Connect with us

Features

Upsurge of religious despotism in lanka

Published

on

Can the jvp withstand Sinhala-Buddhist racism? N.M.’s heritage

by Kumar David

“Fascism is a religion. The 20th century will be known as the Century of Fascism.” – Benito Mussolini

We are predominantly a Buddhist country so let me ask outright; am I be allowed to say in public that I think this or that aspect of the Buddha’s teaching is wrong? I have in mind, for example, concepts associated with rebirth. Some say that it is not an essential part of the philosophy but that’s not the point. The point is this. Will I be permitted to say in public without being dragged off by the police (incited by an intolerant public), beaten and locked up, that, for example, the Buddha’s concept of rebirth is absurd and irrational? Easter is the cardinal event of the Christian faith where Christ defeated death and enthroned the victory of good over evil. Well I don’t think that a man can rise from the dead after three days of entombment. And the Christian belief in Virgin Birth, in the days before in-vitro, is patently a blunder. The relationship between Mary Magdalene and Jesus and whether the former bred progeny is controversial to some Christians but widely discussed in other jurisdictions. Muslim abhorrence of pork was not originally of religious significance; it’s a hygienic objection. The pig is a faeces-eating scavenger.

The point is that all these are perfectly serious critiques of aspects of religious philosophy, and not to be brushed aside. To be absolutely clear, let me repeat, I am not asking whether these views are right or wrong or whether you agree or not. I only ask, am I allowed to say all this? None of it can be discussed if expressing it entails being dragged off by fascistic policemen, prompted by intolerant mobs. The way things are shaping up it certainly looks like that. Fortunately, the three-million gods of Hinduism don’t care a hoot what you say. Krishna blithely stole the clothes of bathing damsels and Draupadi effortlessly laid five brothers. So, there’s somebody on my side; or is saying this sacrilegious too? Sigh!

Religion, right-wing populism and corruption

Will the proposed (semi-fascist) Sri Lankan legislation protect the right to atheism? Atheists argue that “religion is the opium of the masses” meaning that it is a soporific to lull people into accepting the injustices of this world (instead of rising up) with false promises of greater glory in the next. It’s a façade to safeguard the wealth and privileges of the “churches” of all religious denominations, enhance the powers rulers of the State and protect wealth (in the modern instance owners of capital). This is a valid critique of religion but how can one discuss it if one cannot utter it?

The CID is after stand-up comedian Natasha Edirisooriya for inflaming religious discord in her gig Fool’s Pride (Modabimanaya). She offended by her reference to ‘Suddhodanage podi eka (Suddodana’s little one), a reference to Siddhartha before he became Buddha. I have watched the entirety of the show on YouTube and I think it is not of much artistic merit. Like similar shows in the US it’s a show filled with sexual innuendo. The reference to Siddhartha is fleeting and best ignored; but religious zealots are inflamed. Religious extremism in Lanka is on the rise and has become as intolerant as in the Middle East and other theocracies. Religious fascism is on the march.

Ms Edirisooriya I understand was apprehended in the departure lounge of the Airport. And you know what! The VIP lounge at the airport is a den of thieves that would give the forty bandits who accosted Ali Baba pause. Political racketeers, ruling party sycophants and riff-raff aligned with the Royal Family infest it. No policeman or customs officer will dare confront these misbegotten sons and daughters of political felons. Amnesty International has quite rightly condemned Edirisooriya’s arrest as a flagrant violation of the freedom of speech.

The point is not whether one likes or dislikes her show, nor whether it is classy or stupid. The point for heaven’s sake is whether the woman should be dragged off and locked up when some stupid Minister or State Minister wants to play to the gallery, or the cops enjoy a bout of fascism, or the judiciary is as spineless as a leafy gourd, or President RW’s claims of liberalism turn fake. The point is that the bloody woman has every right to do her thing on stage limited only by the laws of slander PREVIOUSLY enacted by parliament.

The truth is that Sinhala-Buddhist society lives in tutelage to its own clergy. Monks preach racism and religious intolerance as a matter of course. They fear that liberalism is undermining their hold on their followers. I will change my mind on this point when I see the police drag off a monk and haul him up before a judge. (Was a first such arrest made just before Poson?). Unfortunately though in the end I have no choice but to concede that it is the people themselves, the electorate, that is blinkered.

