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IMPERIALISM ON TRIAL

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N.M. Perera

Statement from the Dock of Dr. N .M. Perera, Member of the State Council

(Comrade N.M. Perera’s statement from the dock on the 8th of February, 8, 1944, when he was tried at the Kandy Magistrate’s Court on the charge of escaping from lawful custody. He was convicted by the Magistrate and sentenced to six months’ rigorous imprisonment and fined of Rs. 100. This was the maximum penalty the law could exact from our comrade. Editor, Samasamajist)

(Excerpted from NM: in his own words and as seen by others – birth centenary publication)

Sir, I am proud to be the accused today. I am not the accused but the accuser. It is not I who am on trial today, but H.E. the Governor and the nefarious system of which he is an instrument. My trial will serve once again, as so often before, from the trial of Bracegirdle onward, to uncover the mask of hypocrisy that shrouds British imperialism, and expose the naked hideousness of the ugly monster that it really is.

This trial symbolizes in richfulness the struggle of the millions of workers and peasants of Ceylon to be free from the shameful exploitation to which they have been subjected to for centuries.

Languished in jail

Arrested without any order and without any specific charges we have languished in jail ever since June 1940, without even the pretense of a trial. It is indeed fitting that our arrest, with the written consent of a great Buddhist, should have synchronized with the pinnacling of the Ruwanweliseya Dagoba by that very same personage. The one was as much a watershed in the history of the country as the other. If the One symbolized the revival of Buddhist culture, the other symbolized the struggle of the masses of a subject race to be free.

It is fitting also that the man who wished to rejuvenate the past should also be the man who wished to throttle the future. History is more likely to curse him for the latter than venerate him for the former.

What crimes have my colleagues and I committed to merit arrest? We have indeed many to our credit. Ever since 1933 we have devoted our full energies towards disseminating the principles of scientific socialism, and the developing of a mass revolutionary movement for the attainment of socialism.

Politics at this stage in Ceylon was still less a matter of principles than personalities. And politics and political discussion were the exclusive concern of the intelligentsia and confined to the high circles of Cinnamon Gardens and the lofty atmosphere of Nuwara Eliya. Explaining the rudiments of politics, we are glad, we were the first to draw the masses into the vortex of the political struggle. A mass political organization was still unknown at that stage and to our credit lies the creation of the first of its kind.

After we entered the State Council we had many more crimes to account for. If we have fought for free schoolbooks for poor children, for a free midday meal to the needy children, for more dispensaries and hospitals, for more and better trained midwives, for maternity benefits for poor expectant mothers, for land for the landless, for higher wages and shorter working hours, for work or unemployment benefits for the unemployed, for workmen’s compensation, these are some of our crimes.

We have successfully organized workers into Trade Unions, particularly in the Up-country estate areas the All-Ceylon Estate Workers Union, thereby not merely have the stature and the class consciousness of the workers been raised, but also their ruthless exploitation by callous and unscrupulous employers has been curbed. But there is one crime which is the most heinous of them all, and for which neither the imperialists nor their brown henchmen would ever forgive us. We have led the fight against British imperialism for the freedom of the country.

Towards achieving that independence we have endeavoured to organize the masses of this country. Our trial today is a measure of the success of that organization. To all these charges I plead guilty.

I am accused of escaping from lawful custody. Escaping from custody I admit; but lawful it was not. The mere edict of one man, however eminent, I decline to acknowledge as lawful.

Even the arrest of admitted fascists in England had the explicit sanction of Parliament. Did the Governor have the sanction of the State Council? More than once the State Council has in unequivocal language demanded our release. By his obstinate defiance of the verdict of a democratic legislature all claim to lawfulness has been forfeited. The legality of law is the adequacy of its moral content. And liberty is the right to revolt against such inadequate laws.

Far from being guilty I take my stand on the moral justness of the cause I uphold and the convictions for which I have lived and laboured. The Ruwanwella electorate chose me for the policy I stood. I would have deserved the highest censure and condemnation had I faltered in fighting for that policy of national independence and the establishment of socialism. I am prepared to abide by the verdict of that electorate and of the workers and peasants of Ceylon. I decline to acquiesce in an order fashioned by the arbitrary will of one individual, who represents nobody but a system that the masses of this country abhor, for it has battened and fattened on their life-blood for a century and more.

