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Thondaman’s role in aborting Premadasa impeachment and Speaker Mohamed’s perfidy

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Premadasa

As planned the Speaker addressed a letter to the President stating that he had accepted a motion of impeachment presented to him by more than half the number of MPs and therefore section 38 of the constitution was now brought into play. This letter was brought by the President to the Cabinet which proceeded unanimously to declare their confidence in Premadasa. At this meeting Lalith and Premachandra who were Cabinet ministers at that time had also voted in favour of a confidence vote in the President though by this time they had affixed their signatures to the motion referred to by the Speaker.

Let us listen to Nihal Seneviratne (former Secretary General of Parliament) to get Premadasa’s reaction, He [the President] asked “Nihal have you seen this impeachment motion?” I replied, “which impeachment motion, Sir?” He replied saying Speaker Mohamed had sent him a few hours earlier a motion of impeachment against him. I was quite categorical and said that I had not seen it at all, which was the truth… I realized that the Speaker had sent him the motion by hand without showing it to me.”

The following day the President summoned all his party MPs to the Parliament building and spoke to them individually. Predictably most of them denied that they signed any such document or said that they were misled. Since the acceptance of the motion meant that the President was precluded from dissolving Parliament he used his right to prorogue Parliament and re-summoned it at a later date [September 21] thereby gaining time to reverse the impeachment process. In the meanwhile he, with his usual thoroughness, identified Mohamed as the “brains” behind the move and began a series of behind the scenes activities to “torpedo” the motion.

According to Nihal Seneviratne he [the President] is even believed to have advised a royal dignitary in the Middle East to refrain from supporting some of the Islam related projects that the Speaker was sponsoring here. The Speaker’s family was also known to have owned a company importing motor cars from India. It was believed that the President had asked the Inland Revenue department to check and scrutinize all documents pertaining to that business. Perhaps all this was in progress when the Speaker announced a more nuanced position to Parliament that “I wish to inform the House that I have been given notice of a resolution under article 38 [2] of the constitution. Having satisfied myself that the resolution is in order I decided to entertain it. Subsequently written and oral representations have been made to me questioning the validity of the signatures on the resolution. I am looking into this matter at present. My decision will be conveyed to the House soon”.

Even at this time Lalith and Gamini had faith in the Speaker because he was sending message after message to them that he was standing unequivocally with them. But at the same time we were receiving information that Mohamed was changing horses in midstream. Gamini was for trusting the Speaker but Lalith was beginning to have doubts as there was a flow of information – some from the Speakers household itself – that a “conspiracy was afoot”. Seneviratne refers to Lalith’s consternation; I asked him “Lalith, why are you rocking the boat?” His instant reply was, “Don’t ask me that question. Address it to your Speaker. I was surprised but remained silent.”

In the meanwhile the Speaker made ready to visit New Delhi for a meeting of the Inter Parliamentary Union. This naturally added to the tension as both parties were now depending on him to make the next move. If the conspirators were more perceptive they would have been suspicious with a development that Seneviratne describes thus; “We [the Speaker included] had not received permission from the President to leave the country. Soon after, the President rang me and said to inform the Speaker and members of the delegation that he had given permission for the delegation to proceed to India which we did”. The plotters should have smelt a rat because usually Premadasa was very vindictive in his responses to his opponents. But Gamini, in my presence, spoke several times to Mohamed by phone and appeared to be satisfied that the impeachment was on track.

Enter Thondaman

But as Gamini learned later to his cost, Mohamed had already succumbed to Premadasa before he emplaned for Delhi though he kept it a secret and was giving assurances to the contrary to the conspirators. I can now reveal that this “volte face”was engineered by Thondaman, the leader of the Ceylon Workers Congress in order to strengthen his alliance with the President. No doubt the inquiries about Mohamed’s business dealings had softened him up but it was Thondaman’s arguments that had clinched the deal. The leader of the upcountry Tamils had pointed out that both he and Mohamed represented ethnic minorities which could not alienate the head of state, and certainly not a head like Premadasa, who enjoyed the confidence of the Sangha and the majority of Buddhist voters.