Now a few words about that “Christian” nut Jerome Fernando. Are the things he has uttered offensive to thin-skinned religious diehards? I think yes, but not criminal. For heaven’s sake what’s criminal about saying the Buddha was in search of Enlightenment while Jesus called himself the “The Light of the World” and therefore, in JF’s mindset, the former was in search of the latter? Leaving aside JF’s rank ignorance of historical chronology, I think the fellow is a nut worth only a good laugh.

NM’s unexpected relevance

There is however a more serious concern relating to right-wing Sinhala-Buddhist populism that has raised its head. My readers are probably fed up with my bitter criticisms of the NPP-JVP for not publishing its development programme. Recently I have also been critical of its programmatic blindness on the national question (the minority issue). A particularly dangerous trend is when I hear Sinhala-Buddhist (SB) activists say: “If the JVP makes concessions to the Tamils and Muslims such as devolution or land rights it will face a backlash in its own SB backyard vote base.

The base will turn away” (the critics are not specific whether to RW, Sajith or someone else). The argument is credible and the response of the minorities is foreseeable. They will vote for their own communal parties at home, and outside their areas of domicile they will vote for right-wing candidates. Therefore, the bane of this nation, the racial divide between Sinhala Buddhism and Tamils-Muslims, will be aggravated. And this time if it happens, it will be on the watch of the Left, so the NPP-JVP will have nobody but itself to blame.

Ajith Samaranayake in one of his more inspired essays called NM “The best Prime Minister Lanka never had”. Looking back over the last 80 years this is perhaps far truer than Ajith foresaw. Had NM been PM/President (head of state) he would never have stood by and permitted the carnage that JR provoked and encouraged in the 1980s, SWRD invoked in 1959 and Mrs B allowed on the plantations to happen.

“The Role of the Individual in History” is the title of Plekhanov’s famous treatise, and indeed the Role of leaders great and small can be decisive, Gandhi, Lee Kuan Yew, Mandela and Jacinda Arden for example. And rooting out the ethnic cancer would have fundamentally changed the miserable history of this country. If NM had been Head of State, he would not have permitted the malignancy to endure. Lee had the advantage of universally enforced English and eventually a much stronger economy. But the personal character of the head of state is also profoundly important. NM, if he was Head of State in 1958 or 1983, would have firmly dispersed racist mobs, arsonists and rapists.

The legacy of Samasamajism

After its golden age of opposition to the infamous disenfranchisement of plantation Tamil workers and opposition to Sinhala Only, the Samasamaja movement did make blunders. Oh yes that’s true. At the same time there’s no denying that Samasamajists are not racists; racism invokes revulsion in their innermost core. Many are the racists who after a brief sojourn with Samasamajism went their way to terrain more agreeable to their mindset. The challenge today is whether the “revolutionary-socialist and Marxist” JVP measures up to the standards of international socialism? Will it stand against an SB wave or will it capitulate? And if it yields to racism how will it explain itself to international socialism; to the heritage of Marx, Rosa, Mao and Che? If you raise an eyebrow at the inclusion of Mao in this list, whatever Mao’s other faults he was not a racist.

Mind you as a scholar NM is no second to Lee who shone during his Cambridge years. NM was Harold Laski’s star portage at LSE, double doctor and constitutional commentator par-excellence in the Ceylon/Lanka Parliament. Who wins the prize? On scholarly merit NM; on national achievement Lee of course. (Singapore’s present Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, Lee Kuan Yew’s son, was Senior Wrangler in his year in the Cambridge Mathematics Tripos, the University’s most prestigious examination).

There is another point about NM that is relevant to any discourse on Lanka now. He was a quintessential social-democrat in the best traditions of the Enlightenment; but conversely, he was also a Marxist. This is the line that the JVP will have to tread in the domestic and global circumstances of these times. Sans social-democracy and commitment to change of government by democratic elections, millions will turn away. (“Aney bayai; monowa karai da dannne neha”). Furthermore, Anura Kumara, as a hypothetical Head of State, will have to address international forums such as the UN General Assembly, the World Bank and Non-Aligned Summit knowledgeably – speaking in Sinhala of course?

