Features
The ethnic front in Sri Lanka’s contemporary history
R.J. de Silva, Attorney-at-law
(Continued from last week)
The political history of Sri Lanka changed for the worse after 2000 due to intense rivalry between the UNP and SLFP-led coalitions. The two major parties failed to co-habit under President Chandrika Bandaranaike Cumaratunga in 2001, due to politicians of the UNF and UPFA failing to prioritizee the interests of the country over their own. With it failed a grand opportunity to build on the Ceasefire Agreement signed with the LTTE between 2001 and 2003 by the UNF government, assisted by the international community.
With it Sri Lanka lost tremendous goodwill that would have enabled developing the country including the war torn areas. Reconciliation and ethnic peace had a positive vibration, when the SLFP led UPFA government and the opposition UNP braced to face the December 2004 Tsunami disaster that killed about 45,000 people and destroyed their homes. Thereafter, the MOU signed by the LTTE and the UPFA Government in 2004 to start the Post Tsunami Operational Structure (PT-OMS) for reconstruction of the North and East, was scuttled by the Sinhala nationalists within the UPFA government.
The Supreme Court ruled against P-TOMS decreeing it as against the constitution. As a result, the possible resolution to the country’s ethnic relations did not receive a political solution. Activities of power hungry, short sighted politicians resulted in the poor and the marginalized people of both communities suffering death and destruction by a prolonging war.
In political and ideological terms, the new UPFA regime elected in 2005 under the Mahinda Rajapaksa Presidency, represented a nationalist coalition that was hostile to the internationally backed political engagement between the government and the LTTE. The clever use of religious and ethnic propaganda to win over the Sinhala majority by using men dressed in yellow robes by Mahinda Rajapaksa between 2005 and 2014 and thereafter by the Gotabaya Rajapaksa regime after 2019 using men in robes and in uniform, resulted in a lack of direction, a breakdown of administration and rampant corruption.
In fact, the war victory in 2009 precipitated unmitigated greed for power, family bandyism, blatant acts of corruption and authoritarianism. Communal reconciliation was abandoned. A combination of all these factors weakened the already fragile democratic fabric.
The powerful Mahinda Rajapaksa government was defeated in the presidential and parliamentary elections of 2015 by a coalition led by the UNP running a senior SLFP defector for president. Rajapaksa and the SLFP were defeated by a common opposition. There was much goodwill and support of the minority parties in politics in achieving this objective. The mandate to punish the corrupt, killers, abductors for ransom in the north and east and the promise to bring back democratic institutions abolished by the 18th amendment, was partly fulfilled.
But an inexplicable lack of political will to successfully prosecute the guilty became a major setback for the Yahapalana government when the presidential election of 2019 came round in November. This together with the planned Easter Sunday attack of April 2019 enabled Rajapaksa Inc. of Mahinda and Gotabaya to return to power decimating the UNP to a single National List seat in parliament.
Corruption
Corruption in Sri Lanka is crime without identifiable criminals. It occurs from top to bottom at various levels. It is a vast subject that needs a separate discussion. But it will not be out of place to mention the Mafia in the power generating sector, tax concessions given to cronies, 16 controversial transactions revealed by COPE in 2007 and half-hearted efforts of the Bribery Commission to prosecute the revelations to date together with the withdrawal of cases by the AG such as that of misappropriation of Rs 200 m of Treasury funds by RADA- to mention a few only.
Corruption is one the main reasons for the worst ever economic and political crisis that has hit the people after 1948. The country is in turmoil and the people are forced to spend their day looking for gas, fuel, kerosene, milk, drugs while being clobbered daily by galloping food prices and power cuts.
The future of democracy in Sri Lanka
Democracy is built on four pillars – the Executive, Legislature, Judiciary and Free Media. If one of these pillars collapse, we will face the consequences democratic countries like Nicaragua and Brazil were confronted with.
The UN’s ‘International Day of Democracy’ (September 15 ) gives us an opportunity to review the state of democracy in Sri Lanka. The values of freedom, respect for human rights, holding periodic free and fair elections by universal suffrage – are essential elements of a democracy. In turn, democracy provides the natural environment for the protection and effective realization of human rights.
In Sri Lanka, civil rights activists and the opposition fear a trend towards dictatorship and military rule under the retired Lt. Col. and later President Gotabaya Rajapaksa.
These concerns surfaced particularly after the 20th Amendment which gave unlimited power to the president by engineering a two thirds parliamentary majority by questionable means. Arrogance of power made the president appoint retired military commanders to high administrative positions, bring a dual citizen to parliament and replace the aiya with the malli as finance minister – neither having any credentials to hold the post. This ensured 70% control of the national budget within the Rajapaksa family.