Our escape from custody was deliberately planned and deliberately timed for the purpose we had in mind: the participation in the momentous struggle that was due to be launched in India. We are proud we had the privilege of contributing our little towards the cause of the freedom of that great country. The independence of Ceylon is inconceivable except in terms of the independence of India. The two struggles are indissolubly linked.

The first phase of the Indian struggle for freedom is no doubt over. And the imperialists may gloat over the discomfiture that has attended this first effort. But the second and last phase is not far off, and the imperialists will yet live to rue the day that they set foot on that country.

Fascism in the colonies

It has been hurled at us that we would have been much worse off under fascism. One hears it so often repeated that one is amazed at the naivete of those who utter it. Do they who so glibly utter it realize what a consummate refutation it is of everything for which they profess to stand for? At best it is a confession that the difference is of degree, not of kind. What boots it to save democracy by utilizing fascist methods? Moreover is there a difference of degree?

We will not delve very far into the past. We will not traverse the long and bloody history of the British that wrought an Empire by robbery by night and perfidy by day. Let us consider the treatment meted out to India in her recent struggle to be free. The wholesale butchery and rape that was let loose in Chimur are too recent even for complaisant white-washers of British imperialism to ignore.

In Midnapur after the adult population was secured behind prison bars, sex-starved, depraved soldiers indulged in an orgy of rape and violence including pregnant women and young girls that beggars description and is revolting to contemplate. And these are some of the outstanding cases of a period of nightmarish devilry throughout the length and breadth of India that would make Hitler blush at his own modesty! We were the unfortunate or fortunate spectators of some of these incidents. Apparently when Hitler’s “brown shirts” wield their rubber truncheons on the backs of innocent Jews it is fascism, but when British soldiers and the Indian police belabour and mutilate the flower of Indian manhood and womanhood it is democracy.

And for what crimes are the Indians thus treated? For the sin of clamouring for the freedom of their motherland! And still we are told Britain is waging a war for freedom and democracy. It was laughable were it not so tragic. Nearer home has it been any different? The manner in which the labourers of Ramboda, Wewessa and Wewelhinne and other estates were beaten and kicked and bullied and harassed by the khaki-coated minions of the Government is too deeply impressed in our minds to be easily forgotten. And the fault of these labourers was that they demanded higher wages and better working conditions. If this is not fascism, what is?

What is fascism but finance-capitalism in its last gasp with naked and unashamed brutality and oppression? Fascism suppresses workers and destroys the militant Trade Unions. Have not the British Imperialists done the same in India and Ceylon? There are prisoners and detenues in India and Ceylon whose sole crime is that they were members of a Trade Union like the All-Ceylon Estate Workers Union.

Fascism suppresses liberty of speech and association, and the liberty of the press. Have not the British imperialists done the same in India and Ceylon? Fascism wants colonies for unhampered exploitation and treats the colonial peoples as subject races fit only to hew wood and draw water for them. Is the attitude of the British imperialists to the colonies and their races different? Where then in essence is the difference between fascism and British imperialism?

Class rule

Nor can we be oblivious of the fact that the ruling classes in Britain have found their natural alignment with the fascists and have frequently showered unstinted praise on the fascist regimes. It was only the other day that the newspaper, Reynolds News in England, unearthed an earlier speech of Mr. Churchill wherein he had extolled II Duce to the skies and had declared that had he been an Italian he would have deemed it an honour to follow in the wake of Mussolini.

It suits him now to style that bloodthirsty criminal a hyena and a snivelling jackal. But the tune was different when fascism was in the ascendant. The activities and the proclivities of the Cliveden Set, and the popularity of Mr. Chamberlain with Mussolini, scarcely need emphasis. What is the true import of the release of Sir Oswald Mosley and his whole fascist crew much to the chagrin and bitter resentment of the British working class, while thousands of genuine socialists, and therefore antifascists, are languishing in jail?

