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The great escape

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Bogambara Prison

On 7 April 1942, four political prisoners escaped from Bogambara Prison

Ask modern Sri Lankans what 5 April signifies for them, and most will answer “the JVP uprising in 1971.” Not surprising, since the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna celebrates this event each year.

However, 5 April has greater significance for Sri Lankans than this. In 1956, the general election began on this day, resulting in the overthrow of the UNP regime of 1947, which had continued the colonialist policies of the British Empire. The new government began to put in place a new political, social and economic order, one more suited to a nation throwing off its colonial past.

Which takes us back to 1942. Sri Lanka remained a part of the British Empire, the mightiest ever seen hitherto. The country’s wealth flowed into the coffers of England, while its citizens remained immiserated, third-class citizens in their own country. But a change approached, from the East. On 8 December 1941, the Japanese invaded British Malaya. On 15 February, the myth of British invincibility lay broken as Singapore fell. My late father told me that the British in Sri Lanka went around “like whipped dogs”.

On 5 April, carrier-borne aeroplanes of the Imperial Japanese Navy attacked Colombo, causing severe damage to British military installations. The effects of the attack were electric. The British panicked, expecting further air raids (which happened) and an invasion (which did not). The British Eastern Fleet pulled back to East Africa. The population of Colombo decamped overnight. Chaos reigned. Two days later, on the night of 7 April, four socialist political prisoners escaped from Bogambara Prison.

The story of their escape really begins in 1927, when Philip Gunawardena, a young student in the USA, joined the League against Imperialism. In 1929-31 he served on the executive council of the League, which had as its avowed aim the liberation of the colonies, which included Sri Lanka.  He gathered around him a body of Sri Lankan students overseas, who shared his perspective. This political stance saw its first domestic expression at the Youth Congress in 1931, at which a resolution called for “downright unadulterated independence”.

As the students overseas returned, they joined their co-thinkers in the Youth League movement. In 1933 they established the Suriya-Mal Movement, led by an Englishwoman, Doreen Young. The following year they went to work among the victims of the Malaria epidemic, which affected a million people. They made a name for themselves by distributing quinine for malaria and Marmite for malnutrition.

In 1935 they went on to form the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, a socialist organisation with the primary aim of independence from the British Raj. The following year Philip Gunawardena and N.M. Perera gained election to the State Council, where they raised vital issues, such as the use of Sinhala and Tamil, and free education.

LSSP agitation among workers, particularly among plantation workers, rang alarm bells in the offices of the occupation power. This rose to a crescendo when Mark Bracegirdle, an Anglo-Australian planter, joined the party. Governor Stubbs’ failed attempt to deport him caused a furore which, in effect, kick-started the independence movement.

With the collapse of France in the Second World War, the British began clamping down on dissent, especially as LSSP-led strikes broke out all over Nuwara Eliya and Uva. In mid-June 1940 the government arrested Philip Gunawardena, N. M. Perera, Colvin R. de Silva, and Edmund Samarakkody.

The Police failed to capture Leslie Goonewardena: experience gained (principally by Philip’s brother Robert Gunawardena) in hiding Bracegirdle helped the LSSP to work under the noses of the authorities. Although the Party press was sealed, the party organ, the Samasamajaya continued to appear, along with leaflets in Tamil and English. The party even organised a secret conference, which adopted a new programme and constitution.

Meanwhile, the detained Party leaders at Bogambara did not waste their time. N.M. used his time to work on The Case for Free Education (a basal document in the struggle for an equitable education system), while Philip worked on the concept agricultural reform (which formed the kernel of the Paddy Lands Act, which he introduced to Parliament in 1958).

They won over Solomon, one of their jailors, and with his help they managed to leave the prison on several occasions. Now, the party planned to get them out for good. Solomon got an imprint of the key on a bar of soap and Philip’s wife Kusuma, who visited the prisoners, took it out with her. She gave it to Robert, who cut the key.

Robert had the task of guiding them once they escaped. According to Regi Siriwardena, the escape on 7 April 1942 was fairly straightforward, with Solomon simply opening their cells and leading them out. Robert escorted them to several cars which were parked outside, and they made off as fast as possible. The Party hid them in several safe houses.