The IMF Chief lamented that mismanagement created the worst ever economic crisis since independence. It brought all people down to their knees in despair, including those racists who loved Sinhala Buddhist Rajapaksa regimes. One is reminded of John F Kennedy’s famous saying : “A Nation which is afraid to let its people judge the truth and falsehood in an open market economy, is afraid of its people”.
A glorious future envisaged by our enterprising youth who created a strong movement towards the much awaited System Change and a new political culture, has already given birth to racial unity and made inroads into the hearts and minds of all Lankans from GotaGoGama in Colombo, Kandy and Galle. .
These Pro- Democracy advocates have begun the second phase of democracy after the first phase ended in disaster despite 74 years of independence. Sri Lanka’s ‘flawed deocracy’ should not be weighed down by the legendary curse of Kuveni, the Easter Sunday murders of the innocent or the misfortunes of Muslims who were forced to cremate and not bury their dead in accordance with their religion due to racist ideology, the rule of incompetent politicians or the assault on the dignity of Tamils .
Our recent past should remind us all, how in 1933, Germany transited from a democracy to a dictatorship and how it caused mayhem throughout the world. Hitler’s autocratic dictatorship caused the unforgivable holocaust of about six million m Jews before the second world war ended in 1945.
Sri Lanka’s Parliament should recall, how Hitler got the “Enabling Act” passed in parliament on March 23, 1933 by physically intimidating MPs in Nazi controlled camps and persecuting remaining MPs in order to obtain a two thirds majority. Only the Social Democrats voted against Hitler who succeeded in achieving his rand design and began to pass laws without the approval of Parliament or the President and violating the Wiemar Constitution.
A mad man’s dream of cleansing Germany saw Nazis targeting Germans with physical and mental disabilities, Soviet prisoners of war, Poles, homosexuals and Jehovah’s witnesses. Unfortunately, contributions to this ethnic cleansing were made by professioals like doctors, lawyers, teachers and civil servants who believed in Hitler’s policies.
The role of the legal profession and judges was critical. After new laws were passed between February and July 1933 and after all state officials were asked to take an oath of loyalty (we saw this being done after Gotabaya Rajapakse came to power), lawyers helped the Nazis to oust Jewish lawyers from courts and law firms while permitting a mere 35 lawyers to apply to practice.
Although Hitler promised to restore judicial authority, he instituted re-education programs cleverly designed to indoctrinate Jurists in ideological goals of the Nazi Party. In the guise of protecting the State, Nazis hold on power was developed by passing several laws to consolidate the power of a dictator accompanied by military expansion and racial justification. A Judiciary steeped in the values of respect for judicial independence, equality and fair trial, shamelessly rendered verdicts to justify principles of Nazism and wishes of the Fuhrer.
The overwhelming majority of judges failed to challenge Hitler’s laws that restricted political freedoms, security of property, freedom of speech and association and instead interpreted laws in broad language that facilitated Nazi’s ability to carry out their diabolical agenda.
After the end of World War 2, pressures faced by individual Judges with intense personal and ethical dilemmas, became a fascinating study all over the world. But the damage done to grieving families could not be compensated or corrected.
Conclusion
Sri Lankan leaders in the latter years, implemented no political structural reforms to meet four decades of rebellion or corrupt practices at all levels of government. After 73 years of independence, Sri Lanka is careering down the slope into an abyss where its citizens are facing increasing militarization at the expense of the legitimate administration of Sri Lanka. Today, the country has had to declare that it is unable to pay its debts until the IMF assists in restructuring its massive debts.
US President Franklin D Roosewelt said , “Democracy cannot succeed unless those who express their choice are prepared to choose wisely.” This is the “democratic paradox” of Sri Lanka.
It is gratifying to note that a struggle has erupted spontaneously all over Sri Lanka led by Youth, for Constitutional reform to restore the citizen’s faith in quality, integrity and efficacy in representative democracy. Liberal Democracy will dominate the world in the years to come. Sri Lanka will need to design an ethno religious system of governance where majoritarianism will coexist in a peaceful and diverse setting.
The famous definition for democracy was enunciated by US President Abraham Lincoln as “A GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE, FOR THE PEOPLE AND BY THE PEOPLE”. He gave the leadership to the civil war (1861 to 1865 ) to liberate the colored American people from slavery from white racists extremists. Fortunately for America and the world, US President and business tycoon Donald Trump ( 2016 to 2020 ) failed in his attempt to revive white populist extremism.