At the same time the nation’s youth expect radical system transforming leadership from the JVP. It’s a tough call. Can the comrades measure up to the twin challenge? I think so; NM could have had he been Head of State. It is no secret that though NM dragged us kicking and screaming into coalition with Sirima in 1964, by 1975 he was disillusioned and wanted to quit the government despite the opposition of the “golden brains” (Hector, Doric, Bernard, Colvin and Leslie). He best saw the coming electoral slaughter of the Left in 1977. He was opposed to the Chapter on Buddhism in the Republican Constitution and even told a closed session of a Party Group in Peradeniya “I don’t know how Colvin works with that woman.”



Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Features

More state support needed for marginalised communities

Published

on

A landslide in the Central Province

Message from Malaiyaha Tamil community to govt:

Insights from SSA Cyclone Ditwah Survey

When climate disasters strike, they don’t affect everyone equally. Marginalised communities typically face worse outcomes, and Cyclone Ditwah is no exception. Especially in a context where normalcy is far from “normal”, the idea of returning to normalcy or restoring a life of normalcy makes very little sense.

The island-wide survey (https://ssalanka.org/reports/) conducted by the Social Scientists’ Association (SSA), between early to mid-January on Cyclone Ditwah shows stark regional disparities in how satisfied or dissatisfied people were with the government’s response. While national satisfaction levels were relatively high in most provinces, the Central Province tells a different story.

Only 35.2% of Central Province residents reported that they were satisfied with early warning and evacuation measures, compared to 52.2% nationally. The gap continues across every measure: just 52.9% were satisfied with immediate rescue and emergency response, compared with the national figure of 74.6%. Satisfaction with relief distribution in the Central Province is 51.9% while the national figure stands at 73.1%. The figures for restoration of water, electricity, and roads are at a low 45.9% in the central province compared to the 70.9% in national figures. Similarly, the satisfaction level for recovery and rebuilding support is 48.7% in the Central Province, while the national figure is 67.0%.

A deeper analysis of the SSA data on public perceptions reveals something important: these lower satisfaction rates came primarily from the Malaiyaha Tamil population. Their experience differed not just from other provinces, but also from other ethnic groups living in the Central Province itself.

The Malaiyaha Tamil community’s vulnerability didn’t start with the cyclone. Their vulnerability is a historically and structurally pre-determined process of exclusion and marginalisation. Brought to Sri Lanka during British rule to work for the empire’s plantation economies, they have faced long-term economic exploitation and have repeatedly been denied access to state support and social welfare systems. Most estate residents still live in ‘line rooms’ and have no rights to the land they cultivate and live on. The community continues to be governed by an outdated estate management system that acts as a barrier to accessing public and municipal services such as road repair, water, electricity and other basic infrastructures available to other citizens.

As far as access to improved water sources is concerned, the Sri Lanka Demographic Health Survey (2016) shows that 57% of estate sector households don’t have access to improved water sources, while more than 90% of households in urban and rural areas do. With regard to the level of poverty, as the Department of Census and Statistics (2019) data reveals, the estate sector where most Malaiyaha Tamils live had a poverty headcount index of 33.8%; more than double the national rate of 14.3%. These statistics highlight key indicators of the systemic discrimination faced by the Malaiyaha Tamil community.

Some crucial observations from the SSA data collectors who enumerated responses from estate residents in the survey reveal the specific challenges faced by the Malaiyaha Tamils, particularly in their efforts to seek state support for compensation and reconstruction.

First, the Central Province experienced not just flooding but also the highest number of landslides in the island. As a result, some residents in the region lost entire homes, access roadways, and other basic infrastructures. The loss of lives, livelihoods and land was at a higher intensity compared to the provinces not located in the hills. Most importantly, the Malaiyaha Tamil community’s pre-existing grievances made them even more vulnerable and the government’s job of reparation and restitution more complex.

Early warnings hadn’t reached many areas. Some data collectors said they themselves never heard any warnings in estate areas, while others mentioned that early warnings were issued but didn’t reach some segments of the community. According to the resident data collectors, the police announcements reached only as far as the sections where they were able to drive their vehicles to, and there were many estate roads that were not motorable. When warnings did filter through to remote locations, they often came by word of mouth and information was distorted along the way. Once the disaster hit, things got worse: roads were blocked, electricity went out, mobile networks failed and people were cut off completely.

Emergency response was slow. Blocked roads meant people could not get to hospitals when they needed urgent care, including pregnant mothers. The difficult terrain and poor road conditions meant rescue teams took much longer to reach affected areas than in other regions.

