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Working as an ASP in various police districts countrywide

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Excerpted from the memoirs of Senior DIG (Retd.)
Kingsley Wickramasuriya

Superintendent of Police Lionel Senanayake was in charge of the Gampaha Police Division. The Police District of Gampaha consisted of eight police stations including Attanagalla where the Prime Minister, Sirimavo Bandaranaike was residing. It appeared that my predecessor Mr. Dharmadasa de Silva had got into some sort of a problem with the PM and that is why I had to replace him.

Gampaha was a very heavy district teeming with crimes. Many a time I had to be pulled out of bed to visit a scene of a ‘D Report’ case where the ASP must visit and give directions. Murders and robberies were some of those cases. With all that I kept the district on its toes with my surprise visits by day and by night.

Veyangoda was a police station area where illicit liquor was rampant. The OIC of the police station was Sub Inspector Yahmapath. He was doing a good job keeping the area under control, particularly that of illicit liquor. There was a petition against him alleging various misdeeds. I had to go into the matter to find some of his subordinates were behind the petition. Although I was of half a mind to help the OIC out of his difficulty as I was convinced of his honesty, I was in a difficult situation myself. Therefore, I had to go to the Superintendent for advice. His advice was typically stereotyped. Before I could complete the investigation, I got transfer orders to the Hatton Police District.

Transfer to Gampaha Division was made at a time when the General Election Campaign was on. Election meetings were being held all over the Gampaha District by the respective political parties. One such meeting was being held by the United National Party (UNP) in Veyangoda town. Veyangoda was a Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) stronghold and the supporters believed that no one else dare hold any meetings in their territory.

So, when the UNP decided to defy this belief they came in for severe heckling. So much so that it was almost impossible to continue with their meeting. Organizers of the meeting complained to me about their predicament. I decided to have a look and proceeded to the scene. While on the way my constable driver would warn me to let things alone as any interference was wrought with dire consequences. He was giving me friendly advice.

At the scene, I found how unruly the crowds opposed to the meeting were. I tried to persuade the hecklers to leave without results. Since it was bound tc lead to a breach of the peace if the situation was allowed to continue, I summoned a backup party from the Gampaha HQ Station. After a while, a heavy truck with a few men from Gampaha HQ Station appeared on the scene. On seeing the truck, the unruly crowd dispersed and ran helter-skelter. The meeting continued peacefully.

Finally, at the election, the UNP won the Gampha Seat. In the meanwhile, I received transfer orders to proceed to take charge of the Hatton Police District w.e.f. May 1, 1965. On hearing this the newly elected Member of Parliament (MP) of the UNP came over the telephone and spoke to me, and offered to get the transfer canceled in appreciation of my impartial duty performed by me during the election campaign. While thanking him for his sentiments I explained to him politely that the transfer was due to exigencies of services, that I had to make way for a married officer who had school-going children, and that we bachelors are always at the beck and call of the department.

Besides, Hatton Police District was an independent charge with the Superintendent in Kandy. Being still under probation it is a rare opportunity that one gets to go in charge of an independent district. When S.P. Kandy (Ana Seneviratne) agreed to take me under his wing in an independent district, that spoke of the confidence he had placed in me.

Hatton

Hatton Police District came under Kandy Police Division and the Superintendent in charge was Ana Seneviratne. Hatton District had eight police stations spreading from Hatton to Talawakelle bordering Nuwara Eliya on one side, Hatton, Dimbula, Lindula, Norton Bridge, Bogawantalawa, and Maskeliya on the other side, surrounded by tea estates and a rural population. It was entirely a different experience from the previous locations I have had, climate-vice, population-vice, and law enforcement vice.

On reporting at the new district, I found lodgings with two other bachelor public servants – one, a veterinary surgeon, and the other a dental surgeon. Inspector Dharmaratne was the HQI. ASP’s office was staffed by three clerks – the head clerk, and two other clerks. They were like a closely-knit family and very supportive. The inclement cold weather did not deter me from making surprise visits to the far-flung police stations day or night, keeping the district alert. In addition, I would call on the police stations to check whether the scheduled activities like the parade, etc. are being carried out. Night visits were sometimes hindered by the prevailing thick fog. But with the young and experienced police driver attached to me, traveling at night was no problem. He was clever at negotiating even the sharp bends in thick fog.