Is public opinion so short-memoried that it can forget the deal the British Government made with Italy to dismember Abyssinia? Only the opposition of an outraged public forced it stealthily to back out of the deal. And what help did the British give to a hapless, unarmed Abyssinia against her monstrous rape and seizure, and that with the use of poison gas contrary to all international treaties and obligations?

Was it not the British Government which by that clever confidence trick of non-interference and non-intervention ensured the victory of fascist Franco over the workers and peasants of Spain, butchering millions of them in the process? Who is the best friend and prop of Franco today, and that notwithstanding Franco’s avowed support of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, but the British Government? How does fascism become monstrous in Italy and Germany and good and acceptable in Spain? Does it not conclusively demonstrate that the British ruling class is at heart fascist, and that its struggle with Hitlerism is born of the inevitable clash of the division of colonies between two finance-capitalist States?

Aggression with British connivance

One could scarce forbear to laugh when one notices the eleventh-hour unctuous solicitude for China in her struggle against Japan. It appears that only now it has dawned on imperialist Britain that China is fighting against the unquenchable rapacity of Japanese imperialism. Was it self-interest, opportunism or identity of political ideology that dictated Sir John Simon, the then Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, to help Japan in his brilliant advocacy of “lebensraum” for Japan at the League of Nations, and thereby justify the Manchurian annexation by Japan?

For over a decade China had fought Japanese aggression, an aggression conducted with the tacit connivance of British and the other great powers. Single-handed she had carried on a major war against this eastern counterpart of Britain ever since 1937. What help did she get? Not even a word of sympathy. On the contrary the British Government went out of her way to gratify the insatiable appetite of Japan by closing the Burma Road, thus facilitating the quicker subjugation of China, for it sundered the last link of communication between China and the rest of the world.

Not until Japan in her impetuosity declared ‘war on the Anglo-American imperialism did they wake up to the greatness of China and acknowledge the tremendous sacrifices she has made in safeguarding democracy for the world, a profusion of belated praise that must indeed be very embarrassing to China.

Fool’s paradise

Is it then surprising that we are not impressed by the magic formula so vehemently mouthed by imperialist politicians that this war is fought to save democracy, to end the tyranny of fascism over small nations? Between imperialism and fascism there is nothing to choose. The last World War was fought for the division of colonies, as its sequel the treaty of Versailles showed, the present World War has no other aims and aspirations. This war is the clash of two rival imperialisms: the one fighting to preserve the colonies it has, and the other to snatch and grab what it can. So far as we are concerned, a plague on them both!

The wanton aggression by Germany on Soviet Russia, the first Workers’ State, has modified our attitude to the war to this extent, that we are prepared to defend by every independent means available to us the security and integrity of that State. No more and no less.

Any other course in the light of the realities of things is neither honest nor sensible. Nothing that has transpired in the course of this war warrants any change in our attitude. On the contrary the persistent refusal to apply the Atlantic Charter to colonial countries like India and Ceylon, and the now famous dictum of the British Premier that he “did not become the first minister to preside over the liquidation of the Empire,” has only confirmed and strengthened our convictions.

There are those who live in a fool’s paradise that at the end of this war the imperialist leopard would change its spots. For our part we are neither so credulous nor so simple-minded. These are the reasons which have induced us to consider our detention unlawful, and our escape from custody lawful.

(Reproduced from Samasamajist of 31 January 1946)

N.M. Perera was convicted and sentenced on the same day and by the same Court as was his close comrade, fellow State Council Member, Philip Gunawardena whose statement from the Dock is also reproduced.



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Buddhist Approach to Human Challenges

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Life, by its very nature, invariably presents a myriad of challenges that are fundamental to the human experience. The various social ills that afflict humanity cannot be understood without recognizing the profound human dynamics at play. Navigating these challenges according to Buddhism involves shifting from attempting to control external circumstances to mastering one’s internal responses. Central to these challenges are certain detrimental drives stemming from pernicious distortions in the functioning of the human mind.

According to Buddhism, human suffering—both on a personal and societal level—arises from three unwholesome roots: greed, hatred, and ignorance or delusion. These roots manifest primarily as the unbridled proliferation of these negative states, serving as the foundation for our conduct. The Buddhist perspective offers profound insights for confronting these difficulties by emphasizing the nature of suffering, known as dukkha. Buddhism teaches that suffering (dukkha) is an inevitable part of life and is fueled by greed, hatred, and ignorance or delusion. This approach promotes mental transformation through mindfulness, ethical living, and the cultivation of wisdom, empowering individuals to confront their struggles with clarity and resilience.