Regi Siriwardena reported that Doric de Souza had set him up in one of these, two weeks before the prison break, to provide cover. Colvin and Solomon arrived on the night of 8 April. Regi served as a courier between Colvin and Philip. He also had a hand in the editorial of the Samasamajaya, and Solomon later would edit the Party’s Tamil organ, the Samadharmam.

The escape infuriated the colonial authorities, who suppressed the LSSP completely. British imperial prestige, already at an all-time low following the fall of Singapore and the Japanese raid on Sri Lanka, fell even further. A month later, on 8 May, Sri Lankan troops belonging to the Ceylon Garrison Artillery stationed in the Cocos Island mutinied. The mutiny was suppressed, but its leader, Gratien Fernando (whom the LSSP’s anti-imperialist agitation had affected) went to his execution unrepentant. Thereafter, anti-colonial agitation referred to the Cocos Islands Mutiny as resistance to British colonial rule grew.

About three months after the prison break, many of the leaders escaped to India, where they took part in the Indian struggle for independence. Their contribution to India’s independence was disproportionate to their numbers. Most of the leaders were arrested before the end of the war, and were deported to Sri Lanka.

Some stayed on: S.C.C. Anthonypillai (who married Philip’s sister Caroline) led a major trade union in Tamil Nadu. Hector Abhayavardana went on to become general secretary of the Socialist Party of India, returning to Sri Lanka and the LSSP in 1959. N.M.’s wife Selina Perera remained an activist in Kolkata. Over a half-century later, the Indian Government honoured three of the surviving LSSP cadres who had taken part in the struggle – Vivienne Goonewardena, Bernard Soysa and Hector Abhayavardana.

The LSSP continued its underground agitation in Sri Lanka. It participated in the fight for free education and successfully raised anti-imperialist feeling in the country. In 1943 the Ceylon National Congress voted in support of Independence. Eventually the State Council passed the “Free Lanka Bill”.

The proscription on the Party ended after the war, and in 1946 the Party led a strike wave. This enabled D.S. Senanayake, Oliver Ernest Goonetilleka and other “moderates” to raise the bogie of communism and persuade the British to grant Sri Lanka dominion status.

The escape of the detenus from Bogamabara on 7 April 1942 thus had a profound effect on the British Raj in both India and Sri Lanka. However, this important event  is rarely, if ever commemorated.

Vinod Moonesinghe



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Opinion

Buddhist insights into the extended mind thesis – Some observations

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It is both an honour and a pleasure to address you on this occasion as we gather to celebrate International Philosophy Day. Established by UNESCO and supported by the United Nations, this day serves as a global reminder that philosophy is not merely an academic discipline confined to universities or scholarly journals. It is, rather, a critical human practice—one that enables societies to reflect upon themselves, to question inherited assumptions, and to navigate periods of intellectual, technological, and moral transformation.

In moments of rapid change, philosophy performs a particularly vital role. It slows us down. It invites us to ask not only how things work, but what they mean, why they matter, and how we ought to live. I therefore wish to begin by expressing my appreciation to UNESCO, the United Nations, and the organisers of this year’s programme for sustaining this tradition and for selecting a theme that invites sustained reflection on mind, consciousness, and human agency.

We inhabit a world increasingly shaped by artificial intelligence, neuroscience, cognitive science, and digital technologies. These developments are not neutral. They reshape how we think, how we communicate, how we remember, and even how we imagine ourselves. As machines simulate cognitive functions once thought uniquely human, we are compelled to ask foundational philosophical questions anew:

What is the mind? Where does thinking occur? Is cognition something enclosed within the brain, or does it arise through our bodily engagement with the world? And what does it mean to be an ethical and responsible agent in a technologically extended environment?

Sri Lanka’s Philosophical Inheritance

On a day such as this, it is especially appropriate to recall that Sri Lanka possesses a long and distinguished tradition of philosophical reflection. From early Buddhist scholasticism to modern comparative philosophy, Sri Lankan thinkers have consistently engaged questions concerning knowledge, consciousness, suffering, agency, and liberation.

Within this modern intellectual history, the University of Peradeniya occupies a unique place. It has served as a centre where Buddhist philosophy, Western thought, psychology, and logic have met in creative dialogue. Scholars such as T. R. V. Murti, K. N. Jayatilleke, Padmasiri de Silva, R. D. Gunaratne, and Sarathchandra did not merely interpret Buddhist texts; they brought them into conversation with global philosophy, thereby enriching both traditions.