An infuriated President, argued Thondaman, might unleash a pogrom against the Muslims and Tamils if they were perceived as the leaders of an attempt to eliminate a Buddhist head of state. Whether he bought this argument or not Mohamed, whose electoral strength in his Borella constituency was in the hands of the Salagama caste members of Wanathamulla with whom Premadasa claimed kinship, yielded to Thondaman’s entreaties and agreed to switch sides.

To be fair by Mohamed he was also beginning to have doubts about the veracity of the numbers and signatures as provided to him by the sponsors, mainly Lalith and Gamini. He began, with increasing urgency, to demand the final list of sponsoring MPs even though he had gone out on a limb by accepting the motion and informing the President of its acceptance by him. Without the numbers his hands were tied and a constitutional crisis could have erupted adding to the strength of Thondaman’s doomsday scenario.

Then another hurdle had to be overcome. The Speaker and Thondaman, most likely with Premadasa looking over their shoulders, had to agree on a draft which in effect stated that the numbers were not there and therefore the motion could not proceed. Mohamed pleaded for time to make the announcement so that he could save face by muddying the waters regarding the required number of signatures. But Premadasa was unrelenting and wanted the crucial statement signed, sealed and handed over to Thondaman before the Speaker left for Delhi.

The message to Seneviratne from the President that they could now emplane for Delhi must have been a signal to Mohamed that his capitulation was complete. The vital letter with his signature was in the President’s hands via Thondaman so that he could continue to fool the conspirators that the impeachment game was still on. It must be admitted that this master act of deception and manipulation of the Speaker attested to Premadasa’s skill and determination to both safeguard his mandate as well as spectacularly punish his foes. The failure of the impeachment motion in effect ended the upward political trajectories of Gamini and Lalith and drove them into the political wilderness which only ended with their tragic and unexpected deaths.

Aftermath

Having prorogued Parliament, Premadasa summoned the next session for September 24 and, as customary, got ready to address the House. Not everybody knew of what had gone on behind the scenes. Though Seneviratne, the bureaucratic custodian of the House, is understandably silent on these matters it appears that both sides invoked the gods to grant them success. The President is alleged to have brought in Malayali shamans [kattadiyas] from Kerala to “bind” the premises in his favour while Mrs. B is reputed to have brought in vials of pigs fat which were supposed to counter the magical oils of the Malayalis, and had the seats in the house daubed with it.

This must have been a new low in the annals of our Parliament which up to then never had leaders who believed implicitly in such mumbo-jumbo. Seneviratne skips this part of the clandestine operations in his narrative except to say that “members were in a confrontational mood”, He then records what happened on the 24th. “We escorted the President to the robing room of the House and he stayed there until it was time to enter the chamber. I recall telling him that since he was presiding over the sittings of the House, he must be cautious and careful in tackling the members since I believed that many were planning to heckle him. He swiftly responded “Nihal, don’t worry. I know how to tackle them”.

No doubt this was true because now we know that he already had the Speaker’s note dismissing the motion in his pocket. He had insisted through Thondaman that this document be left in his hands by the Speaker before he emplaned for Delhi. Lalith and Gamini were the last to know since the Speaker was hypocritically responding to their telephone calls to Delhi and providing assurances that all was well and that they need not worry.

Though indeed there was heckling, almost exclusively from the SLFP ranks, Premadasa ignored them and made a non confrontational speech. He then left the building and prepared to give the “coup de grace” to the conspirators. He had the Speaker on his side who on October 8 made the following statement to the House. “I wish to inform the House that having inquired into the matter, I am now of the view that the resolution does not have the required number of valid signatures and therefore it cannot be proceeded with.”

