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The Ministry of Planning and Economic Affairs

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by Leelananda de Silva

One day in late November 1970, I received a telephone call from Professor H.A.de.S Gunasekara who had been appointed Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Planning and Employment (MY/P&E) in July 1970. This was the same ministry of planning and economic affairs of Dr. Gamani Corea, but it changed its name for a couple of years until it reverted to the ministry of planning and economic affairs (MY/P&EA) after 1973.

I will relate that story later, and I shall describe my ministry as MY/P&EA throughout. H.A.de.S had been my lecturer at the university and knew me well. He offered me the newly created post of Senior Assistant Secretary (SAS) in the Ministry. He told me that I would be in charge of administration, and the management of cabinet affairs, this being an important task, as the ministry received almost all cabinet papers for observations.

I assumed duties at the MY/ P&EA in December 1970, and I was to hold the same position for the next seven years, until December 1977. From mid-1971, in addition to being SAS, I was to be the Director of the Division of Economic Affairs, which came about through the merger of the previous general economic affairs and private sector divisions. This division, over the next five years managed that part of Sri Lanka’s international economic relations which were dealt through the United Nations (UNCTAD, ECAFE, UN General Assembly, UNDP in New York, FAO, the Commonwealth and others) and North-South and Non Aligned matters, leading to the Non Aligned Summit in August 1976.

The Division also kept up its responsibilities for the private sector. To have reached the position of SAS in one of the leading ministries of government at the age of 34 was something to be pleased about.

At this point, let me briefly describe what the MY/ P&EA was. It had been established in 1965 by the then Prime Minister, Dudley Senanayake, with Dr. Gamani Corea as the permanent secretary, and it came directly under the Prime Minister. During the 1965 – 1970 period, it was the pre- eminent ministry, with the ministry of finance playing a subsidiary role.

Dudley Senanayake was fully engaged in domestic economic policy making, and the Minister of Finance, U.B. Wanninayake, was happy to go along with this arrangement. After 1970, the Prime Minister and Minister of Planning was Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike, and she was much less engaged in domestic economic policy making. She led a coalition government, sharing power with the LSSP and CP. The Minister of Finance was Dr. N.M. Perera, leader of the LSSP and a dominant political personality.

Between 1970 and 1977, the planning ministry was a partner with the ministry of finance in managing domestic economic affairs, and there was much tension in the relationship. H.A.de.S was not as close to the Prime Minister Mrs. Bandaranaike as Gamani Corea was to Dudley Senanayake. There was personal acrimony in his relationship with the finance minister Dr. N.M. Perera. Whatever the tensions the MY/ P&EA and the ministry of finance had to get on. The central bank’s role was relatively subsidiary. The MY/ P&EA had a particular task of managing the capital budget of the government, and dealing with foreign aid, apart from other domestic and foreign economic policy issues.

The seven years (1970 – 1977) I spent at the Ministry of Planning and Economic Affairs were the best years of my career. The ministry was right at the centre of government. I had responsibilities, both in domestic and foreign affairs. The foreign and international component of my work evolved rapidly from 1973, as Sri Lanka became actively involved in non-aligned matters, leading to the Summit in Colombo in August 1976. The Prime Minister appointed me to be the Secretary of the Economic Committee of the Summit.

This period overlapped with the North-South dialogue taking place at the time in various UN bodies and elsewhere, and for which my division was responsible. From 1975, over the next three years, about three fourths of my time was spent on international economic relations. This work entailed travelling to many parts of the world for meetings and conferences, and many times accompanying the Prime Minister, starting with the Non-Aligned Summit in Algiers in 1973.

I worked closely with the ministry of foreign Affairs during this period. My division of economic affairs, handled almost all UN economic issues, and the division during this period was almost a part of the ministry of foreign affairs. That is how the Prime Minister wanted it. I was also engaged with the economic side of the Commonwealth, and attended two Commonwealth summits in Kingston, Jamaica in 1975 (accompanying the Prime Minister) and London in 1977.

At these summit meetings, and in the bilateral visits where I accompanied the Prime Minister, I had the opportunity to observe diplomacy at the highest levels. One special event in March, 1974 was the 30th annual sessions of the Economic Commission for the Asia and Far East (ECAFE) held in Colombo. (ECAFE changed its name to ESCAP at these annual sessions.) I was entrusted with the task of organizing the event, and I was the secretary-general of the conference. This was the first ever international conference held at the Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference Hall (BMICH) and the largest in Sri Lanka.

Aside from foreign affairs, which became a dominant feature after 1973, 1 had many responsibilities on the domestic side. Relations with the cabinet for the ministry was my responsibility. I had to produce a note every week to the Prime Minister on the cabinet agenda. This provided in summary form the contents of the important cabinet papers, and the observations of the planning ministry on each of these cabinet papers. The Note never exceeded two pages.

The Prime Minister saw the Ministry of Planning as assisting her in her relations with the cabinet. I worked closely with the cabinet secretariat, and I had the opportunity to be present at cabinet meetings, at the behest of the Prime Minister. I was in charge of the administration of the ministry, which expanded during these years. I was entrusted with the task of overseeing the Department of Census and Statistics, Water Resources Board, National Film Corporation, and the Export Promotion Secretariat, all of which came under the ministry.