It is within this intellectual lineage—and with deep respect for it—that I offer the reflections that follow.

Setting the Philosophical Problem

My topic today is “Embodied Cognition and Viññāṇasota: Buddhist Insights on the Extended Mind Thesis – Some Observations.” This is not a purely historical inquiry. It is an attempt to bring Buddhist philosophy into dialogue with some of the most pressing debates in contemporary philosophy of mind and cognitive science.

At the centre of these debates lies a deceptively simple question: Where is the mind?

For much of modern philosophy, the dominant answer was clear: the mind resides inside the head. Thinking was understood as an internal process, private and hidden, occurring within the boundaries of the skull. The body was often treated as a mere vessel, and the world as an external stage upon which cognition operated.

However, this picture has increasingly come under pressure.

The Extended Mind Thesis and the 4E Turn

One of the most influential challenges to this internalist model is the Extended Mind Thesis, proposed by Andy Clark and David Chalmers. Their argument is provocative but deceptively simple: if an external tool performs the same functional role as a cognitive process inside the brain, then it should be considered part of the mind itself.

From this insight emerges the now well-known 4E framework, according to which cognition is:

Embodied – shaped by the structure and capacities of the body

Embedded – situated within physical, social, and cultural environments

Enactive – constituted through action and interaction

Extended – distributed across tools, artefacts, and practices

This framework invites us to rethink the mind not as a thing, but as an activity—something we do, rather than something we have.

Earlier Western Challenges to Internalism

It is important to note that this critique of the “mind in the head” model did not begin with cognitive science. It has deep philosophical roots.

Ludwig Wittgenstein

famously warned philosophers against imagining thought as something occurring in a hidden inner space. Such metaphors, he suggested, mystify rather than clarify our understanding of mind.

Similarly, Franz Brentano’s notion of intentionality—his claim that all mental states are about something—shifted attention away from inner substances toward relational processes. This insight shaped Husserl’s phenomenology, where consciousness is always world-directed, and Freud’s psychoanalysis, where mental life is dynamic, conflicted, and socially embedded.

Together, these thinkers prepared the conceptual ground for a more process-oriented, relational understanding of mind.

Varela and the Enactive Turn

A decisive moment in this shift came with Francisco J. Varela, whose work on enactivism challenged computational models of mind. For Varela, cognition is not the passive representation of a pre-given world, but the active bringing forth of meaning through embodied engagement.

Cognition, on this view, arises from the dynamic coupling of organism and environment. Importantly, Varela explicitly acknowledged his intellectual debt to Buddhist philosophy, particularly its insights into impermanence, non-self, and dependent origination.

Buddhist Philosophy and the Minding Process

Buddhist thought offers a remarkably sophisticated account of mind—one that is non-substantialist, relational, and processual. Across its diverse traditions, we find a consistent emphasis on mind as dependently arisen, embodied through the six sense bases, and shaped by intention and contact.

Crucially, Buddhism does not speak of a static “mind-entity”. Instead, it employs metaphors of streams, flows, and continuities, suggesting a dynamic process unfolding in relation to conditions.

Key Buddhist Concepts for Contemporary Dialogue

Let me now highlight several Buddhist concepts that are particularly relevant to contemporary discussions of embodied and extended cognition.

The notion of prapañca, as elaborated by Bhikkhu Ñāṇananda, captures the mind’s tendency toward conceptual proliferation. Through naming, interpretation, and narrative construction, the mind extends itself, creating entire experiential worlds. This is not merely a linguistic process; it is an existential one.

The Abhidhamma concept of viññāṇasota, the stream of consciousness, rejects the idea of an inner mental core. Consciousness arises and ceases moment by moment, dependent on conditions—much like a river that has no fixed identity apart from its flow.

The Yogācāra doctrine of ālayaviññāṇa adds a further dimension, recognising deep-seated dispositions, habits, and affective tendencies accumulated through experience. This anticipates modern discussions of implicit cognition, embodied memory, and learned behaviour.

Finally, the Buddhist distinction between mindful and unmindful cognition reveals a layered model of mental life—one that resonates strongly with contemporary dual-process theories.