The saga of impeachment was at an end. Mohamed who had launched the operation had brought it ignominiously to a close, sacrificing the many MPs who had signed the motion and now had to face the wrath of the President. Surprisingly, I found that Gamini was forgiving of Mohamed perhaps because he had already crossed the Rubicon. But it was a bitter blow to Lalith who however with his characteristic determination decided to fight back.

Premadasa struck-back fast and he struck back hard. He got the UNP to sack Lalith, Gamini, Premachandra and five other party MPs even without a proper disciplinary inquiry. The affected eight then went to the Supreme Court and a bench led by Justice Mark Fernando and included Wadugodapitiya J and Kulatunga J on the grounds that natural justice had not been observed. The majority verdict of the court was that the sackings were valid. Mark Fernando in a dissenting verdict held that Lalith and Premachandra were guilty since they had been Cabinet members who had voted earlier indicating their confidence in the President.

The other six were given the benefit of a denial of natural justice plea but the majority verdict prevailed and all eight lost their seats in Parliament. It was a sad sight to see Lalith and Gamini in their advocates robes in the courts trying desperately to mitigate the legal assault on them which had been meticulously planned by the President and his legal advisors led by Kasi Choksy. But the die had been cast with the verdict of the Supreme Court.

(Excerpted from volume 3 of the Sarath Amunugama autobiography)



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Silence of the majority keeps West Asian conflict raging

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Pope Leo the XIVth / President Donald Trump

With no military quick-fix in sight to the ongoing, convoluted West Asian conflict it ought to be clear to the rationally inclined that there is no other way to a solution to the blood-letting other than through a negotiated one. Unfortunately, there are not many takers the world over for such an approach.

Consequently the war rages on incurring the gravest human costs to all relevant sides. Whereas it should be obvious to the Trump administration that Iran wouldn’t be backing down any time soon from its position of taking on the US frontally and with the required military competence in the Hormuz Strait and adjacent regions, the US demonstrates a stubbornness to persist with war strategies that are showing no quick, positive results on the ground.

Clearly, the virtual ‘lock down within a lock down’ situation in the Strait is not proving beneficial for either party. Instead, the spilling of civilian blood in particular continues with unsettling regularity along with an all-encompassing economic crisis that carries a staggering material toll for ordinary people all over the world.

From this viewpoint it is commendable for Pakistan to offer itself as a peace mediator and go ‘the extra mile’ to keep the principal parties engaged in some sort of negotiatory process. But its efforts need to win greater support from the world community. It is a time for peace-makers the world over to stand up and be counted.

It is also a time for straight-talking. To his glowing credit Pope Leo XIV is doing just that and he is the only religious head worldwide to do so. Very rightly he has called on President Trump to end the war through negotiations and described it as ‘unjust’ and ‘a scandal to humanity’.

May this crucial cause be taken up by more and more world leaders, is this columnist’s wish. Instead of speaking fatalistically about a ‘Third World War’, decision and policy makers and commentators, and these are found in plenty in Sri Lanka as well, would do better to help in drumming-up support for a peaceful solution and the latter is within the realms of the possible.

Incidentally, the commonplace definition of the phrase ‘World War’ is quite contentious and it would be premature to speak forebodingly about one right now. The fissures within the West on the Middle East conflict alone rule out the possibility of a ‘World War’ occurring any time soon.

Instead, it would be preferable for the international community, under the aegis of the UN, to take the ‘straight and narrow’ path to a peaceful solution. As implied, this path is no easy avenue; it is cluttered with obstacles that only doughty peace makers could take on and clear.

However, the path to a negotiated peace is worth taking and no less a power than the US should know this. After all, the US ‘bled white’ in Vietnam and had to bow out of the conflict, realizing the futility of pursuing a military solution. A similar lesson should have been learned by Russia which bled futilely in Afghanistan. It too is in an unwinnable situation in Ukraine.

The Pope’s observations to President Trump on negotiating peace have earned for him some snarls and growls of criticism but with time these critics would realize that peace could come only by peaceful means and not through ‘the barrel of a gun.’