I had responsibilities for the ministry’s relations with the private sector. I represented the ministry on many Boards and Corporations – the Sri Lanka Tea Board, Ceylon Shipping Corporation (CSC), Port Cargo Corporation, Colombo Dockyards Limited, Ceylon Freight Bureau, Mackinnon Mackenzie and Company (a private company, 40 percent of it owned by CSC), the United States Educational Foundation (now the Fulbright Commission). I was Alternate Director for Sri Lanka of the Asian Productivity Organization in Tokyo.

My tasks were not restricted by any job description. The Prime Minister and the Ministry Secretary assigned me other tasks from time to time. One of them was the organization of negotiations for the payment of compensation for Sterling Company Estates which were taken over. I was a Member and Secretary of the Committee which handled this question and negotiated with British interests. Another was the Cabinet Committee on the Brain Drain, which the Prime Minister appointed, largely at my suggestion, and eventually, published an agreed report on this question. I was assistant secretary of this Committee, and virtually the secretary.

Other key tasks were the international negotiations on tea, mostly in Rome, where I represented the government with others. I also handled for the ministry, the high-profile Seers Mission, which visited Sri Lanka in 1971 to advice the government on economic and social issues. There were numerous other activities I was engaged in, which I shall not describe here. There was nothing routine in the work of the Planning Ministry.

Let me try to remember those with whom I worked at the time, 40 years ago. The Prime Minister and the Minister of Planning and Economic Affairs, Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike, was a constant presence in one’s working life. We did not make a distinction between her Prime Ministerial role and Ministerial role. It was all one. There was the clear impression that the MY/ P&EA was in effect part of the Prime Minister’s extended office.

Since the creation of MY/ P&EA, Prime Ministers tended to rely on it for substantive domestic economic policy management. The Prime Minister was the best Minister one could have. She was very responsive to the advice of her officials and she sought such advice. That did not mean that she always accepted the advice. She had other considerations, specially political, but I have never seen her belittle official advice.

Mrs Bandaranaike always kept a calm head and was consistently courteous to her officials. She was very rarely angry and had a tremendous sense of humour. I had contact with her at several levels. First, at the weekly meeting, the Prime Minister had with senior officials of the MY/ P&EA. I had contact with her on cabinet issues and many times on a Wednesday when the cabinet met. In the latter years, my contact with her increased on foreign economic policy issues, specially non-aligned and north South issues. I saw her when she was on her foreign travels as I accompanied her on these trips. My memory remains of a cordial relationship during these seven years when I worked for her.

I had almost daily contact with H.A.de.S, either on the telephone or at meetings. It was easy to get on with him and only on a very few occasions have I seen him really angry. By nature he was friendly, although he had a touch of insecurity, which was ingrained in his nature. Having been an academic, and a distinguished one at that, he developed a more political approach during his tenure at the ministry. He was not anxious to listen to theoretical economic advice. He was not interested in the economic discussions that were taking place in the United Nations and non aligned circles and he left all that to me.

When I suggested to him that he attend some of these conferences, he told me that what he wished was to avoid them. His major interest was in domestic economic policy and in taking planning and development to the regional and district levels. He travelled considerably more than Gamani Corea within the island. I remember one incident clearly. The then UN resident coordinator, C. Hart Schaf (must be in about 1972) had come to see H.A.de.S and was kept waiting for nearly an hour. I was passing by and Hart Schaf whom I knew well brought his situation to my notice.

I walked in to H.A.de.S ‘s office and suggested to him that he should see Hart Schaf. His response was that he was not looking for UN jobs and was not in the business of pleasing UN officials. Anyway, he saw Hart Schaf immediately. H.A.de.S had a dim view of UN activities in general. I was not in Sri Lanka when H.A.de.S passed away after his Ministry days and his last two years were not happy. I owe a lot to him and look back with pleasure and gratitude.upon a close friendship with him and his wife, Leela who was my contemporary and friend at the university,

During these seven years, I was in close touch with three senior officials from outside MY/P&EA. M.D.D. (Dharmasiri) Piers, who was Secretary to the Prime Minister, was one of the finest officials I have worked with. I had to be in close contact with him, as I had to be in touch with the Prime Minister. Most senior officials of the MY/P&EA had contacts with Dharmasiri. I would think the job of Secretary to the Prime Minister requires a very high level of administrative, diplomatic, and substantive skills, and Dharmasiri was possessed of all these qualities.

Dharmasiri was always pleasant to work with, with a great sense of humour and an inner calmness, which I have rarely come across in senior officials. I had the opportunity to travel with him abroad and that was enjoyable and productive. We have kept in touch even to this day, and he and his wife Chitra, have been close friends of ours. W.T. Jayasinghe, Secretary of Foreign Affairs was another fine gentleman. A highly able man, who was a workaholic, he never lost his sense of humour.

He had what might be called perspective in dealing with issues. He was always kind and generous to me and I remember travelling with him to Rome and Algiers, a trip I shall later describe. Rukmal and I were friends of W.T. and his wife Brenda and this friendship continued until W.T. and Brenda passed away a few years back. Arthur Basnayaka, Director General of Foreign Affairs is another official I had a close working relationship with. An unassuming, charming man, he had seen the diplomatic circuit in many incarnations and carried out his duties without any sense of self importance.