Furthermore, accepting that suffering and difficulty are inherent parts of the human experience—while expecting life to be free of challenges—is, in itself, a cause of suffering. It is also important to recognize that all situations, whether good or bad, are temporary. This understanding helps reduce anxiety when facing difficult times, as these will eventually pass, and it prevents possessiveness during happy moments. Cultivating mindfulness (sati) and living in the present moment without dwelling on the past or worrying about the future is essential.

Understanding that all things—emotions, situations, relationships, and physical bodies—are constantly changing and in a state of flux helps reduce the fear of loss and provides comfort during difficult times, ensuring that we know pain will pass. Moreover, recognizing that the self, or ego, is not a fixed entity minimizes selfish grasping, arrogance, and the tendency to perceive challenges as personal attacks.

At the core of many human challenges lie the three unwholesome mental qualities identified by Buddhism: greed (raga), hatred (dovesa), and ignorance or delusion (avijja or moha). These states of mind serve as obstacles to spiritual progress and underlie a spectrum of harmful thoughts and actions. The Buddha employed powerful metaphors to illustrate these forces, referring to them as the three poisons or fires that ignite suffering and trap beings in the cycle of samsara.

Greed leads to insatiable desires that obscure our awareness of others’ needs, creating a cycle of frustration. Greed encompasses all forms of appetite, such as desire, lust, craving, and longing, manifesting in both physical and mental forms. It embodies the concept of grasping, leading to clinging and an inability to let go. As an unwholesome mental state, greed can become insatiable and inexhaustible. People are often drawn to pleasant things, and no amount of forms, sounds, smells, tastes, tangibles, or mental objects can satisfy their desires. In their intense thirst for possession or gratification of desire, individuals may become trapped in the wheel of samsara, overlooking the needs of marginalized groups based on religion and ethnicity (as noted by Piyadassi Thera). Those who overcome greed realize that all mundane pleasures are fleeting and transient. In a society driven by consumerism, people may find themselves endlessly chasing after things of little value, becoming enslaved by them.

Hatred is another unwholesome mental state that fosters division and conflict, distancing us from genuine relationships. It encompasses unwholesome mental states such as ill will, enmity, hostility, and prejudice. Hatred can be subtle, lying dormant in a person’s mind until it finds expression in unexpected moments. This destructive emotion can degenerate into mass-scale violence and bloodshed within society. Today, hatred and hostility against minorities based on religion and ethnicity are prevalent in many countries. People are often targeted by bigotry and hate, leading to a rise in antagonistic and derogatory behavior toward certain religious and ethnic groups. Hatred, enmity, and retaliation do not foster spiritual well-being; rather, they vitiate our own minds. Buddhists are encouraged to cultivate metta (loving-kindness). Greed and hatred, coupled with ignorance, are the chief causes of the evils that pervade this deluded world. As noted by Narada, “The enemy of the whole world is lust (greed), through which all evils come to living beings. This lust, when obstructed by some cause, transforms into wrath.”

The most profound of these afflictions, ignorance (avijja) or delusion (moha), clouds our judgment and obscures our capacity for understanding, causing us to harm ourselves and others through misguided actions. Addressing bhikkhus, the Buddha declared, ” I do not perceive any single hindrance other than the hindrance of ignorance by which mankind is obstructed, and for so long as in samsara, it is indeed through the hindrance of ignorance that humankind is obstructed and for a long time runs on, wanders in samsara. No other single thing exists like the hindrance of ignorance or delusion, which obstructs humankind and make wander forever. This unwholesome mindset generates negative speech, actions, and thoughts, perpetuating our own suffering. As stated in the Dhammapada, “All mental phenomena have mind as their forerunner; if one speaks or acts with an evil mind, suffering follows.”