For far too long the ‘silent majority’ of the world has allowed politicians to take the sole initiative on working towards peaceful solutions to conflicts and wars. As could be seen, the results have been disastrous. The majority of politicians speak the language of Realpolitik only and this tendency runs contrary to the ways of the selfless peace maker.

Power, which is the essence of Realpolitik, and peace are generally at loggerheads in the real world. Power and self-aggrandizement have to be shelved in the pursuit of durable peace anywhere and it is a pity that the likes of Donald Trump and his team are yet to realize this.

At this juncture the ‘peace constituency’ or the silent majority would need to take centre stage and play their rightful role as the ‘Conscience of the World’. If the latter begins to take on the cause of peace in earnest everywhere, the politicians would have no choice but to pay heed to their cause and take it up, since a contrary course would earn for them public displeasure and votes.

An immediate challenge would be for the ‘peace constituency’ to come together and act as one. Right now, such a coordinating role could be played effectively by only the UN and its agencies. Practical problems are likely to get in the way but these need to be managed insightfully and resourcefully by all stakeholders to peace.

In fact the time couldn’t be more appropriate for the backers of peace to come together and work as one. Right now, economic pressures are increasing worldwide and no less a public than that in the US is beginning to feel them in a major, crushing way.

Going ahead the US public, along with other polities, would find the economic consequences of war to be intolerable. There would be no choice but for governments and peoples to champion peace. Peace makers would need to ‘strike while the iron is hot.’

The success of the above endeavours hinges on the importance humans attach to their consciences. The danger about prolonged wars is that they deaden consciences; particularly those of politicians. The latter deaden their consciences to the extent that they prove impervious to the pain and suffering wars incur.

Thus, the ‘peace constituency’ has its work cut out; it cannot rest assured that politicians would prove sensitive to their demands. The latter would need to be constantly dinned into the hearts and minds of politicians and decision-makers if peaceful solutions to conflicts are to be arrived at.

Likewise, the publics of war-torn countries would need to demand the activation and sustaining of accountability processes with regard to those sections that are suspected of committing war crimes and like atrocities. Those publics that cease to demand accountability from powerful sections among them which are faced with war-time atrocity charges are as good as condemning themselves to lives of permanent dis-empowerment and enslavement.

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Don’t take the baby: In the quiet night, mother always returns

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Grey Slender Loris

Chaminda Jayasekara

There is a particular stillness in Sri Lanka’s forests, after dusk — a kind of hushed expectancy where shadows lengthen, cicadas soften their chorus, and the night begins to breathe in its own rhythm. It is a world that does not reveal itself easily. You have to wait for it. You have to listen.

And then, suddenly, you see them — a pair of luminous, unblinking eyes suspended in the dark.

The Grey Slender Loris, or unahapuluwa, emerges, not with drama, but with quiet precision. Small, slow-moving, and almost impossibly delicate, it is one of Sri Lanka’s most enigmatic nocturnal primates — a creature that has survived millennia by mastering the art of stillness.

Yet, during these months — from late March through July — the forests hold a more tender story. It is the breeding season of the slender loris, and with it comes a scene that is often misunderstood by those who encounter it for the first time: a tiny infant, alone on a branch, barely three inches long, its fragile body silhouetted against the night.

Grey Slender Loris with twin babies

To many, it appears to be a moment of abandonment.

To nature, it is a moment of trust.

“People often act out of compassion, but without understanding what they are seeing,” explains Chaminda Jayasekara of the University of Hertfordshire. “A baby loris left alone is not necessarily in danger. In fact, it is part of a natural process that is critical for its survival.”

According to Jayasekara, when a baby loris is about a month old, the mother begins a remarkable routine. As darkness settles, she gently places her infant on a secure branch and moves off into the forest to forage. Her journey can take her hundreds of metres away — sometimes close to 800 metres — as she searches for insects and other small prey.

In those hours of solitude, the infant is not abandoned. It is learning.