He always saw the funny side of things. Traveling with him was always a pleasure. His wife Damini and her family were friends of Rukmal’s family. I was lucky to have had these three senior officials to work with. There were no problems of demarcation as to whose task it was, with these three officials, when discussing subjects with the Prime Minister. One other person I should mention in this context is Dr. Mackie Ratwatte, the Prime Minister’s brother and private secretary, whom I saw frequently and traveled with on many occasions. He was a gentle and self effacing person who was always helpful.

In my own division of economic affairs there were several fine officials, W.S (Wilfred) Nanayakkara was deputy director of economic affairs. He was of great assistance to me in several of my tasks, specially in organizing the ECAFE annual sessions in Colombo in 1974, and also in the work with the United Nations in New York. Rukmal and I were friends with his wife Malkanthi. Lloyd Fernando, who became deputy director, was there for some time, before he proceeded abroad on post graduate work.

Hilary Codipilly was an assistant director before he proceeded to the World Bank. There were two bright ladies who were assistant directors- Chandra Wickramasinghe (later Rodrigo) and Indrani Sri Chandrasekara. They were particularly helpful in the run up to the ECAFE conference held in Colombo. Indrani left us after three years and she was later employed in Washington at the International Food and Policy Research Institute. Chandra Rodrigo was to later become professor of economics at Colombo university, and she was highly regarded in academic circles for her research into labour market issues. She was released to us from the university for two or three years.

H.A.de.S and I were very keen to get more young lecturers from the university for short spells at the ministry but university authorities were not keen on this. There were several outstanding clerical servants who worked with me in the division. I could leave a lot to them. Upali Gunawardane (whose untimely death in the 1980s was a great loss to me), M. Sally and Heather Schumacher deserve special mention.

Walvin Perera, who was the accountant in the ministry, relieved me of any worries in managing the financial and accounting side of the work. He was an excellent finance manager. Egerton Baptist, the well-known Buddhist scholar, was my stenographer, and he was outstanding and always out to point out to me my mistakes, as he had an excellent command of English. We kept him on even after the age of 60, as he was irreplaceable as a stenographer, and his type was fast vanishing from the public service scene.

Apart from these officials in and outside the ministry that I have referred to, there were others within the ministry with whom I had working relations. Several of them had come over from the Gamani Corea administration. Godfrey Gunatilaka was Director of Plan Implementation, and was soon to be Additional Secretary of the Ministry. Godfrey was an outstanding public servant who had made an enormous contribution in assisting Gamani Corea to establish the Ministry of Planning and embarking on a concerted effort to improve the systems of economic planning in the country.

He was soon to leave the ministry to establish the Marga Institute, one of the earliest development research instituted in Asia. I was to work with him later in the Third World Forum in Geneva. Godfrey was a close advisor to Gamani Corea in UNCTAD. I have known Godfrey and his wife Bella now for over 40 years and we are now family friends. He is now the Chairman of the Gamani Corea Foundation.

Godfrey, if he did not join the civil service, would have been the Professor of English at the university. Lal Jayawardane continued in the perspective planning division and later became an additional secretary for a brief period. Nihal Kappagoda, who was a Rhodes Scholar at Oxford, took over from David Loos as Director of External Resources. He had made an important contribution in developing the mechanism of the foreign exchange budget. He left to join the International Development Research Centre of Canada (IDRC).

Tudor Kulatilake was director of regional development and he left to join the World Bank. All these officials left sometime between 1971 and 1973. A newcomer to the ministry was Dr. M.R.P Salgado, from the IMF and originally from the central bank (he was a brilliant mathematical economist from Cambridge), to be an additional secretary of the ministry. His stay was short, lasting only one year. Ranji Salgado and his wife Surangani are our family friends, and relations.

Dr Ananda Meegama, formerly of the University at Peradeniya, and a distinguished demographer and statistician, came as Director General of Planning and later became an additional secretary. Later Ananda was to hold the office of Director of the UN Statistical Institute for Asia and the Pacific in Tokyo for 10 years. He was one of the influential figures during the latter period of the ministry. Ananda and wife Indrani have been our close friends since that time. Indrani is the author of a superb history of her old school Mahamaya College, Kandy.

Another newcomer was Mervyn (MA) De Silva who had been a former editor of the Dinamina to take over the new function of director of information. Mervyn was great fun and had vast knowledge of the local political and media scene. He was a friend of Esmond Wickremesinghe (father of Ranil Wickremesinghe) and I got to know him through Mervyn. Esmond was to visit us in Geneva many times later on.

One other person with whom I had a cordial relationship in the ministry, was the Deputy Minister, Ratne Deshapriya Senanayaka, Member of Parliament for Minneriya. He had a close political relationship with the Prime Minister, but as a Deputy Minister, there were no dealings with his Minister and Prime Minister. He was not involved with the work of the ministry and he hardly had any meetings with officials of the ministry. Once in a way he met with HAdeS and with me. The Prime Minister did not expect her deputy minister to be active within the ministry. She had asked him at some point to take the message of planning to the people, and he was active in the country at a political level and addressing meetings.