Prolonged labor strikes in the tea estates were somewhat bothersome problems that we had to face because of the violence that accompanied such labor unrest. In one such instance when I was at my wit’s end not knowing what to do, SP Kandy stepped in and ordered that police be posted temporarily at the estate concerned. That was tantamount to opening a police post at the venue. That was a new approach that I learned from this situation. Otherwise, crime in the district was not a problem. The problem was mostly the illicit sale of liquor and the resulting violence.

In the meanwhile, I got married to my fiance in August 1965 having obtained special permission from the department as any probationer wishing to tie the knot has to do. I found a house on rent and moved in there with my wife leaving my two friends and the boarding. My wife was a graduate teacher attached to a school in Katugastota. On being married 1 had to work out a transfer for her to a school in Hatton. Since then every time I got transferred, I had to arrange a transfer for my wife as well on my own with no assistance forthcoming from the Police Department. So much so, that I finally cultivated a friend in the Education Department in the section dealing with transfers. He was very helpful in working out transfers whenever the need arose.

I was in Hatton only till the end of 1965 when I got caught up on the annual transfer list and was transferred to Ratnapura Police Division on January 1, 1966.

Ratnapura

On transfer, I reported to Superintendent Thalaysingham and took charge of Ratnapura District II. This district too consisted of eight police stations starting from Balangoda, Kahawatte, Embilipitiya, Udawalawe, Rakwana, Pallebedda, Kolnne, and Kuruvita. I had been in the district barely for three months when I was transferred out again to Badulla Police Division on March 15, 1966.

As my usual practice of keeping the district alert, I did a night round to Kolonne Police Station in the early hours of the morning that took those at the police station including the OIC by surprise. After this visit, the word had gone around that I was visiting the police stations at all odd hours. Later on, I came to know that the moment I leave the HQ Station that the police stations in the district were alerted over the phone or the police radio, that I am on my way. So the police stations in the district were kept alert not knowing when and where I would surface.

Kahawatte was a police area where there was an overloading of bus transport. This was an offense coming under the Traffic Ordinance. I came to hear that this was being carried on with the support of SI Traffic of Kahawatte Police Station who was receiving bribes. I had no way of catching him taking bribes. Instead, whenever I visited the area and found overloaded buses, I used to take them to task by offloading the extra passengers. This affected the income of the Traffic SI and the bus owners as well.

One day when I was in the office, the SP called me to his office and confronted me with the MP for Rakwana who was representing the affected bus transport parties. He went on to explain that transport was difficult in the area and that my action was tantamount to harassment of the people. It was then I realized that what I was doing was counterproductive but when the MP learned the reason why I was doing it was to prevent the SI from taking bribes he took no further action.

On my part, I relented considering the difficulties caused due to a dearth of transport facilities in the area. That was a lesson I learned from the MP – to be sensitive to the problems affecting the common man when applying the law strictly by the book.

SP Thalaysingham seems to have taken a liking to me for keeping the district on its toes. One day he sent for me. I had to meet him at the Ratnapura Planters’ Club. While proceeding to the venue I overheard him telling some of his companions about the strict young officer (referring to me) and that he was planning to entrust a disciplinary inquiry against the very same Sl of Kahawatte Police Station to me in the belief that the SI would be properly dealt with. This word must have gotten into the ears of the SI as well.

Not long after I received a message from Police HQ that I should appear before the Inspector-General of Police John Attygalle on the given date. Eventually, I was produced before the Inspector-General by the Deputy Inspector General of Police of the Range AC Dep. I was nonplussed not knowing why I had been called before the Inspector-General. During the interview, the latter appeared to be infuriated for some reason and he turned to me and asked me what I have done to mess up things.

He then appraised me of the complaint against me, that I had been meeting Mrs. Bandaranaike, the Opposition Leader, at the Pathakada Temple along with the chief priest of the temple and plotting against the Dudley Senanayake Government. The complaint had come from Mrs. Sita Molamure Seneviratne, the MP for Balangoda. I was simply flabbergasted by this diabolical lie and I could well imagine who could have made up this concoction.

When I explained to the Inspector—General what I was doing in the district to keep it on its toes he immediately became appreciative of my enthusiastic performance. Before he listened to my story, he was going to transfer me to Batticaloa it seems, but now having listened to me he said he would explain matters to the concerned authorities and not to worry about a transfer. Two weeks after the interview, however, transfer orders came, not to Batticaloa but to Badulla Division with married quarters available.