Buddhism urges us to go beyond merely addressing the symptoms of our problems. Instead, it invites us to explore the roots of our suffering and examine how greed, hatred, and ignorance manifest in our lives. By uncovering these sources of distress, we can cultivate essential qualities such as compassion, loving-kindness (metta), and acceptance. These virtues are crucial for ethical engagement with significant societal issues, including environmental challenges and social inequality.

In a world marked by material prosperity and emotional chaos, many individuals may feel lost or overwhelmed. The teachings of the Buddha remain relevant today, reminding us that the origins of our struggles often reside within our own minds. By practising ethical self-discipline and steering clear of destructive emotions like jealousy, anger, and arrogance, we can transform our experiences and relationships.

Buddhism teaches that cultivating wholesome mental qualities is essential for spiritual advancement. The positive counterparts to the three unwholesome states are non-greed (alobha), non-hatred (adosa), and non-delusion (amoha). These virtues represent not merely the absence of negativity but also the active presence of beneficial qualities such as generosity (dana), loving kindness (metta), and wisdom (panna). Each of these six mental states serves as a foundation for both personal growth and societal harmony.

Human beings are often tempted by moral transgressions rooted in unwholesome qualities. Actions driven by greed, hatred and ignorance require wisdom and mindful awareness to overcome them, allowing us to see the interconnectedness of all beings and act accordingly.

As we strive to abandon these unwholesome states of mind and cultivate awareness, we contribute positively to our lives and the broader world. By embracing Buddhist teachings, we learn that transforming our minds can significantly impact our experiences and the lives of those around us. Through this mindful practice, we can aspire to create a more compassionate, harmonious existence, transcending the limitations of unwholesome mental states and fostering a deeper connection with ourselves and others.

by Dr. Chandradasa Nanayakkara

 

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How does the Buddha differ?

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Buddhism, perhaps, is not a religion if the definition of religion is strictly applied. However, by an extension of that definition, as well as by consensus, Buddhism is considered a religion and is the fourth largest religion with about half a billion followers worldwide. Of the four great religions in the world, Christianity is still way ahead with 2.6 billion adherents, followed by Islam with 1.9 billion and Hinduism with 1.2 billion followers. In most Western Christian countries church attendances are on the decline whilst the numbers following Islam are increasing with Islamic youth displaying signs of increasing religious ardour. There are recent reports that Buddhism has also joined the ranks of shrinking religions. Is this cause for concern? Is this happening by the very nature of Buddhism?

Hinduism, the world’s oldest living religion rooted in the Indus Valley Civilization and dating back at least four millennia, is considered to have evolved from ancient cultural and religious practices than being founded by a single individual, unlike the other three religions. The Buddha differs from Jesus Christ and Prophet Mohammed in many ways, the most important being that there is no higher power involved in what the Buddha discovered.

Jesus Christ is considered the ‘Son of God’ and Christianity is built on the life, resurrection and teachings of Christ with emphasis on the belief in one God expressed through the Trinity: God the Father, Jesus the Son and the Holy Spirit. Therefore, there is no room for questioning the words of the Almighty passed through the Son.

Islam, with its Five Pillars of faith, frequent daily prayers, charity, fasting during Ramadan and pilgrimage to Mecca, is founded on revelations made by Almighty God, Allah, to Mohammed, the last of his Prophets, which are recorded in verse in the Holy Book, Quran. Muslims consider the Quran to be verbatim words of God and the unaltered, final revelation. This leaves even less room for questioning.

In contrast, the Buddha achieved everything by himself with no help from any higher source. Rebelling against some of the practices in the religion to which he was born and seeking a solution to the ever-pervading sense of dissatisfaction, Prince Siddhartha embarked on a journey of discovery that culminated in Enlightenment, under the Bodhi tree on the full moon day of the month of Vesak.

Hinduism, or Sanatana Dharma as traditionally referred to by followers, encompasses the concepts of Karma, Samsara, Moksha and Dharma with a creator Brahma, preserver Vishnu and destroyer Shiva. In addition, there are multitudes of gods serving various functions and there are ritual practices of Puja (worship), Bhakti (devotion), Yajna (sacrificial rites) in addition to meditation and Yoga. The one thing that has blighted Hinduism, on top of sacrifices, is the caste system. The uncompromising attitude of Brahmins led to the formation Sikhism as well, long after the establishment of Buddhism.