He worked closely with Mervyn de Silva, the director of information. Ratne Deshapriya was a fine man and was a good friend. He once told me that if there are any political problems, I should contact him and he would sort them out. Once after the ECAFE annual sessions in 1974 at the BMICH, there was some displeasure among one or two ministers as to their seating arrangements at the ceremonial opening and they were making some complaints. Ratne Deshapriya told them that the Prime Minister was pleased with the conference and that they should not be critical of some slight they might have felt, which was totally unintended. That ended the matter.

Once the coalition government broke up in 1975, the MYP&EA for the next two years regained its old importance. With Felix Dias Bandaranaiake as the new Minister of Finance, H.A.de.S established a close relationship with him. It was H.A.de.S who mooted the idea of a revaluation of the currency and the Minister of Finance agreed to it. This was politically necessary, as the government had lost its majority in parliament and was finding it difficult to raise domestic rupee resources for its expenditures.

The central bank initially opposed the idea of revaluation. It was more a personal confrontation between the governor and H.A.de.S, rather than a difference on policy. The Prime Minister was receiving contrary advice from the central bank and from the ministries of planning and finance. The Prime Minister called me at home one morning and asked me what I thought about this. I suggested to her that she should call Herbert Tennakoon, the Governor of the Bank to see her privately, and then request him to agree to what the ministries of finance and planning are proposing. That is what she did and the matter was resolved.

Also in 1975, the Minister of Finance amended the Monetary Law Act to include the Secretary of the Planning Ministry on the Monetary Board of the Central Bank, although the Governor of the Bank opposed it.

(Excerpted from Leelananda De Silva’s autobiography, The Long Littleness of Life. A member of the Sri Lanka Administrative Service, from 1960-78, he was Senior Assistant Secretary and Director of Economic Affairs at the Ministry o Planning and Economic Affairs in the 1970s working closely with Prime Minister Sirima Bandaranaike. He thereafter worked for many years as a senior international consultant for several UN and non-UN bodies.)



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Features

From Windrush to Brexit: Redrawing Britain’s Migration Map

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A file photo of an anti-immigration protest in Dover

For much of its modern history, Britain was an imperial power connected to every corner of the globe, yet it was not a major destination for large-scale international migration. Different waves of newcomers arrived over the centuries, but the overall foreign-born population remained relatively small by contemporary standards. The 1901 Census recorded 82,844 people from Eastern Europe living in Britain, while the Chinese population numbered just 387. Even at the beginning of the 20th century, migrants from Asia and other parts of the world constituted only a tiny fraction of the country’s population. Britain was a nation shaped by migration, but not yet one transformed by it. That would begin to change dramatically in the aftermath of the Second World War.

One of the most significant changes in Britain’s migration patterns after World War II came from the former colonies of the British Empire. Faced with acute labour shortages and the demands of post-war reconstruction, the government introduced the British Nationality Act of 1948, granting citizens of the Commonwealth the right to live and work in the United Kingdom. Although immigration controls were tightened through legislation, such as the Commonwealth Immigrants Act of 1962, migration from former colonies continued. Many of those who arrived belonged to the educated middle classes of their home countries. Having passed through education systems established by Britain during the colonial period, they were already familiar with the English language, British institutions and aspects of British culture. For them, Britain represented a land of opportunity, professional advancement and social mobility.

A different set of motivations drove migration from continental Europe, particularly from Eastern European countries. For these migrants, the United Kingdom offered significantly higher wages, stronger labour markets and living standards that often exceeded those available in their countries of origin. This trend accelerated further after Britain joined the European Economic Community in 1973, initiating a period in which citizens of member states gradually acquired rights to move, work, study and establish businesses across national borders. The expansion of the European Union in the early 21st century, particularly the accession of several Eastern European states in 2004, would later transform these flows on an unprecedented scale.

Immigration has rarely been determined solely by economic forces; it has also reflected the priorities of governments in power. During the period between 1997 and 2010, when the Labour Party was in power, immigration policies became comparatively more open in several key areas. Combined with economic growth and labour demand, these policies contributed to a substantial increase in migration, with net migration reaching levels that had few historical precedents in modern Britain. The debate over whether this growth was an economic necessity, a policy success or a political miscalculation continues to influence British politics to this day.

The next major turning point came with the Brexit referendum of 2016 and Britain’s eventual departure from the European Union. For decades, European citizens had enjoyed relatively unrestricted access to the British labour market through the principle of free movement. As the post-Brexit immigration system took shape, that privilege largely disappeared. The result was not the end of migration, but a significant shift in its composition. Labour shortages remained across sectors, ranging from healthcare and social care to information technology, logistics and higher education. As European migration declined, employers increasingly turned to other parts of the world to meet these demands.

This created new opportunities for migrants from countries such as India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and several other Asian nations. In many respects, these arrivals filled a vacuum left by the reduction in European labour mobility. The overall pattern suggests that Britain’s economy continued to require migrant labour even as its immigration framework underwent fundamental change. Migration flows did not disappear; rather, they were redirected.

Yet this shift has done little to calm public anxieties surrounding immigration. If anything, concerns over migration have remained a central feature of British political debate. Governments of different political persuasions, including those that once defended relatively liberal immigration policies, have increasingly adopted tougher rhetoric and stricter measures aimed at reducing migration levels. Across the political spectrum, there is growing pressure to demonstrate greater control over borders, tighten visa pathways and, in some cases, encourage or require migrants to leave once their economic or educational purpose has ended.