So I knew that IG was helpless. It had to be done as the orders came from the State Minister — a political decision. But the IG saw to it that the department was fair to me by posting me to a convenient station. The SI had his day but I was richer for the experience.

Badulla

I left Rathnapura Division and reported to the Superintendent of Police Badulla Division in March 1966. Superintendent of Police L.C. Abeysekera (fondly known among his friends as ‘Specy’) was in charge of the Badulla Division.

Badulla Police District extended from Badulla up to Maha Oya on one side, Mahiyangana, and Moneragala on the other. In between were Madulsima, Passara, Lunugala, and Bibile. Mahaoya and Moneragala were elephant-infested areas. The word had been spread that it was dangerous to travel in those parts at night. This kind of story assured that no officer would visit these stations at night. Such scary tales did not deter me from carrying out my duties. Early, middle and late-night visits to these stations were carried out as usual as I did in the other districts.

During these visits, I detected several misdemeanors committed by the staff. Once when I was out on a night round at Badulla I found a constable attached to the Traffic Branch misusing a government motorcycle. He was immediately taken to task. Then in Mahiyangana, a night patrol was found off their patrolling route watching a street drama (Sokari) in the night. When I visited Madulsima police station in the wee hours of the morning, the constable supposed to be on duty at the Charge Room was missing and later found gambling with others in another location. I approached the location on tip-toe with my driver behind me as a witness and caught the entire bunch of constables gambling.

I recorded their statements, signed their pocket notebooks as well as all the Information Books leaving no room for making false entries, made my observations in the Officer’s Visiting Book (OVB), interdicted the lot immediately, and left the station. Similarly, there were other instances too where the constable on duty in the Charge Room was not alert and was found sleeping. In each case, they were appropriately dealt with. Further, when I visit a station at night, I usually check the single men’s barracks too to ensure that all off-duty single men were present and that the roll call had been taken.

Major crimes in the district were few and far between. Once multiple murder was reported in Moneragala. At first, the suspect was unknown. One of the victims of the attack, a young girl who was the only eyewitness would not come out with her story when questioned by the police. The OIC who was investigating was at his wit’s end. When I visited the scene and reviewed the evidence available, I suggested that the girl be confronted by her grandmother. That worked and working on her evidence we were able to unravel the entire story behind the murders and the rape of the victim committed on a sandbank of a stream that led us to the suspect who later confessed to the magistrate. Thus, a C3 case was solved and the accused was brought to book with a little innovative thinking.

At another time a homicide was reported while I was inspecting Mahiyangana Police Station. A man clad in full white came to the police station with the murder weapon and surrendered saying that he killed his wife who was caught with her paramour. I visited the scene immediately with the OIC and a few others at the station and found the victim in a seated posture with the severed head as if she was worshipping her murderer. I left the scene with instructions to carry on with the investigation. The suspect was later produced before the Magistrate where he confessed to the Magistrate. At the end of the prosecution, the accused was found guilty of murder on grave and sudden sudden provocation and was given a life sentence.

The SP was a keen sportsman. He did many things to promote sports in the division. He organized a sports meet at one time, on a grand scale. Much effort had to be put into this project. It was meticulously planned by him and carried out with the support of the OICs of Police Stations and well-wishers. IG John Attygalle was the chief guest at the sports meet ending up with a gala ballroom dance in the night.



Features

2025 Budget: Challenges, hopes and concerns

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Sri Lanka’s recent government budget has sparked both hope and concern. While some see it as a positive step toward improving the country’s economy, others worry about whether the government’s proposals can be successfully implemented. This analysis explores the budget’s approach and what it could mean for the country’s financial future.

Credit Rating Improvement and What It Means

Fitch Ratings recently upgraded Sri Lanka’s credit rating, moving it from a risky “Restricted Default” (RD) to a “CCC+” rating. This shows that the country’s financial situation is improving, though it still faces a high risk of default. The government aims to increase its revenue, especially through trade taxes and income tax, but experts warn that the success of these plans is uncertain, particularly when it comes to lifting restrictions on imports.