Relief supplies didn’t reach everyone. The Grama Niladhari divisions in these areas are huge and hard to navigate, making it difficult for Grama Niladharis to reach all places as urgently as needed. Relief workers distributed supplies where vehicles could go, which meant accessible areas got help while remote communities were left out.

Some people didn’t even try to go to safety centres or evacuation shelters set up in local schools because the facilities there were already so poor. The perceptions of people who did go to safety centres, as shown in the provincial data, reveal that satisfaction was low compared to other affected regions of the country. Less than half were satisfied with space and facilities (42.1%) or security and protection (45.0%). Satisfaction was even lower for assistance with lost or damaged documentation (17.9%) and information and support for compensation applications (28.2%). Only 22.5% were satisfied with medical care and health services below most other affected regions.

Restoring services proved nearly impossible in some areas. Road access was the biggest problem. The condition of the roads was already poor even before the cyclone, and some still haven’t been cleared. Recovery is especially difficult because there’s no decent baseline infrastructure to restore, hence you can’t bring roads and other public facilities back to a “good” condition when they were never good, even before the disaster.

Water systems faced their own complications. Many households get water from natural sources or small community projects, and not the centralised state system. These sources are often in the middle of the disaster zone and therefore got contaminated during the floods and landslides.

Long-term recovery remains stalled. Without basic infrastructure, areas that are still hard to reach keep struggling to get the support they need for rebuilding.

Taken together, what do these testaments mean? Disaster response can’t be the same for everyone. The Malaiyaha Tamil community has been double marginalised because they were already living with structural inequalities such as poor infrastructure, geographic isolation, and inadequate services which have been exacerbated by Cyclone Ditwah. An effective and fair disaster response needs to account for these underlying vulnerabilities. It requires interventions tailored to the historical, economic, and infrastructural realities that marginalized communities face every day. On top of that, it highlights the importance of dealing with climate disasters, given the fact that vulnerable communities could face more devastating impacts compared to others.

(Shashik Silva is a researcher with the Social Scientists’ Association of Sri Lanka)

by Shashik Silva ✍️

Continue Reading

Features

Crucial test for religious and ethnic harmony in Bangladesh

Published

on

A political protest that led to governmental change in Bangladesh mid last year. (photograph: imago)

Will the Bangladesh parliamentary election bring into being a government that will ensure ethnic and religious harmony in the country? This is the poser on the lips of peace-loving sections in Bangladesh and a principal concern of those outside who mean the country well.

The apprehensions are mainly on the part of religious and ethnic minorities. The parliamentary poll of February 12th is expected to bring into existence a government headed by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and the Islamist oriented Jamaat-e-Islami party and this is where the rub is. If these parties win, will it be a case of Bangladesh sliding in the direction of a theocracy or a state where majoritarian chauvinism thrives?

Chief of the Jamaat, Shafiqur Rahman, who was interviewed by sections of the international media recently said that there is no need for minority groups in Bangladesh to have the above fears. He assured, essentially, that the state that will come into being will be equable and inclusive. May it be so, is likely to be the wish of those who cherish a tension-free Bangladesh.

The party that could have posed a challenge to the above parties, the Awami League Party of former Prime Minister Hasina Wased, is out of the running on account of a suspension that was imposed on it by the authorities and the mentioned majoritarian-oriented parties are expected to have it easy at the polls.

A positive that has emerged against the backdrop of the poll is that most ordinary people in Bangladesh, be they Muslim or Hindu, are for communal and religious harmony and it is hoped that this sentiment will strongly prevail, going ahead. Interestingly, most of them were of the view, when interviewed, that it was the politicians who sowed the seeds of discord in the country and this viewpoint is widely shared by publics all over the region in respect of the politicians of their countries.

Some sections of the Jamaat party were of the view that matters with regard to the orientation of governance are best left to the incoming parliament to decide on but such opinions will be cold comfort for minority groups. If the parliamentary majority comes to consist of hard line Islamists, for instance, there is nothing to prevent the country from going in for theocratic governance. Consequently, minority group fears over their safety and protection cannot be prevented from spreading.

Therefore, we come back to the question of just and fair governance and whether Bangladesh’s future rulers could ensure these essential conditions of democratic rule. The latter, it is hoped, will be sufficiently perceptive to ascertain that a Bangladesh rife with religious and ethnic tensions, and therefore unstable, would not be in the interests of Bangladesh and those of the region’s countries.