This pressure has translated into a series of policy changes. In 2025, the government announced new restrictions designed to reduce migration and increase employer reliance on the domestic workforce. Among the most significant measures were plans to shorten the list of occupations for which employers could sponsor workers from overseas and to introduce tougher compliance requirements for sponsoring organisations. Social care, a sector that had become heavily dependent on international recruitment, was particularly affected, with employers facing tighter limitations on recruiting care workers from abroad. These changes reflected a broader political commitment to lowering migration numbers, even as many sectors continued to report persistent staffing shortages.

The higher education sector has also found itself at the centre of this debate. International students have become one of the most important contributors to Britain’s universities and local economies. They pay tuition fees that help sustain institutions, support jobs in university towns and cities, and contribute billions of pounds annually through spending on housing, transport and everyday living expenses. For many students, however, studying in Britain is not merely an educational experience but a substantial personal and financial investment made with the expectation that it will open pathways to professional opportunities.

Against this backdrop, proposals to reduce the standard length of the graduate visa have generated considerable concern. The graduate route has allowed international students to remain in the United Kingdom after completing their studies in order to gain work experience and establish careers. Supporters of restrictions argue that student visas should not become a long-term migration pathway. Critics counter that reducing post-study opportunities risks making Britain less attractive in an increasingly competitive global market for talent. Countries such as Canada, Australia and Germany continue to compete aggressively for skilled international graduates, and students weighing their options may choose destinations that offer clearer prospects after graduation.

These debates often frame migration as a problem to be solved through numerical reductions. Yet, what should be noted here is that many of the pressures commonly attributed to immigration are connected to wider economic and political challenges. The decade following Britain’s departure from the European Union has been marked by an unusual degree of political instability. Since the Brexit referendum, the country has seen seven prime ministers, with governments frequently changing direction on economic strategy, public spending and immigration policy. Such instability has contributed to uncertainty about Britain’s long-term trajectory and has complicated efforts to build a consistent approach to migration.

Public concerns about immigration are real and cannot simply be dismissed. Anti-immigration demonstrations and calls for stricter border controls continue to attract significant support in some parts of the country. At the same time, these concerns often become a focal point through which broader anxieties about housing, public services, economic stagnation and national identity are expressed. Immigration is therefore not merely a migration issue; it is also a lens through which deeper social and political tensions are debated.

The increasingly restrictive tone of migration policy has also raised questions about community cohesion and the treatment of migrants already living in Britain.

While much public attention focuses on new arrivals, long-term residents can also find themselves affected by changing rules and enforcement practices. Earlier proposals such as the Rwanda asylum plan, announced in 2022, sought to relocate certain asylum seekers to Rwanda for the processing of their claims, though the policy was never ultimately implemented. More recently, cases involving migrants being instructed to leave the country despite having established families, employment and community ties have generated public debate. One widely discussed example involved Chamila Dilrukshi, a Sri Lankan mother, who was instructed by the Home Office to leave the United Kingdom with her three children while her husband remained in Britain. Cases such as these illustrate how immigration policy extends beyond statistics and labour markets, affecting family life, community relationships and the sense of belonging experienced by migrants who have built their lives in the country.

This raises a more fundamental question than the familiar debate over whether immigration numbers should rise or fall. If Britain continues to face an ageing population, labour shortages in critical sectors and increasing competition for global talent, can it realistically sustain economic growth while simultaneously reducing its reliance on migrants? Equally important, can successive governments build a migration system that balances economic necessity, public confidence and social cohesion at a time of continuing political uncertainty? The answer may prove decisive not only for Britain’s future migration policy, but for the broader question of what kind of society, economy and national identity the United Kingdom hopes to shape in the decades ahead.

by Viran Maddumage
Assistant Lecturer & PhD(Reading) Department of Human Geography and Migration, Macquarie University, Australia
and Sanduni Rathnayake

Lecturer (Probationary) Faculty of Law, General Sir John Kotelawala Defence University

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Tolerance and Diversity

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Today all the major religions of the world must respond to a double challenge. On one side is the challenge of secularism, a trend which has swept across the globe, battering against the most ancient strongholds of the sacred and turning all man’s movements towards the Beyond into a forlorn gesture, poignant but devoid of sense. On the other side is the meeting of the great religions with each other. As the most far-flung nations and cultures merge into a single global community, the representatives of humankind’s spiritual quest have been brought together in an encounter of unprecedented intimacy, an encounter so close that it leaves no room for retreat. Thus, at one and the same time each major religion faces, in the amphitheater of world opinion, all the other religions of the earth, as well as the vast numbers of people who regard all claims to possess the Great Answer with a skeptical frown or an indifferent yawn.

In this situation, any religion which is to emerge as more than a relic from humanity’s adolescence must be able to deal, in a convincing and meaningful manner, with both sides of the challenge. On the one hand it must contain the swelling tide of secularism, by keeping alive the intuition that no amount of technological mastery over external nature, no degree of proficiency in providing for humanity’s mundane needs, can bring complete repose to the human spirit, can still the thirst for a truth and value that transcends the boundaries of contingency. On the other hand, each religion must find some way of disentangling the conflicting claims that all religions make to understand our place in the grand scheme of things and to hold the key to our salvation. While remaining faithful to its own most fundamental principles, a religion must be able to address the striking differences between its own tenets and those of other creeds, doing so in a manner that is at once honest yet humble, perspicacious yet unimposing.