Sri Lanka’s ageing and unprofessional leaders, who quote Abraham Lincoln ad nauseam, do not think innovatively, are rigid and unresponsive to reason and lack innovative ideas. Instead they play cheap politics to win the votes of gullible voters on the guise of enacting development projects.
The youth have shaken the mindset of rural villages who effectively avoided challenging Rajapakse regimes, given their mutual commitment to Sinhala Buddhist supremacy. Their discipline, innovative presentation of well-articulated demands that the Rajapakse family which has hitherto controlled 70% of the National budget and Chairmanships of many State Institutions, must leave politics, have won Sri Lanka much admiration worldwide for the country’s resilience towards Democracy. Time has come for future leaders of Sri Lanka to give up the elitist tradition of Constitution making and jump out of the box to build into the 3rd Republican Constitution ‘The right to recall’ corrupt officials in Government, Parliament, the police and the legal services.
Features
The Iran War, Global Oil Crisis, and Local Options
Flight of Insanity
Now in its third week and still no end sight, Trump’s Iran’s war is showing a tedious pattern of tragic-comic episodes. The human tragedy continues under relentless aerial assaults in Iran and under both aerial and ground assaults in Lebanon. Israel, now in a hurry to destroy as much it can of its enemy assets before Trump lapses into war withdrawals, is picking its spots at will; three of its latest scalps could not have come at higher echelons of the Iranian regime. Within two days, Israeli has targeted and killed Ali Larijani, the powerful, versatile and experienced secretary of the Supreme National Security Council; Gholamreza Soleimani, head of the Basij paramilitary force; and Iran’s Intelligence Minister Esmail Khatib.
Yet there is no indication if the continuing hollowing out of Iran’s decision making apparatus will produce the intended effect of encouraging the people of Iran to come out on the streets and topple the regime. People cannot pour on to the streets, even if they want to, until the American and Israeli bombing stops. That may not happen till the US military finishes its list of asset targets in Iran and Israel finishes off the list of Iranian leaders who are tagged on by Mossad’s network of Iranian moles. They are so widespread that last year after setting up a special task force to expose the internal informants, the National Security Council found out that the person whom they had selected to lead the task force was himself a spy! Disaffected citizens are also becoming informal informants. 
The comical side of the war is provided by President Trump in the daily press court that he holds at the White House, taking full advantage of the presidential system in which the chief officer is not required to present himself to and take questions from the country’s elected lawmakers. There has never been and there likely will never be another presidential spectacle like Donald J. Trump. It is shocking although not surprising to find out daily as to how much he doesn’t know about the war that he started or where it is heading. The ghost of Donald Rumsfeld, the Defence Secretary of the Iraq war and the coiner of the ‘unknown unknowns’ phrase, would tell you that Trump is the epitome of one of the known knowns, the predictable bully. For all his misjudgements and bad calls over the Iraq war 23 years ago, Rumsfeld now looks like a giant of a professional in comparison to Pete Hegseth, the bigmouthed charlatan who parades as Donald Trump’s Secretary of War.
Asymmetric Advantage
For its part, Iran appears to be reaping the worst and the best of an asymmetric warfare. Iran is getting pummelled in all the metrics of conventional warfare and there should be nothing surprising about it. It is rather silly for the American and Israeli military spokespeople to crow about their aerial strikes and their successes. On the other hand, the US and Israeli forces combined have not been able to answer Iran’s ability to establish areas of war where Iran sets the term and scores at its choosing. Quite astonishingly, President Trump has said that Iran was not supposed to attack its neighbours and no one apparently told him that such attacks might happen.
“Nobody. Nobody. No, no, no. The greatest experts—nobody thought they were going to hit,“ Trump responded to a leading question by a Fox News reporter whether the President was “surprised nobody briefed you ahead of time” about the likelihood of Iranian retaliation against America’s Gulf allies. Prevarication is second nature to President Trump and it is the same explanation for the Administration’s strategic gaffe over the Strait of Hormuz.
Iran has imposed a blockade over the narrow waterway between the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman that provides vital passage for about 20% of the world’s oil shipments. Again, no one told him that Iran might do this. That is also because Trump has gotten rid of all the people in government capable of providing advice and is surrounding himself with sidekicks who will not challenge him on his misrepresentation of facts. As well, by keeping Congress out of the loop the President and the Administration tossed away the opportunity to deliberate before deciding to go to war.