Clinging to the branch, it begins to explore its immediate surroundings. Tentatively, almost hesitantly, it reaches out — testing balance, grip, and instinct. It may attempt to catch tiny insects, mimicking behaviours it will one day rely on entirely. This is its first classroom, and the forest its only teacher.

“Those early nights are crucial,” Jayasekara says. “The baby is developing motor skills, coordination, and the ability to interact with its environment. These are things that cannot be replicated in captivity.”

And yet, this is precisely where human intervention often disrupts the process.

Across rural and even semi-urban Sri Lanka, stories circulate of well-meaning individuals who come across a lone baby loris and assume the worst. Driven by concern, they pick it up, take it home, or attempt to hand-rear it — believing they are saving a life.

Grey Slender Loris

But the reality is far more complex — and far more tragic.

“When a baby is removed unnecessarily, it loses something fundamental,” Jayasekara emphasises. “It loses the chance to learn how to survive in the wild. Without that, even if it survives in the short term, its long-term prospects are extremely poor.”

The forest, after all, is not just a habitat. It is a living, evolving system of lessons — how to detect predators, how to navigate branches, how to hunt silently, how to recognise territory. These are not instincts alone; they are behaviours refined through experience.

And the mother, contrary to assumption, is rarely far away.

“If people simply waited — even for several hours — they would often see the mother return,” Jayasekara explains. “She knows exactly where she left her baby. Her absence is temporary, purposeful.”

The advice from conservationists is clear and consistent: observe, but do not interfere.

If you encounter a baby loris, watch quietly from a distance. Avoid using bright lights or making noise. Give it time — at least 10 to 12 hours — before drawing conclusions. In most cases, the situation will resolve itself, just as nature intended.

35 days old Grey Slender Loris

Only if the animal is clearly injured, or if there is strong evidence of abandonment after prolonged observation, should intervention be considered — and even then, it must be done through the proper channels, particularly the Department of Wildlife Conservation.

Attempting to care for such a delicate animal at home is not only ineffective but often fatal.

Sri Lanka is home to two species of slender loris — the Grey Slender Loris and the Red Slender Loris — each adapted to specific ecological zones across the island. Both are protected under national legislation and recognised internationally as species requiring urgent conservation attention.

Their threats are many: habitat loss, road mortality, illegal pet trade, and, increasingly, human misunderstanding.

Yet, in the midst of these challenges, there are also signs of hope.

In recent years, the slender loris has become the focus of a unique form of wildlife tourism — one that values patience over spectacle. Night walks, conducted with trained naturalists and strict ethical guidelines, offer visitors a chance to witness the loris in its natural environment without disturbing its behaviour.

At places like Jetwing Vil Uyana, this approach has been refined into a model of responsible eco-tourism. Over more than a decade, the property has developed a dedicated Loris Conservation Project, recording thousands of sightings while educating visitors and supporting local communities.

Here, the loris is not handled, chased, or exploited. It is simply observed — a quiet presence in a carefully protected landscape.

“The success of such initiatives shows that conservation and tourism do not have to be at odds,” Jayasekara reflects. “When done responsibly, tourism can actually support conservation by creating awareness and value for these species.”

There is something profoundly moving about encountering a loris in the wild. It does not roar or charge. It does not demand attention. Instead, it exists — quietly, deliberately — as it has for millions of years.

And perhaps that is why it is so easily misunderstood.

In a world that often equates visibility with importance, the loris reminds us that some of the most extraordinary lives unfold beyond the spotlight.

It also reminds us of something else — something simpler, yet harder to practice.

Restraint.

Because conservation is not always about stepping in. Sometimes, it is about stepping back. About recognising when nature does not need our help, but our patience.

So if, on some future night, you find yourself walking beneath the trees, and your light catches a tiny figure sitting alone on a branch — do not rush forward.

Pause.
Watch.
Let the moment unfold.