In this brief essay, I wish to sketch the outline of an appropriate Buddhist response to the second challenge. Since Buddhism has always professed to offer a “middle way” in resolving the intellectual and ethical dilemmas of the spiritual life, we may find that the key to our present problematic also lies in discovering the response that best exemplifies the middle way. As has often been noted, the middle way is not a compromise between the extremes but a way that rises above them, avoiding the pitfalls into which they lead. Therefore, in seeking the proper Buddhist approach to the problem of the diversity of creeds, we might begin by pinpointing the extremes which the middle way must avoid.

The first extreme is a retreat into fundamentalism, the adoption of an aggressive affirmation of one’s own beliefs coupled with a proselytizing zeal towards those who still stand outside the chosen circle of one’s co-religionists. While this response to the challenge of diversity has assumed alarming proportions in the folds of the great monotheistic religions, Christianity and Islam, it is not one towards which Buddhism has a ready affinity, for the ethical guidelines of the Dhamma naturally tend to foster an attitude of benign tolerance towards other religions and their followers. Though there is no guarantee against the rise of a militant fundamentalism from within Buddhism’s own ranks, the Buddha’s teachings can offer no sanctification, not even a remote one, for such a malignant development.

For Buddhists the more alluring alternative is the second extreme. This extreme, which purchases tolerance at the price of integrity, might be called the thesis of spiritual universalism: the view that all the great religions, at their core, espouse essentially the same truth, clothed merely in different modes of expression. Such a thesis could not, of course, be maintained in regard to the formal creeds of the major religions, which differ so widely that it would require a strenuous exercise in word-twisting to bring them into accord. The universalist position is arrived at instead by an indirect route. Its advocates argue that we must distinguish between the outward face of a religion — its explicit beliefs and exoteric practices — and its inner nucleus of experiential realisation. On the basis of this distinction, they then insist, we will find that beneath the markedly different outward faces of the great religions, at their heart — in respect of the spiritual experiences from which they emerge and the ultimate goal to which they lead — they are substantially identical. Thus, the major religions differ simply in so far as they are different means, different expedients, to the same liberative experience, which may be indiscriminately designated “enlightenment,” or “redemption,” or “God-realization,” since these different terms merely highlight different aspects of the same goal. As the famous maxim puts it: the roads up the mountain are many, but the moonlight at the top is one. From this point of view, the Buddha Dhamma is only one more variant on the “perennial philosophy” underlying all the mature expressions of man’s spiritual quest. It may stand out by its elegant simplicity, its clarity and directness; but a unique and unrepeated revelation of truth it harbors not.

On first consideration the adoption of such a view may seem to be an indispensable stepping-stone to religious tolerance, and to insist that doctrinal differences are not merely verbal but real and important may appear to border on bigotry. Thus, those who embrace Buddhism in reaction against the doctrinaire narrowness of the monotheistic religions may find in such a view — so soft and accommodating — a welcome respite from the insistence on privileged access to truth typical of those religions. However, an unbiased study of the Buddha’s own discourses would show quite plainly that the universalist thesis does not have the endorsement of the Awakened One himself. To the contrary, the Buddha repeatedly proclaims that the path to the supreme goal of the holy life is made known only in his own teaching, and therefore that the attainment of that goal — final deliverance from suffering — can be achieved only from within his own dispensation. The best known instance of this claim is the Buddha’s assertion, on the eve of his Parinibbana, that only in his dispensation are the four grades of enlightened persons to be found, that the other sects are devoid of true ascetics, those who have reached the planes of liberation.

The Buddha’s restriction of final emancipation to his own dispensation does not spring from a narrow dogmatism or a lack of good will, but rests upon an utterly precise determination of the nature of the final goal and of the means that must be implemented to reach it. This goal is neither an everlasting afterlife in a heaven nor some nebulously conceived state of spiritual illumination, but the Nibbana element with no residue remaining, release from the cycle of repeated birth and death. This goal is effected by the utter destruction of the mind’s defilements — greed, aversion and delusion — all the way down to their subtlest levels of latency. The eradication of the defilements can be achieved only by insight into the true nature of phenomena, which means that the attainment of Nibbana depends upon the direct experiential insight into all conditioned phenomena, internal and external, as stamped with the “three characteristics of existence”: impermanence, suffering, and non-selfness. What the Buddha maintains, as the ground for his assertion that his teaching offers the sole means to final release from suffering, is that the knowledge of the true nature of phenomena, in its exactitude and completeness, is accessible only in his teaching. This is so because, theoretically, the principles that define this knowledge are unique to his teaching and contradictory in vital respects to the basic tenets of other creeds; and because, practically, this teaching alone reveals, in its perfection and purity, the means of generating this liberative knowledge as a matter of immediate personal experience. This means is the Noble Eightfold Path which, as an integrated system of spiritual training, cannot be found outside the dispensation of a Fully Enlightened One.