Economic Democracy and Market Regulation

The government claims that this budget is based on the idea of “economic democracy,” aiming to balance market forces with government control. While it promises fairer distribution of wealth, critics argue that it still relies on market-driven policies that may not bring the desired changes. The budget seems to follow similar strategies to past administrations, despite the government’s claim of pursuing a new direction.

The current government, led by a Marxist-influenced party, has shifted its approach by aligning with global economic institutions like the International Monetary Fund (IMF). This represents a departure from its previous, more radical stance. The government’s vision focuses on rural development, support for small businesses, and an export-driven economy, continuing strategies from previous administrations rather than implementing drastic changes.

Stability and Continuity in Policy

One of the more positive aspects of the budget is its consistency with the fiscal policies of the past government. Sri Lanka’s economy has suffered from sudden policy changes in the past, often triggered by political transitions. By maintaining a steady course, the current government seeks to ensure stability in the recovery process, despite criticisms from political opponents.

Sri Lanka continues to face significant financial challenges, including a large budget deficit. The government’s spending in 2025 is expected to exceed its revenue by about LKR 2.2 trillion, leading to a deficit of around 6.7% of GDP. To cover this gap, the government plans to borrow both locally and internationally. However, debt repayment remains a major concern, with billions needed to settle existing obligations.

Tax Revenue and Public Spending Issues

Sri Lanka’s tax collection remains critically low, which worsens the country’s financial troubles. Tax evasion, exemptions, and inefficient administration make it hard to collect sufficient revenue. The government has raised VAT to 18% to boost income, but this could increase inflation, further harming families’ ability to afford basic goods. Additionally, corruption in public institutions continues to drain state resources, preventing effective use of funds for national development.

The Auditor General’s Department recently uncovered financial irregularities in several ministries, reinforcing concerns over systemic corruption.

Sectoral Allocations, Budget Inequities and Falures

Despite claims of prioritizing social welfare, the government’s budget allocation for key sectors remains insufficient. For example, while the government allocated LKR 500 million to improve 379 childcare centers nationwide, this amount pales in comparison to regional standards. In neighboring Bangladesh, the government spends around USD 60 per child annually, while Sri Lanka spends less than USD 25. It’s unclear whether this allocation represents an increase in funding or just a reshuffling of existing resources.

One of the biggest criticisms of the budget is its failure to address the high cost of essential goods, going against promises made during the election. Prices for basic items like rice and coconut are still high, due to supply chain issues, rising fuel costs, and tax policies. The absence of targeted subsidies or price controls has led to growing public dissatisfaction.

Public sector salary adjustments are also a point of contention. The government plans to introduce salary increases in three phases, with the full benefits expected by 2027. However, much of this increase was already granted in previous years through allowances, meaning the adjustment is more about restructuring existing funds than providing real pay increases. This slow approach raises concerns about whether employees’ purchasing power will improve, especially with inflation still a pressing issue.

The government has also urged the private sector to raise wages, but past experiences suggest that private companies often resist such requests. Without formal agreements or laws to enforce wage hikes, there is uncertainty over whether employees will see real wage growth that matches the rising cost of living.

Neglecting Vulnerable Workers and Obstinate Behaviour

Another group left out of the budget’s plans is casual and contract workers, who were expecting improvements in job security and wages, particularly those earning below LKR 1,800 per day. Despite promises made during the election, these workers have not seen any significant changes, which raises doubts about the government’s commitment to improving labor rights and income equality.

The government’s handling of private sector wage increases has also been criticized for a lack of transparency. In a televised discussion, A government representative became visibly agitated when questioned about the date of the agreement with employers, displaying obstinate behavior and refusing to answer the opposition MP’s inquiry.

Review of the Banking Sector’s Role in Govt. Revenue and Economic Growth

The banking sector helps generate national revenue through taxes such as corporate income tax, value-added tax (VAT), and financial transaction levies. However, the claim that it contributed 10% to government revenue in 2024 needs to be understood in context. Past figures have shown fluctuations in financial sector taxes, influenced by economic conditions and fiscal policies. The government’s growing reliance on the banking sector for tax revenue could signal financial stress, and this situation warrants further analysis to understand its long-term sustainability.

While the Sri Lanka Bankers Association (SLBA) emphasizes banks’ support for implementing the government’s budget proposals, their ability to do so effectively depends on broader economic conditions, regulations, and financial stability. Sri Lanka has faced persistent economic issues like high public debt and inflation, which could hamper the ability of banks to help implement fiscal policies effectively. The real impact of the banking sector in driving economic growth remains uncertain, especially given factors like currency instability and a lack of foreign investment.