Prince Siddhartha studied under eminent teachers of the day, of which there were many, but realised the limitations of their knowledge. Having already given up the extreme of luxury, he went to the other extreme of self-deprivation which after a search for six years, he realised also was not the solution to the problem. Exploring through his mind he realised the truth and came up with the Four Noble Truths and the Noble Eightfold Path. He shunned extremes and proposed the Middle Path which seems to hold sway in many spheres of life, even today.

Buddha’s greatest achievement was the analysis of the mind and scientists are only now establishing the accuracy of the concepts the Buddha elucidated, not with the help of supernatural powers or sophisticated machinery at the disposal of modern-day scientists but by the exploration of the mind by turning the searchlight inwards.

Having discovered the cause of universal dissatisfaction and the path to overcome it, the Buddha walked across vast swathes of India, most likely barefoot, preaching to many, in terms they could understand, as evidenced by the different suttas illustrating the same fact in different ways; to the intelligent it was a short explanation but for others it was a more detailed discussion.

In sharp contrast to all other religious leaders, the Buddha encouraged discussion and challenge before acceptance. What the Buddha stated in the Kalama Sutta, acceptance only after conviction, laid the foundation for scientific thinking.

The Buddha, being a human not supernatural, never claimed infallibility as evidenced by his agreement with his father King Suddhodana that ordaining his son Rahula without permission was a mistake and took steps to ensure that this did not happen again. In fact, the entire Vinaya Pitaka is not an arbitrary rule book laid down by the Buddha, but are the rules the Buddha laid down for the Sangha, based on errant actions by Bhikkhus. Long before the legal concept of retroactive justice was established, the Buddha implemented it in the Vinaya Pitaka.

In an interesting video on YouTube titled “Nature of Buddhism”, Bhante Dhammika of Australia (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KY8WfGJq2FI) discusses some unique aspects of Buddhism. Some religions are ‘high demand’ religions where the followers are required to strictly adhere to certain rules which is not the case in Buddhism and he opines that this has led to the gentleness of Buddhists, at times leading to even being lackadaisical! Interestingly, as a widely travelled person, he describes his personal experience of the change of people’s attitudes on going from places with Buddhist influence to others. Speaking of Sri Lanka, where he spent many years, he commends the traditional hospitality as well as lack of cruelty to animals. He refers to “Law based religions” where some things are compulsory whereas in Buddhism there is no compulsion. Buddha was not a lawgiver but recommended good behaviour, giving reasons why and encouraged thinking. Some religions are exclusivist, claiming that there is nothing in other religions. Buddhism is not and Bhante Dhammika refers to an incident where the Buddha encouraged a disciple who converted from Jainism to continue to give alms to his former Jain colleagues.

Have all these strengths of Buddhism become its weakness and the reason for the shrinking number of followers? Had Buddhism demanded more from followers would it have flourished better? Is the numbers game that important? These are interesting questions to ponder over and I am sure, in time, researchers would write theses on these.

Whilst total numbers may diminish in traditional Buddhist areas, more people in the West are recognising the value of the philosophy of Buddhism. Mindfulness, a concept the Buddha introduced is gaining wide acceptance and is increasingly applied in many spheres of modern life. Perhaps, what is important is not the numbers that practise Buddhism as a religion but the lasting influence of the Buddha’s concepts and foundations he laid for modern scientific thinking and analysis of the mind!

By Dr Upul Wijayawardhana

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Political violence stalking Trump administration

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A scene that unfolded during the shooting incident at the recent White House Correspondents’ Dinner in Washington. (BBC)

It would not be particularly revelatory to say that the US is plagued by ‘gun violence’. It is a deeply entrenched and widespread malaise that has come in tandem with the relative ease with which firearms could be acquired and owned by sections of the US public, besides other causes.

However, a third apparent attempt on the life of US President Donald Trump in around two and a half years is both thought-provoking and unsettling for the defenders of democracy. After all, whatever its short comings the US remains the world’s most vibrant democracy and in fact the ‘mightiest’ one. And the US must remain a foremost democracy for the purpose of balancing and offsetting the growing power of authoritarian states in the global power system, who are no friends of genuine representational governance.

