Features
Under Ranil Wickremesinghe, Sri Lanka is going fast – in reverse
Administration has moved to stifle criticism with a draft of new, repressive laws
by Meenakshi Ganguly
Deputy Asia Director (Human Rights Watch)
Sri Lanka is still reeling from an economic crisis largely caused by misgovernance and lack of accountability. Public protests in 2022 forced the president and the prime minister, brothers Gotabaya and Mahinda Rajapaksa, to step down.
But instead of focusing on social justice and rights, the new government, led by President Ranil Wickremesinghe, is focused on suppressing dissent and limiting international attention on human rights.
Although it is the Rajapaksas that nominated – and are propping up – their successor, many foreign observers, including in India and the United States, had hoped that things would change.
Wickremesinghe, who had previously politically opposed the Rajapaksa-led party, was expected to reverse the authoritarian policies of the previous government, address entrenched corruption, stabilise the economy and even comply with international pledges to bring long-awaited justice for violations during the 1987-’89 insurgency in the south, and the 1983-2009 civil war in the north.
Instead, Wickremesinghe has moved forcefully to stifle criticism with a raft of new, repressive laws as the country prepares to hold a presidential election later this year. The Online Safety Act, adopted by parliament in January, creates vague and broad speech-related offenses punishable with lengthy prison terms.
The Anti-Terrorism Bill currently before parliament contains draconian powers, while the government continues to use the notorious Prevention of Terrorism Act to violate fundamental due process rights. A draft law to regulate non-governmental organisations, circulated by the government in January, could make it impossible for civil society organizations to function freely.
Back in 2015, when Wickremasinghe was the prime minister, he backed a consensus resolution at the United Nations Human Rights Council, committing to 25 key undertakings across a range of human rights issues, mostly related to the 1983-2009 civil war.
That government also pledged to provide answers to families of the “disappeared”, and to provide reparations for victims of abuses.
But there was little progress, and his government lost the next elections. Soon after Gotabaya Rajapaksa became president in 2019, he withdrew from the resolution, appointing officials implicated in war crimes and serious rights abuses to politically powerful and senior official positions. Numerous mass graves, in most cases discovered accidentally, have not been properly examined to identify the victims or their killers.
The UN Human Rights Council in a 2021 resolution established the Sri Lanka Accountability Project to gather evidence of international crimes for use in future prosecutions. With the resolution due for renewal in September 2024, Wickremesinghe, this time, is hoping to persuade the council to end its scrutiny of Sri Lanka.
But the government’s actions expose the need for continued international attention. Even as it has announced the Commission for Truth, Unity and Reconciliation in Sri Lanka Bill, purportedly to address civil war atrocities, the authorities continue to silence and repress the families of the disappeared.
Successive Sri Lankan governments have appointed at least 10 commissions since the 1990s to examine human rights violations and war crimes. The new law simply replicates previous failed efforts, ignores the needs of victims, and falls far short of meeting Sri Lanka’s international legal obligations.
Many victims say they have “commission fatigue”, and see no use in providing their testimony again, risking re-traumatisation and possible threats from security forces.
The government needs to urgently reverse course to meet its human rights obligations. That should include repealing or reforming the Online Safety Act to protect the rights to free expression and privacy; amending the Anti-Terrorism Bill to meet international human rights standards; imposing a moratorium on the use of the Prevention of Terrorism Act until it is repealed; and dropping the draft non-governmental organisations law, or any bill that constrains civil society.
The Wickremesinghe administration should work to correct the authoritarian legacy of its predecessors by safeguarding freedom of expression and letting civil society groups operate freely, particularly in the north and east.
It should stop arresting Tamil community members for the memorialisation of their war dead, and end government actions to appropriate Tamil and Muslim lands, including religious sites, in the north and east.
Sri Lankans are grappling with declining economic and social conditions, amid impunity for decades of human rights violations and for official corruption.
According to the United Nations World Food Programme, in 2023 more than 17% of the population was moderately or acutely food insecure and in need of humanitarian assistance, and 31% of children under 5 were malnourished. From 2021 to 2022, the country’s poverty rate doubled, to 25% and is projected to rise further.
In March 2023, a loan from the International Monetary Fund paved the way for multilateral institutions such as the World Bank and Asian Development Bank to offer new financing.
The International Monetary Fund programme focused on raising government revenues and emphasised tackling corruption and improving social protection. However, as structured, the program has shifted the burden of recovery principally onto people with low incomes, undermining people’s economic and social rights.
Wickremesinghe is afraid of Sri Lankans holding their government accountable. International partners, whom he relies upon to support his economic program, need to vigorously support democratic norms and the rule of law too.
Features
Rethinking global order in the precincts of Nalanda
It has become fashionable to criticise the US for its recent conduct toward Iran. This is not an attempt to defend or rationalise the US’s actions. Rather, it seeks to inject perspective into an increasingly a historical debate. What is often missing is institutional memory: An understanding of how the present international order was constructed and the conditions under which it emerged.
The “rules-based order” was forged in the aftermath of two catastrophic wars. Earlier efforts had faltered. Woodrow Wilson’s proposal for a League of Nations after World War I was rejected by the US Senate. Yet, it introduced a lasting premise: International order could be consciously designed, not left solely to shifting power balances. That premise returned after World War II. The Dumbarton Oaks process laid the groundwork for the UN, while Bretton Woods established the global financial architecture.
These frameworks shaped modern norms of security, finance, trade, and governance. The US played the central role in this design, providing leadership even as it engaged selectively- remaining outside certain frameworks while shaping others. This underscored a central reality: Power and principle have always coexisted uneasily within it.