Surprisingly, this exclusivistic stance of Buddhism in regard to the prospects for final emancipation has never engendered a policy of intolerance on the part of Buddhists towards the adherents of other religions. To the contrary, throughout its long history, Buddhism has displayed a thoroughgoing tolerance and genial good will towards the many religions with which it has come into contact. It has maintained this tolerance simultaneously with its deep conviction that the doctrine of the Buddha offers the unique and unsurpassable way to release from the ills inherent in conditioned existence. For Buddhism, religious tolerance is not achieved by reducing all religions to a common denominator, nor by explaining away formidable differences in thought and practice as accidents of historical development. From the Buddhist point of view, to make tolerance contingent upon whitewashing discrepancies would not be to exercise genuine tolerance at all; for such an approach can “tolerate” differences only by diluting them so completely that they no longer make a difference. True tolerance in religion involves the capacity to admit differences as real and fundamental, even as profound and unbridgeable, yet at the same time to respect the rights of those who follow a religion different from one’s own (or no religion at all) to continue to do so without resentment, disadvantage or hindrance.

Buddhist tolerance springs from the recognition that the dispositions and spiritual needs of human beings are too vastly diverse to be encompassed by any single teaching, and thus that these needs will naturally find expression in a wide variety of religious forms. The non-Buddhist systems will not be able to lead their adherents to the final goal of the Buddha’s Dhamma, but that they never proposed to do in the first place. For Buddhism, acceptance of the idea of the beginningless round of rebirths implies that it would be utterly unrealistic to expect more than a small number of people to be drawn towards a spiritual path aimed at complete liberation. The overwhelming majority, even of those who seek deliverance from earthly woes, will aim at securing a favorable mode of existence within the round, even while misconceiving this to be the ultimate goal of the religious quest.

To the extent that a religion proposes sound ethical principles and can promote to some degree the development of wholesome qualities such as love, generosity, detachment and compassion, it will merit in this respect the approbation of Buddhists. These principles advocated by outside religious systems will also conduce to rebirth in the realms of bliss — the heavens and the divine abodes.

Buddhism by no means claims to have unique access to these realms, but holds that the paths that lead to them have been articulated, with varying degrees of clarity, in many of the great spiritual traditions of humanity. While the Buddhist will disagree with the belief structures of other religions to the extent that they deviate from the Buddha’s Dhamma, he will respect them to the extent that they enjoin virtues and standards of conduct that promote spiritual development and the harmonious integration of human beings with each other and with the world. (Courtesy Buddhist Publication Society.)

by Bhikkhu Bodhi

 

 

 

 

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Seeing things as they truly are

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Buddhism offers a profound moral and philosophical framework aimed at guiding individuals toward enlightenment and alleviating suffering. A key aspect of this journey is understanding reality through the lens of the Three Marks of Existence, a concept deeply rooted in Buddhist scriptures and teachings. This understanding can often become obscured by delusion and ignorance, hindering our ability to perceive the true nature of reality and trapping us in cycles of suffering.

The Three Marks of Existence, also known as the Three Universal Truths, are (1) impermanence (Anicca), (2) suffering or unsatisfactoriness (Dukkha), and (3) non-self or insubstantiality (Anatta). These principles, articulated by the Buddha over 2,500 years ago, reveal universal truths applicable to all beings and serve as a foundation for deeper insights into life. They emphasise that all phenomena are transient, that lasting happiness is elusive, and that the notion of a fixed self is fundamentally illusory.

In the Pali Canon, teachings highlight that all conditioned phenomena (saṅkhārāā) are subject to Anicca and Dukkha, while Anatta extends even further, applying to all dhammas. As stated in the Anatta-lakkhana Sutta, the Buddha underscores the reality that there is no enduring self within the five aggregates, indicating that the belief in “I” or “mine” is a source of Dukkha that must be relinquished. Understanding Anatta encourages practitioners to recognise the emptiness of the self and to understand how clinging to identity leads to suffering.

These three characteristics are incontrovertible facts that apply to both animate and inanimate things. Whether Buddhas arise or not, these truths exist in the world. In Buddhism, to see things as they truly are means to consistently view them through the lens of the Three Marks. Failing to do so, or deceiving oneself about their reality and range of application, is the defining mark of ignorance (avijja). This ignorance of our true nature and the true nature of our surroundings leads to actions based on delusions, accumulating karma that keeps us bound to the cycle of rebirth and death.

Dissolving that ignorance through direct insight into the Three Marks is said to bring an end to samsara and the resulting suffering (dukkha nirodha or nirodha sacca, as described in the third of the Four Noble Truths). To perceive things as they truly are, one must cultivate an understanding of these truths—not merely through intellectual contemplation but also through insights gained from personal experiences. A deeper comprehension of the Three Universal Truths fosters wisdom and leads to liberation from the cycle of rebirth, culminating in Nibbana, the ultimate goal of Buddhism.

Recognising the interplay of these three characteristics in our lives is essential. Ignorance of these truths breeds delusion and results in actions that generate karma, confining us to a persistent cycle of birth, death, and rebirth. Gaining direct insight into the Three Marks of Existence enables us to transcend suffering (Dukkha Nirodha), aligning with the third of the Four Noble Truths.