Digitization and Financial Transparency

The proposal to introduce Point-of-Sale (POS) machines at VAT-registered businesses aligns with global trends in digital financial integration. This move is expected to improve transparency, reduce tax evasion, and increase banking efficiency. Research has shown that digital payments can boost financial inclusion and reduce informal economic activities. However, Sri Lanka faces challenges such as limited digital infrastructure, cybersecurity concerns, and resistance from businesses that still prefer cash transactions.

More digital services could strengthen anti-money laundering (AML) controls, improve transaction monitoring, and reduce cyber threats. However, shifting to a fully digital banking system requires substantial investments in technology, regulatory alignment, and digital literacy among consumers.

Support for SMEs and Development Banking Initiatives

The creation of a Credit Guarantee Institute for SMEs is a significant step. Research shows that credit guarantees can reduce lending risks and improve SME access to financing. However, past state-managed financial programs in Sri Lanka have been inefficient, often involving politicized lending practices.

For these new initiatives to succeed, they will need transparent governance, careful credit risk management, and strong regulations….

Conclusion

Sri Lanka’s banking sector is crucial for economic stability and revenue generation, but the increasing fiscal demands and the push for digital transformation present both significant opportunities and risks. Policymakers need to avoid over-taxation that could stifle credit expansion and investment while addressing digital finance challenges like cybersecurity and infrastructure gaps. The 2025 budget underscores the nation’s vulnerable fiscal situation, where efforts for economic stabilization are hampered by public debt, corruption, and welfare constraints. Achieving sustainability requires comprehensive tax reforms, better public expenditure management, and stronger anti-corruption measures. Without these reforms, Sri Lanka faces prolonged economic hardship, rising inequalities, and diminishing trust in governance. The budget also reflects a blend of ideological transformation and economic pragmatism, with policies largely aligning with past approaches. Fitch Ratings’ cautious optimism signals the potential for recovery, contingent on successful policy implementation. Ultimately, policy continuity is seen as Sri Lanka’s best bet for navigating fiscal uncertainty and achieving economic stability.

(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT University, Malabe. He is also the author of the “Doing Social Research and Publishing Results”, a Springer publication (Singapore), and “Samaja Gaveshakaya (in Sinhala). The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the institution he works for. He can be contacted at saliya.a@slit.lk and www.researcher.com)

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Rethinking cities – Sustainable urban innovation

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Dr. Chandrasena

by Ifham Nizam 

Dr. Nadeesha Chandrasena is an urban innovator reshaping the landscape of sustainable development. With a background that spans journalism, banking, and military engineering, she brings a unique perspective to urban planning and environmental resilience.

Her work integrates cutting-edge technology with human-centered design, ensuring that cities of the future are not only livable but also adaptive to climate change and rapid urbanisation.

In this interview with The Island, Dr. Chandrasena shares insights into her journey—from her early days in journalism to pioneering the Smart Drain Initiative, a groundbreaking infrastructure project addressing urban drainage inefficiencies. She discusses the critical role of community engagement, the challenges of balancing innovation with political realities, and the urgent need for sustainable urban solutions in Sri Lanka and beyond.

Her story is one of relentless curiosity, problem-solving, and a deep commitment to building better cities. As she puts it, “Urbanisation is inevitable; our challenge is to shape it in ways that are inclusive, sustainable, and forward-thinking.”

Urbanisation is one of the defining challenges of the 21st century, and few understand its complexities better than Dr. Chandrasena. A trailblazer in sustainable urban development, she has dedicated her career to bridging the gap between technological innovation and environmental sustainability. Through her work, she emphasises a crucial message: cities must evolve—not just grow.

From Journalism to Urban Innovation

Dr. Chandrasena’s career path is anything but conventional. Beginning as a journalist, she honed her skills in field research and community engagement, which later became instrumental in her work as an urban planner. “Journalism taught me how to listen to people’s stories and understand the realities on the ground,” she explains. This background helped her develop urban solutions rooted in real-world insights rather than abstract theories.

Her transition into urban innovation was fueled by a deep-seated passion for environmental resilience. After a stint in banking and serving in the Sri Lanka Army Corps of Engineers, she pursued town and country planning, ultimately integrating her diverse experiences to address urban challenges holistically.