A Buddhist Cognitive Ecology

Taken together, these insights point toward a Buddhist cognitive ecology in which mind is not an inner object but a relational activity unfolding across body, world, history, and practice.

As the Buddha famously observed, “In this fathom-long body, with its perceptions and thoughts, I declare there is the world.” This is perhaps one of the earliest and most profound articulations of an embodied, enacted, and extended conception of mind.

Conclusion

The Extended Mind Thesis challenges the idea that the mind is confined within the skull. Buddhist philosophy goes further. It invites us to reconsider whether the mind was ever “inside” to begin with.

In an age shaped by artificial intelligence, cognitive technologies, and digital environments, this question is not merely theoretical. It is ethically urgent. How we understand mind shapes how we design technologies, structure societies, and conceive human responsibility.

Buddhist philosophy offers not only conceptual clarity but also ethical guidance—reminding us that cognition is inseparable from suffering, intention, and liberation.

Dr. Charitha Herath is a former Member of Parliament of Sri Lanka (2020–2024) and an academic philosopher. Prior to entering Parliament, he served as Professor (Chair) of Philosophy at the University of Peradeniya. He was Chairman of the Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) from 2020 to 2022, playing a key role in parliamentary oversight of public finance and state institutions. Dr. Herath previously served as Secretary to the Ministry of Mass Media and Information (2013–2015) and is the Founder and Chair of Nexus Research Group, a platform for interdisciplinary research, policy dialogue, and public intellectual engagement.

He holds a BA from the University of Peradeniya (Sri Lanka), MA degrees from Sichuan University (China) and Ohio University (USA), and a PhD from the University of Kelaniya (Sri Lanka).

(This article has been adapted from the keynote address delivered
by Dr. Charitha Herath
at the International Philosophy Day Conference at the University of Peradeniya.)

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Opinion

We do not want to be press-ganged 

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Reference ,the Indian High Commissioner’s recent comments ( The Island, 9th Jan. ) on strong India-Sri Lanka relationship and the assistance granted on recovering from the financial collapse of Sri Lanka and yet again for cyclone recovery., Sri Lankans should express their  thanks to India for standing up as a friendly neighbour.

On the Defence Cooperation agreement, the Indian High Commissioner’s assertion was that there was nothing beyond that which had been included in the text. But, dear High Commissioner, we Sri Lankans have burnt our fingers when we signed agreements with the European nations who invaded our country; they took our leaders around the Mulberry bush and made our nation pay a very high price by controlling our destiny for hundreds of years. When the Opposition parties in the Parliament requested the Sri Lankan government to reveal the contents of the Defence agreements signed with India as per the prevalent common practice, the government’s strange response was  that India did not want them disclosed.

Even the terms of the one-sided infamous Indo-Sri Lanka agreement, signed in 1987, were disclosed to the public.

Mr. High Commissioner, we are not satisfied with your reply as we are weak, economically, and unable to clearly understand your “India’s Neighbourhood First and  Mahasagar policies” . We need the details of the defence agreements signed with our government, early.

 

RANJITH SOYSA 

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Opinion

When will we learn?

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At every election—general or presidential—we do not truly vote, we simply outvote. We push out the incumbent and bring in another, whether recycled from the past or presented as “fresh.” The last time, we chose a newcomer who had spent years criticising others, conveniently ignoring the centuries of damage they inflicted during successive governments. Only now do we realise that governing is far more difficult than criticising.

There is a saying: “Even with elephants, you cannot bring back the wisdom that has passed.” But are we learning? Among our legislators, there have been individuals accused of murder, fraud, and countless illegal acts. True, the courts did not punish them—but are we so blind as to remain naive in the face of such allegations? These fraudsters and criminals, and any sane citizen living in this decade, cannot deny those realities.

Meanwhile, many of our compatriots abroad, living comfortably with their families, ignore these past crimes with blind devotion and campaign for different parties. For most of us, the wish during an election is not the welfare of the country, but simply to send our personal favourite to the council. The clearest example was the election of a teledrama actress—someone who did not even understand the Constitution—over experienced and honest politicians.

It is time to stop this bogus hero worship. Vote not for personalities, but for the country. Vote for integrity, for competence, and for the future we deserve.

 

Deshapriya Rajapaksha

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