This order most be understood against the destruction that preceded it. Industrial warfare, aerial bombardment, and weapons capable of unprecedented devastation reshaped both the ethics and limits of conflict. The post-war system emerged from this trauma, anchored in a fragile consensus of “never again”, even as authority remained concentrated among five powers.
The rise of China, the re-emergence of India, and the growing assertiveness of Russia and regional powers are reshaping the global balance. Technological disruption and renewed competition over energy and resources are transforming the nature of power. In this environment, some American strategists argue that the US risks strategic drift Iran, in this view, becomes more than a regional issue; it serves as a platform for signalling resolve – not only to Tehran, but to Beijing and beyond. Actions taken in one theatre are intended to shape perceptions of credibility across multiple fronts.
Recent actions suggest that while the US retains unmatched military reach, it has exercised a level of restraint. The avoidance of escalation into the most extreme forms of warfare indicates that certain thresholds in great-power conflict remain intact. If current trends persist-where power increasingly substitutes for principle — this won’t remain a uniquely American dilemma.
Other major powers may face similar choices. As capabilities expand, the temptation to act outside established norms may grow. What begins as a context-specific deviation can harden into accepted practice. This is the paradox of great power transition: What begins as an exception risk becoming a precedent The question now is whether existing systems are capable of renewal. Ad hoc frameworks may stabilise the present, but risk orphaning the future. Without a broader framework, they risk managing disorder rather than designing order. The Dumbarton Oaks process was a structured diplomatic effort shaped by competing visions and compromise. A contemporary equivalent would be more complex, reflecting a more diffuse distribution of power and lower levels of trust Such an effort must include the US, China, India, the EU, Russia, and other key powers.
India could serve as a credible convenor capable of bridging divides. Its position -engaged with multiple powers yet not formally aligned – gives it a degree of convening legitimacy. Nalanda-the world’s first university – offers an appropriate symbolic setting for such dialogue, evoking knowledge exchange across civilisations rather than competition among them.
Milinda Moragoda is a former cabinet minister and diplomat from Sri Lanka and founder of the Pathfinder Foundation, a strategic affairs think tank could be contacted atemail@milinda.org. This article was published in Hindustan Times on 2026.04.19)
By Milinda Moragoda
Features
Father and daughter … and now Section 8
The combination of father and daughter, Shafi and Jana, as a duo, turned out to be a very rewarding experience, indeed, and now they have advanced to Section 8 – a high-energy, funk-driven, jazz-oriented live band, blending pop, rock, funk, country, and jazz.
Guitar wizard Shafi is a highly accomplished lead guitarist with extensive international experience, having performed across Germany, Australia, the Maldives, Canada, and multiple global destinations.
He is best known as a lead guitarist of Wildfire, one of Sri Lanka’s most recognised bands, while Jana is a dynamic and captivating lead vocalist with over a decade of professional performing experience.
Jana’s musical journey started early, through choir, laying the foundation for her strong vocal control and confident stage presence.
Having also performed with various local bands, and collaborated with seasoned musicians, Jana has developed a versatile style that blends energy, emotion, and audience connection.
The father and daughter combination performed in the Maldives for two years and then returned home and formed Section 8, combining international stage experience with a sharp understanding of what it takes to move a crowd.
In fact, Shafi and Jana performed together, as a duo, for over seven years, including long-term overseas contracts, building a strong musical partnership and a deep understanding of international audiences and live entertainment standards.
Section 8 is relatively new to the scene – just two years old – but the outfit has already built a strong reputation, performing at private events, weddings, bars, and concerts.
The band is known for its adaptability, professionalism, and engaging stage presence, and consistently delivers a premium live entertainment experience, focused on energy, groove, and audience connection.
Section 8 is also a popular name across Sri Lanka’s live music circuit, regularly performing at venues such as Gatz, Jazzabel, Honey Beach, and The Main Sports Bar, as well as across the southern coast, including Hikkaduwa, Ahangama, Mirissa, and Galle.
What’s more, they performed two consecutive years at Petti Mirissa for their New Year’s gala, captivating international audiences present with high-energy performance, specially designed for large-scale celebrations.
With a strong following among international visitors, the band has become a standout act within the tourist entertainment scene, as well.
Their performances are tailored to diverse audiences, blending international hits with dance-driven sets, while also incorporating strong jazz influences that add depth, musicianship, and versatility to their sound.
The rest of the members of Section 8 are also extremely talented and experienced musicians:
Suresh – Drummer, with over 20 years of international experience.
Dimantha – Keyboardist, with global exposure across multiple countries.
Dilhara – Bassist and multi-instrumentalist, also a composer and producer, with technical expertise.
Features
Celebrations … in a unique way
Rajiv Sebastian could be classified as an innovative performer.
Yes, he certainly has plenty of surprises up his sleeves and that’s what makes him extremely popular with his fans.
Rajiv & The Clan are now 35 years in the showbiz scene and Rajiv says he has plans to celebrate this special occasion … in a unique way!
According to Rajiv, the memories of Clarence, Neville, Baig, Rukmani, Wally and many more, in its original flavour, will be relived on 14th July.
“We will be celebrating our anniversary at the Grand Maitland (in front of the SSC playground) on 14th July, at 7.00pm, and you will feel the inspiration of an amazing night you’ve never seen before,” says Rajiv, adding that all the performers will be dressed up in the beautiful sixties attire, and use musical instruments never seen before.
In fact, Rajiv left for London, last week, and is scheduled to perform at four different venues, and at each venue his outfit is going to be different, he says, with the sarong being very much a part of the scene.
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