The Smart Drain Initiative: A Game Changer in Urban Infrastructure

One of Dr. Chandrasena’s most groundbreaking contributions is the Smart Drain Initiative—a next-generation urban drainage system designed to combat flooding and waste accumulation. Implemented in areas like Balapola and Ambalangoda, this technology incorporates IoT-based monitoring, predictive maintenance, and automated waste filtration to enhance resilience against climate change.

“Storm drains are often neglected, but they are the foundation of a city’s flood resilience,” she says. By modernising drainage infrastructure, her initiative is setting a precedent for cities worldwide to rethink their approach to urban water management.

Livability as the Core Urban Challenge

For Dr. Chandrasena, urban planning is not just about infrastructure—it’s about people. She identifies livability as the root problem that must be addressed in city planning. “Congestion, pollution, lack of green spaces, and inefficient waste management are all symptoms of poor urban planning,” she explains. Her work focuses on designing cities that prioritise well-being, accessibility, and sustainability.

Sri Lanka, in particular, faces unique challenges due to rapid urbanisation. With cities like Colombo struggling to accommodate a massive influx of commuters, Dr. Chandrasena advocates for affordable housing solutions near economic hubs and improvements in public transportation. “A city’s economic success should not come at the cost of its residents’ quality of life,” she insists.

Technology and Community Engagement: The Future of Urban Development

Dr. Chandrasena sees technology as a powerful tool for fostering inclusive urban development. From using social media for community consultations to deploying smart infrastructure, she believes digital solutions can democratise urban planning. “We need to move beyond traditional engagement methods and empower people through accessible technology,” she says.

Her leadership philosophy reflects this inclusive approach. Through initiatives like the MyTurn Internship Platform, she mentors young professionals, encouraging them to take an active role in shaping the future of cities. “Leadership is not about authority—it’s about creating opportunities for collaboration,” she adds.

Global Urban Challenges and the Need for Collaboration

Urban issues are not confined to national borders. Dr. Chandrasena highlights the importance of global partnerships, citing the twin-city concept as a model for knowledge exchange. By pairing cities with similar challenges—such as Galle, Sri Lanka, and Penang, Malaysia—municipalities can co-create solutions that address both local and global urban challenges.

Her work has not gone unnoticed. She recently won Australia’s Good Design Award for Best in Class Engineering Design, a testament to the impact of her innovative approaches.

Call to Action for Sustainable Cities

Dr. Chandrasena’s vision for the future is clear: cities must be designed to be resilient, inclusive, and sustainable. While challenges like climate change and urban congestion persist, she remains optimistic. “There are no perfect cities—just as there are no perfect people. But by striving for practical solutions, we can make cities better for everyone.”

Her journey—from journalist to urban innovator—demonstrates that change begins with a vision and the determination to act on it. As urbanisation accelerates, her work serves as a blueprint for how cities can not only survive but thrive in an ever-evolving world.

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Need to appreciate SL’s moderate politics despite govt.’s massive mandate

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President Dissanayake

by Jehan Perera

President Donald Trump in the United States is showing how, in a democratic polity, the winner of the people’s mandate can become an unstoppable extreme force. Critics of the NPP government frequently jibe at the government’s economic policy as being a mere continuation of the essential features of the economic policy of former president, Ranil Wickremesinghe. The criticism is that despite the resounding electoral mandates it received, the government is following the IMF prescriptions negotiated by the former president instead of making radical departures from it as promised prior to the elections. The critics themselves do not have alternatives to offer except to assert that during the election campaign the NPP speakers pledged to renegotiate the IMF agreement which they have done only on a very limited basis since coming to power.

There is also another area in which the NPP government is following the example of former President Ranil Wickremesinghe. During his terms of office, both as prime minister and president, Ranil Wickremesinghe ruled with a light touch. He did not utilise the might of the state to intimidate the larger population. During the post-Aragalaya period he did not permit street protests and arrested and detained those who engaged in such protests. At the same time with a minimal use of state power he brought stability to an unstable society. The same rule-with-a-light touch approach holds true of the NPP government that has succeeded the Wickremesinghe government. The difference is that President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has an electoral mandate that President Wickremesinghe did not have in his final stint in power and could use his power to the full like President Trump, but has chosen not to.

