolen and that the Police and the Bribery and Corruption Commission were investigating the matter.
JICA support and project stagnation
Despite the project’s failure with WMO, the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) entered into an agreement with GOSL on June 30, 2017 to install two Doppler Radar Systems in Puttalam and Pottuvil. JICA has pledged 2.5 billion Japanese yen (LKR 3.4 billion at the time) as a grant. It was envisaged that the project would be completed in 2021.
Once again, the perennial delays that afflict the GOSL and bureaucracy have resulted in the groundbreaking ceremony being held only in December 2024. The delay is attributed to the COVID-19 pandemic and Sri Lanka’s economic crisis.
The seven-year delay between the signing of the agreement and project commencement has led to significant cost increases, forcing JICA to limit the project to installing only one Doppler Radar system in Puttalam.
Impact of the missing radar during Ditwah
As I am not a meteorologist and do not wish to make a judgment on this, I have decided to include the statement issued by JICA after the groundbreaking ceremony on December 24, 2024.
“In partnership with the Department of Meteorology (DoM), JICA is spearheading the establishment of the Doppler Weather Radar Network in the Puttalam district, which can realize accurate weather observation and weather prediction based on the collected data by the radar. This initiative is a significant step in strengthening Sri Lanka’s improving its climate resilience including not only reducing risks of floods, landslides, and drought but also agriculture and fishery“.
Based on online research, a Doppler Weather Radar system is designed to observe weather systems in real time. While the technical details are complex, the system essentially provides localized, uptotheminute information on rainfall patterns, storm movements, and approaching severe weather. Countries worldwide rely on such systems to issue timely alerts for monsoons, tropical depressions, and cyclones. It is reported that India has invested in 30 Doppler radar systems, which have helped minimize the loss of life.
Without radar, Sri Lanka must rely primarily on satellite imagery and foreign meteorological centres, which cannot capture the finescale, rapidly changing weather patterns that often cause localized disasters here.
The general consensus is that, while no single system can prevent natural disasters, an operational Doppler Radar almost certainly would have strengthened Sri Lanka’s preparedness and reduced the extent of damage and loss.
Conclusion
Sri Lanka’s inability to commission a Doppler Radar system, despite nearly two decades of attempts, represents one of the most significant governance failures in the country’s disastermanagement history.
Audit findings, parliamentary oversight proceedings, and donor records all confirm the same troubling truth: Sri Lanka has spent public money, signed international agreements, received foreign assistance, and still has no operational radar. This raises a critical question: should those responsible for this prolonged failure be held legally accountable?
Now may not be the time to determine the extent to which the current government and bureaucrats failed the people. I believe an independent commission comprising foreign experts in disaster management from India and Japan should be appointed, maybe in six months, to identify failures in managing Cyclone Ditwah.
However, those who governed the country from 2007 to 2024 should be held accountable for their failures, and legal action should be pursued against the politicians and bureaucrats responsible for disaster management for their failure to implement the 2007 project with the WMO successfully.
Sri Lanka cannot afford another 18 years of delay. The time for action, transparency, and responsibility has arrived.
(The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the policy or position of any organization or institution with which the author is affiliated).
By Sanjeewa Jayaweera
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