Unfortunately, politicians region-wide fall for the lure of ethnic, religious and linguistic chauvinism. This happens even in the case of politicians who claim to be democratic in orientation. This fate even befell Bangladesh’s Awami League Party, which claims to be democratic and socialist in general outlook.

We have it on the authority of Taslima Nasrin in her ground-breaking novel, ‘Lajja’, that the Awami Party was not of any substantial help to Bangladesh’s Hindus, for example, when violence was unleashed on them by sections of the majority community. In fact some elements in the Awami Party were found to be siding with the Hindus’ murderous persecutors. Such are the temptations of hard line majoritarianism.

In Sri Lanka’s past numerous have been the occasions when even self-professed Leftists and their parties have conveniently fallen in line with Southern nationalist groups with self-interest in mind. The present NPP government in Sri Lanka has been waxing lyrical about fostering national reconciliation and harmony but it is yet to prove its worthiness on this score in practice. The NPP government remains untested material.

As a first step towards national reconciliation it is hoped that Sri Lanka’s present rulers would learn the Tamil language and address the people of the North and East of the country in Tamil and not Sinhala, which most Tamil-speaking people do not understand. We earnestly await official language reforms which afford to Tamil the dignity it deserves.

An acid test awaits Bangladesh as well on the nation-building front. Not only must all forms of chauvinism be shunned by the incoming rulers but a secular, truly democratic Bangladesh awaits being licked into shape. All identity barriers among people need to be abolished and it is this process that is referred to as nation-building.

On the foreign policy frontier, a task of foremost importance for Bangladesh is the need to build bridges of amity with India. If pragmatism is to rule the roost in foreign policy formulation, Bangladesh would place priority to the overcoming of this challenge. The repatriation to Bangladesh of ex-Prime Minister Hasina could emerge as a steep hurdle to bilateral accord but sagacious diplomacy must be used by Bangladesh to get over the problem.

A reply to N.A. de S. Amaratunga

A response has been penned by N.A. de S. Amaratunga (please see p5 of ‘The Island’ of February 6th) to a previous column by me on ‘ India shaping-up as a Swing State’, published in this newspaper on January 29th , but I remain firmly convinced that India remains a foremost democracy and a Swing State in the making.

If the countries of South Asia are to effectively manage ‘murderous terrorism’, particularly of the separatist kind, then they would do well to adopt to the best of their ability a system of government that provides for power decentralization from the centre to the provinces or periphery, as the case may be. This system has stood India in good stead and ought to prove effective in all other states that have fears of disintegration.

Moreover, power decentralization ensures that all communities within a country enjoy some self-governing rights within an overall unitary governance framework. Such power-sharing is a hallmark of democratic governance.

Continue Reading

Features

Celebrating Valentine’s Day …

Published

on

Valentine’s Day is all about celebrating love, romance, and affection, and this is how some of our well-known personalities plan to celebrate Valentine’s Day – 14th February:

Merlina Fernando (Singer)

Yes, it’s a special day for lovers all over the world and it’s even more special to me because 14th February is the birthday of my husband Suresh, who’s the lead guitarist of my band Mission.

We have planned to celebrate Valentine’s Day and his Birthday together and it will be a wonderful night as always.

We will be having our fans and close friends, on that night, with their loved ones at Highso – City Max hotel Dubai, from 9.00 pm onwards.

Lorensz Francke (Elvis Tribute Artiste)

On Valentine’s Day I will be performing a live concert at a Wealthy Senior Home for Men and Women, and their families will be attending, as well.

I will be performing live with romantic, iconic love songs and my song list would include ‘Can’t Help falling in Love’, ‘Love Me Tender’, ‘Burning Love’, ‘Are You Lonesome Tonight’, ‘The Wonder of You’ and ‘’It’s Now or Never’ to name a few.

To make Valentine’s Day extra special I will give the Home folks red satin scarfs.

Emma Shanaya (Singer)

I plan on spending the day of love with my girls, especially my best friend. I don’t have a romantic Valentine this year but I am thrilled to spend it with the girl that loves me through and through. I’ll be in Colombo and look forward to go to a cute cafe and spend some quality time with my childhood best friend Zulha.