At two successive national elections, the NPP obtained the people’s mandate, and at the second one in particular, the parliamentary elections, they won an overwhelming 2/3 majority of seats. With this mandate they could have followed the “shock and awe” tactics that are being seen in the U.S. today under President Donald Trump whose party has won majorities in both the Senate and House of Representatives. The U.S. president has become an unstoppable force and is using his powers to make dramatic changes both within the country and in terms of foreign relations, possibly irreversibly. He wants to make the U.S. as strong, safe and prosperous as possible and with the help of the world’s richest man, Elon Musk, the duo has become seemingly unstoppable in forging ahead at all costs.

EXTREME POWER

The U.S. has rightly been admired in many parts of the world, and especially in democratic countries, for being a model of democratic governance. The concepts of “checks and balances” and “separation of powers” by which one branch of the government restricts the power of the other branches appeared to have reached their highest point in the U.S. But this system does not seem to be working, at least at the present time, due to the popularity of President Trump and his belief in the rightness of his ideas and Elon Musk. The extreme power that can accrue to political leaders who obtain the people’s mandate can best be seen at the present time in the United States. The Trump administration is using the president’s democratic mandate in full measure, though for how long is the question. They have strong popular support within the country, but the problem is they are generating very strong opposition as well, which is dividing the U.S. rather than unifying it.

The challenge for those in the U.S. who think differently, and there are many of them at every level of society, is to find ways to address President Trump’s conviction that he has the right answers to the problems faced by the U.S. which also appears to have convinced the majority of American voters to believe in him. The decisions that President Trump and his team have been making to make the U.S. strong, safe and prosperous include eliminating entire government departments and dismissing employees at the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) which were established to protect the more disadvantaged sectors of society. The targets have included USAID which has had consequences for Sri Lanka and many other disadvantaged parts of the world.

Data obtained from the Department of External Resources (ERD) reveal that since 2019, USAID has financed Sri Lankan government projects amounting to Rs. 31 billion. This was done under different presidents and political parties. Projects costing USD 20.4 million were signed during the last year (2019) of the Maithripala Sirisena government. USD 41.9 million was signed during the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government, USD 26 million during the Ranil Wickremesinghe government, and USD 18.1 million so far during the Anura Kumara Dissanayake government. At the time of the funding freeze, there were projects with the Justice Ministry, Finance Ministry, Environment Ministry and the Energy Ministry. This is apart from the support that was being provided to the private sector for business development and to NGOs for social development and good governance work including systems of checks and balances and separation of powers.

MODERATE POLITICS

The challenge for those in Sri Lanka who were beneficiaries of USAID is to find alternative sources of financing for the necessary work they were doing with the USAID funding. Among these was funding in support of improving the legal system, making digital technology available to the court system to improve case management, provision of IT equipment, and training of judges, court staff and members of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka. It also included creating awareness about the importance of government departments delivering their services in an inclusive manner to all citizens requiring their services, and providing opportunities for inter-ethnic business collaboration to strengthen the economy. The government’s NGO Secretariat which has been asked to submit a report on USAID funding needs to find alternative sources of funding for these and give support to those who have lost their USAID funding.

Despite obtaining a mandate that is more impressive at the parliamentary elections than that obtained by President Trump, the government of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has been more moderate in its efforts to deal with Sri Lanka’s problems, whether in regard to the economy or foreign relations. The NPP government is trying to meet the interests of all sections of society, be they the business community, the impoverished masses, the civil society or the majority and minority ethnic and religious communities. They are trying to balance the needs of the people with the scarce economic resources at their disposal. The NPP government has demanded sacrifice of its own members, in terms of the benefits they receive from their positions, to correspond to the economic hardships that the majority of people face at this time.

The contrast between the governance styles of President Trump in the U.S. and President Dissanayake in Sri Lanka highlights the different paths democratic leaders can take. President Trump is attempting to decisively reshape the U.S. foreign policy, eliminating entire government departments and overwhelming traditional governance structures. The NPP government under President Dissanayake has sought a more balanced, inclusive path by taking steps to address economic challenges and governance issues while maintaining stability. They are being tough where they need to be, such as on the corruption and criminality of the past. They need to be supported as they are showing Sri Lankans and the international community how a government can use its mandate without polarising society and thereby securing the consensus necessary for sustainable change.

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