Because somewhere, moving silently through the darkness, guided by instinct and memory, a mother is already on her way back.

And by morning, the forest will be whole again.

 

By Ifham Nizam

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Kumar de Silva: 40 years of fame and flair

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Kumar de Silva: The four-decade journey

We first saw him on the small screen in January 1986 – a relatively raw, totally untrained and a very nervous 24-year-old presenting ‘Bonsoir’ on ITN.

And now, 40 years later, and as one looks back, one realises what a multi-dimensional journey Kumar de Silva has navigated across the small screen yes, from your television screens to your laptops, and iPads, tabs, and mobile phones.

Says Kumar: “It is the French language I speak that opened the world of television to me, 40 years ago. It was ‘Bonsoir’ alone, and so to my French teacher at Wesley College, Mrs. BA Fernando, to ‘Bonsoir’, and to the Embassy of France in Sri Lanka, I am eternally grateful”.

Promoting the French language, and culture, in Sri Lanka, in a big way

Kumar went on to say that on the heels of ‘Bonsoir” came ‘Fanclub’, on ITN, describing it as yet another resounding success story which saw him as a music DJ on TV.

His inherent talent saw him handle a range of contrasting programmes across ITN, TNL, Prime TV and SLRC with consummate ease – from News Reading, Business Talk Shows, Celebrity Chats, to Dhamma discussions, on Poya Days, to name a few.

Kumar – the 1986 look

Trained in Paris in television production and presentation, the Government of France, in 2012, conferred on him the title of ‘Chevalier dans l’Ordre des Arts et Lettres’ (Chevalier in the Order of Arts and Letters) in recognition of his contribution to promoting the French language, and culture, in Sri Lanka.

In celebration of his four decades on the small screen, Kumar recently launched ‘Bonsoir Katha’, the Sinhala translation (by Ciara Mendis) of his English book ‘Bonsoir Diaries’ (2013), at a gala soiree. at the Alliance Francaise de Colombo, under the distinguished patronage of the French Ambassador in Sri Lanka, Remi Lambert, and francophone President Chandrika Kumaratunga.

He’s now excited about launching the French version of this book, ‘Les Coulisses de Bonsoir’, in Paris, in autumn this year. It is currently being translated by Guilhem Beugnon, a former Deputy Director of the Alliance Francaise de Colombo. This will, co-incidentally, also be Kumar’s 30th visit to Paris.

Chief Guest French Ambassador in Sri
Lanka Remi Lambert

Says Kumar: “The word GRATITUDE means a lot to me and so I always make it a point to spend time with two very special French people every time I go to France. One is Madame Josiane Thureau, formerly of the French Foreign Ministry, who began ‘Bonsoir’ in Sri Lanka. way back in the mid-1980s. The other is Madame Aline Berengier, the lady who designed the ‘Bonsoir’ logo – the Sri Lankan elephant in the colours of the French national flag”.

Kumar is also a much-sought-after Personal Development and Corporate Etiquette Coach in Colombo’s corporate world. Over the past 15 years, tens of thousands of corporates, have been through the different modules of his interactive training sessions. There have also been thousands of school leavers and undergraduates from national and private universities, many of whom will constitute the corporates of tomorrow.

Guest of Honour francophone President Chandrika Kumaratunga at the gala soiree
at the Alliance Francaise de Colombo

The multi-talented Kumar turns 65 next year, and his journey on the small screen still continues – you see him on the (monthly) ‘Rendez-Vous with Yasmin and Kumar’ on the French Embassy’s YouTube Channel, and (every Friday) on ‘Fame Game with Rozanne and Kumar’ on Daily Mirror Online, Hi Online and The Sun Online.

There’s yet another podcast in the pipeline, he indicated, but diplomatically declined to give us details. All he said, with a glint in his eye, was, “It will hit your screens soon.”

Whatever he has in mind, one can be certain that the new programme will continue to showcase Kumar de Silva’s enduring presence in Sri Lanka’s entertainment scene.

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