Moreover, a lack of understanding regarding these universal truths can lead to frustration and despair. Conversely, a clear grasp of the Three Marks equips us to navigate life’s complexities, allowing for realistic expectations, resilient acceptance of suffering, and protection against misleading beliefs.

The Satipatthana Sutta highlights mindfulness as a vital tool for engaging with reality as it is. By observing our thoughts, feelings, and sensations without attachment or aversion, we cultivate a clearer perception of impermanence, suffering, and non-self. The realisation that all phenomena are fleeting allows us to develop a compassionate response to ourselves and others, breaking the cycle of craving and clinging that fuels suffering.

Rev. Nyanapoke further articulates that the Three Marks are observable in every facet of existence—physical, emotional, mental, and social. He notes that natural cycles, shifts in emotions, evolving thoughts, and changing relationships epitomise the transient nature of life. Even when contemplating minute aspects of life, we encounter an immense variety of living forms, from microbes to humans, demonstrating that these three basic features are common to everything that possesses animate existence. Through this comprehensive understanding, we can better navigate the complexities of life and deepen our connection to the essence of existence.

By reflecting on the first of the Three Marks of Existence, the universal truth of impermanence, we come to understand the stark reality that everything we acquire and hold dear—possessions, achievements, cherished relationships, and loved ones—will ultimately succumb to time and cease to exist. This notion is poignantly captured by the philosopher Heraclitus, who famously remarked, “No man ever steps in the same river twice,” underscoring the idea that both the river and the man are in constant flux, the transient nature of existence.

This idea of impermanence also resonates with the biblical acknowledgement, “Why do you not even know what will happen tomorrow? What is your life? You are but a mist that appears for a little while and then vanishes” (James 4:14). The first truth, impermanence, is intricately connected to all aspects of our existence.

The second characteristic. Dukkha is an important concept in Buddhism, commonly referred to as suffering. It is the first of the Four Noble Truths. Suffering is an inescapable part of life, and it can come in many forms. It refers to the habitual experience of mundane life as fundamentally unsatisfactory and painful. There are many times in our lives when we feel overwhelmed by our suffering and wonder how we can overcome it. Dukkha refers to the inherent unsatisfactoriness and suffering present in life. It encompasses a broad range of experiences, including physical pain, emotional distress, and existential dissatisfaction. In other words, dukkha can vary from minor irritations to profound suffering, and it is not limited to overt suffering. It also highlights the subtle discomfort that arises from life’s impermanence and the transient nature of happiness. Even moments of joy are often tinged with the knowledge that they are fleeting, leading to a perpetual sense of longing or fear of loss. The Buddha applies the characteristic of suffering to all conditioned things in the sense that for living beings, everything conditioned is a potential cause of experienced suffering and is, at any rate, incapable of giving lasting satisfaction.

Buddha says, “The world is established on suffering, is founded on suffering” (Dukkha loko patitthito). His whole doctrine rests on the pivot of suffering. He perceived the universality of suffering and propounded a remedy (Noble Eightfold Path) for the universal sickness of humanity. By that, Buddhism does not denote an attitude of hopelessness and pessimism toward life. Buddha did not expect his adherents to be constantly brooding over the ills of life and so make their lives unhappy.

If you look at the world with dispassionate discernment, it becomes abundantly clear that there is only one problem in the world, which is suffering, dukkha. Today, people all over the world suffer untold suffering and agony, and there is so much misery all around us. People’s lives are plucked at a young age. Many people suffer from incurable diseases and tragic deaths. Humanity is continuously grappling with many natural disasters and destruction. Yet, through ignorance, people go chasing after shadows, dwelling in delusion, unable to confront the adversities that life brings. Suffering appears and passes away, only to reappear in other forms. All forms of suffering are either physical or psychological. All is in a whirl; nothing escapes this inexorable, unceasing change.

Understanding Dukkha is crucial for practitioners, as it invites introspection about the nature of existence and our responses to experiences. Instead of viewing suffering as something to be avoided, Buddhism encourages us to confront it, recognize its roots, and understand its universal presence in human life. This acknowledgement allows us to cultivate compassion for ourselves and others who are also caught in this cycle of suffering. By facing Dukkha with awareness, we can begin to unravel the causes of our suffering and start the journey toward alleviation.

The third truth, Anatta, embraces the concept of non-self or insubstantiality, suggesting that there is no permanent, unchanging self within us. This realisation challenges the deeply ingrained belief in a fixed identity or essence. Instead, Buddhism teaches that what we consider the “self” is actually a collection of ever-changing physical and mental components, known as the five aggregates: form, sensation, perception, mental formations, and consciousness.

Understanding Anatta is liberating in that it encourages us to let go of attachments to our identities, beliefs, and notions of self. When we cling to a fixed identity, we create suffering through desires and fears related to maintaining that identity. By recognising that the self is contingent and fluid, we can reduce suffering and anxiety associated with self-identity and experience greater freedom. Embracing Anatta allows individuals to break free from the confines of ego, leading to a deeper connection with the world and others.

Together, the truths of Dukkha and Anatta highlight the importance of understanding suffering and the illusion of self in the journey toward enlightenment. By facing these truths, practitioners can cultivate wisdom, compassion, and ultimately find liberation from the cycles of rebirth and suffering.

by Dr. Justice Chandradasa Nanayakkara

 

 

 

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