Therefore, the recent breaching of the security cordon surrounding the White House Correspondents’ Dinner in Washington at which President Trump and his inner Cabinet were present, by an apparently ‘Lone Wolf’ gunman, besides raising issues relating to the reliability of the security measures deployed for the President, indicates a notable spike in anti-VVIP political violence in particular in the US. It is a pointer to a strong and widespread emergence of anti-democratic forces which seem to be gaining in virulence and destructiveness.

The issues raised by the attack are in the main for the US’ political Right and its supporters. They have smugly and complacently stood by while the extremists in their midst have taken centre stage and begun to dictate the course of Right wing politics. It is the political culture bred by them that leads to ‘Lone Wolf’ gunmen, for instance, who see themselves as being repressed or victimized, taking the law into their own hands, so to speak, and perpetrating ‘revenge attacks’ on the state and society.

A disproportionate degree of attention has been paid particularly internationally to Donald Trump’s personality and his eccentricities but such political persons cannot be divorced from the political culture in which they originate and have their being. That is, “structural” questions matter. Put simply, Donald Trump is a ‘true son’ of the Far Right, his principal support base. The issues raised are therefore for the President as well as his supporters of the Right.

We are obliged to respect the choices of the voting public but in the case of Trump’s election to the highest public position in the US, this columnist is inclined to see in those sections that voted for Trump blind followers of the latter who cared not for their candidate’s suitability, in every relevant respect, and therefore acted irrationally. It would seem that the Right in the US wanted their candidate to win by ‘hook or by crook’ and exercise power on their behalf.

By making the above observations this columnist does not intend to imply that voting publics everywhere in the world of democracy cast their vote sensibly. In the case of Sri Lanka, for example, the question could be raised whether the voters of the country used their vote sensibly when voting into office the majority of Executive Presidents and other persons holding high public office. The obvious answer is ‘no’ and this should lead to a wider public discussion on the dire need for thoroughgoing voter education. The issue is a ‘huge’ one that needs to be addressed in the appropriate forums and is beyond the scope of this column.

Looking back it could be said that the actions of Trump and his die-hard support base led to the Rule of Law in the US being undermined as perhaps never before in modern times. A shaming moment in this connection was the protest march, virtually motivated by Trump, of his supporters to the US Capitol on January 6th, 2021, with the aim of scuttling the presidential poll result of that year. Much violence and unruly behaviour, as known, was let loose. This amounted to denigrating the democratic process and encouraging the violent take over of the state.

In a public address, prior to the unruly conduct of his supporters, Trump is on record as blaring forth the following: ‘We won this election and we won by a landslide’, ‘We will stop the steal’, ‘We will never give up. We will never concede. It doesn’t happen’, ‘If you don’t fight like hell, you’re not going to have a country anymore.’

It is plain to see that such inflammatory utterances could lead impressionable minds in particular to revolt violently. Besides, they should have led the more rationally inclined to wonder whether their candidate was the most suitable person to hold the office of President.

Unfortunately, the latter process was not to be and the question could be raised whether the US is in the ‘safest pair of hands’. Needless to say, as events have revealed, Donald Trump is proving to be one of the most erratic heads of state the US has ever had.

However, the latest attempt on the life of President Trump suggests that considerable damage has been done to the democratic integrity of the US and none other than the President himself has to take on himself a considerable proportion of the blame for such degeneration, besides the US’ Far Right. They could be said to be ‘reaping the whirlwind.’

It is a time for soul-searching by the US Right. The political Right has the right to exist, so the speak, in a functional democracy but it needs to take cognizance of how its political culture is affecting the democratic integrity or health of the US. Ironically, the repressive and chauvinistic politics advocated by it is having the effect of activating counter-violence of the most murderous kind, as was witnessed at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner. Continued repressive politics could only produce more such incidents that could be self-defeating for the US.

Some past US Presidents were assassinated but the present political violence in the country brings into focus as perhaps never before the role that an anti-democratic political culture could play in unraveling the gains that the US has made over the decades. A duty is cast on pro-democracy forces to work collectively towards protecting the democratic integrity and strength of the US.

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