JAYASRI

Emma-and-Maneeka

This Valentine’s Day the band JAYASRI we will be really busy; in the morning we will be landing in Sri Lanka, after our Oman Tour; then in the afternoon we are invited as Chief Guests at our Maris Stella College Sports Meet, Negombo, and late night we will be with LineOne band live in Karandeniya Open Air Down South. Everywhere we will be sharing LOVE with the mass crowds.

Kay Jay (Singer)

I will stay at home and cook a lovely meal for lunch, watch some movies, together with Sanjaya, and, maybe we go out for dinner and have a lovely time. Come to think of it, every day is Valentine’s Day for me with Sanjaya Alles.

Maneka Liyanage (Beauty Tips)

On this special day, I celebrate love by spending meaningful time with the people I cherish. I prepare food with love and share meals together, because food made with love brings hearts closer. I enjoy my leisure time with them — talking, laughing, sharing stories, understanding each other, and creating beautiful memories. My wish for this Valentine’s Day is a world without fighting — a world where we love one another like our own beloved, where we do not hurt others, even through a single word or action. Let us choose kindness, patience, and understanding in everything we do.

Janaka Palapathwala (Singer)

Janaka

Valentine’s Day should not be the only day we speak about love.

From the moment we are born into this world, we seek love, first through the very drop of our mother’s milk, then through the boundless care of our Mother and Father, and the embrace of family.

Love is everywhere. All living beings, even plants, respond in affection when they are loved.

As we grow, we learn to love, and to be loved. One day, that love inspires us to build a new family of our own.

Love has no beginning and no end. It flows through every stage of life, timeless, endless, and eternal.

Natasha Rathnayake (Singer)

We don’t have any special plans for Valentine’s Day. When you’ve been in love with the same person for over 25 years, you realise that love isn’t a performance reserved for one calendar date. My husband and I have never been big on public displays, or grand gestures, on 14th February. Our love is expressed quietly and consistently, in ordinary, uncelebrated moments.

With time, you learn that love isn’t about proving anything to the world or buying into a commercialised idea of romance—flowers that wilt, sweets that spike blood sugar, and gifts that impress briefly but add little real value. In today’s society, marketing often pushes the idea that love is proven by how much money you spend, and that buying things is treated as a sign of commitment.

Real love doesn’t need reminders or price tags. It lives in showing up every day, choosing each other on unromantic days, and nurturing the relationship intentionally and without an audience.

This isn’t a judgment on those who enjoy celebrating Valentine’s Day. It’s simply a personal choice.

Melloney Dassanayake (Miss Universe Sri Lanka 2024)

I truly believe it’s beautiful to have a day specially dedicated to love. But, for me, Valentine’s Day goes far beyond romantic love alone. It celebrates every form of love we hold close to our hearts: the love for family, friends, and that one special person who makes life brighter. While 14th February gives us a moment to pause and celebrate, I always remind myself that love should never be limited to just one day. Every single day should feel like Valentine’s Day – constant reminder to the people we love that they are never alone, that they are valued, and that they matter.

I’m incredibly blessed because, for me, every day feels like Valentine’s Day. My special person makes sure of that through the smallest gestures, the quiet moments, and the simple reminders that love lives in the details. He shows me that it’s the little things that count, and that love doesn’t need grand stages to feel extraordinary. This Valentine’s Day, perfection would be something intimate and meaningful: a cozy picnic in our home garden, surrounded by nature, laughter, and warmth, followed by an abstract drawing session where we let our creativity flow freely. To me, that’s what love is – simple, soulful, expressive, and deeply personal. When love is real, every ordinary moment becomes magical.

Noshin De Silva (Actress)

Valentine’s Day is one of my favourite holidays! I love the décor, the hearts everywhere, the pinks and reds, heart-shaped chocolates, and roses all around. But honestly, I believe every day can be Valentine’s Day.

It doesn’t have to be just about romantic love. It’s a chance to celebrate love in all its forms with friends, family, or even by taking a little time for yourself.

Whether you’re spending the day with someone special or enjoying your own company, it’s a reminder to appreciate meaningful connections, show kindness, and lead with love every day.

And yes, I’m fully on theme this year with heart nail art and heart mehendi design!

Wishing everyone a very happy Valentine’s Day, but, remember, love yourself first, and don’t forget to treat yourself.

Sending my love to all of you.

Continue Reading

Trending