True to form, Trump trots out another bizarre argument that the US does not have any shipment through the Strait of Hormuz and, therefore, it is up to countries, including China, that depend on the Hormuz route to come to his party in the Persian Gulf. The US would be there to help them out and he went on to invite his erstwhile allies and fellow NATO members to join the US and help the world keep the Strait of Hormuz open for its oil shipments.
Trump’s calls have been all but spurned. No US president has suffered such a rebuff. Other presidents did their consultations with allies before starting a war, not after. “This war started without any consultations,” said Germany’s Defence Minister Boris Pistorius. He then queried incredulously: “What does Donald Trump expect from a handful of European frigates in the Strait of Hormuz that the mighty US Navy cannot manage alone?” Iran has let it be known that it will block passage only to its enemies and allow others to cross the strait by arrangement. Chinese, Indian and Pakistani ships have been allowed to navigate through the strait. The UN and NATO countries are reportedly considering new initiatives to ensure safe passage through the Strait, but details are unclear.
While the official American endgame is unclear, scholars and academics have started weighing in and calling Trump’s misadventure for what it is. Three such contributions this week have caught the media’s attention. Muhanad Seloom writing online in Al Jazeera, has presented an unsolicited yet by far the strongest case for Trump, arguing that “the US-Israeli strategy is working” because Trump’s war against Iran is accomplishing a “systematic, phased degradation of a threat that previous administrations allowed to grow for four decades.” A former State Department staffer and now a Doha and Exeter academic, Seloom seems overly sanguine about the impending demise of the Iranian regime and underplays the political implications of the war’s externalities and unintended consequences for the Trump presidency in America.
The comprehensive degradation of virtually all of Iran’s hard assets is not in question. What is in question is whether the asset degradation is translating into a regime change. The additional questions are whether the obvious success in asset degradation is enough to save President Trumps political bacon in the midterm elections in November, or will it stop Iran from controlling the Strait of Hormuz and impacting the global oil flows. Firm negative answers to these questions have been provided by two American scholars. Nate Swanson, also a former State Department staffer turned academic researcher and who was also a member of Trump’s recent negotiating team with Iran, has additionally highlighted the martyrdom significance of the killing of Ayatollah Khamenei both within Iran and in the entire Shia crescent extending from Lebanon to Karachi.
Robert Pape, University of Chicago Historian, who has studied and modelled Iranian scenarios to advise past US Administrations, has compared President Trump’s situation in Iran to President Johnson’s quagmire in Vietnam in 1968. Pape’s thesis is that asymmetric conflicts inherently keep escalating and there is no winning way out for a superpower over a lesser power. The main difference between Vietnam and Iran is that Vietnam did not trigger global oil and economic crises. Iran has triggered an oil crisis and the IMF is warning to expect higher inflation and lower growth as a result of the war. “Think of the unthinkable and prepare for it,” is the advice given to world’s policy makers by IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva to a symposium in Japan, earlier this month.
Global Oil Crisis
The blockade of the Strait of Hormuz has created a crisis of uneven supplies and high prices the likes of which have not been seen since the 1973 oil embargo by Arab countries in the wake of the Yom Kippur War that saw the price of oil increasing four fold from $3 to $12 a barrel. The International Energy Agency (IEA), which came into being as the western response to the 1973 Arab oil embargo, has warned that the market is now experiencing “the most significant supply disruption in its history.”
According to Historians, denying or disrupting oil flows has been an effective tool in modern warfare. The oft cited examples before the 1973 oil embargo are the British oil blockade of Germany in World War 1, and the stopping of Germans accessing the Caucasus oilfields by the Soviet Union’s Red Army in World War II. The irony of the current crisis is that until now the world was getting to be more energy efficient and less oil dependent as a result of the technological, socioeconomic and behavioural changes that were unleashed by the 1973 oil embargo. Post Cold War globalization streamlined global oil flows even as the turn towards cheaper and renewable energy sources increased the use of alternative energy sources.
What was becoming a global energy complacency, according to Jason Bordoff and Meghan O’Sullivan, American academics and National Security advisers to former Presidents Obama and Bush, suffered its first disruptive shock with the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Market reaction was immediate with crude oil prices increasing by over 50% and exceeding $135 per barrel. Russia cut its natural gas supply to Europe by half leaving western Europe the worst affected region by the crisis. In contrast, Asia is the worst affected continent by the current crisis although market reaction was not immediate apparently because the US was deemed a far more reliable actor than Russia. It is a different story now.
The present crisis is expected to ratchet up crude oil prices to as high as $150 to $200 a barrel in current dollars from what was below $75 before Trump started the war. Futures trading before the war projected $62 per barrel in 2027. Now, lower prices are not anticipated until after the end of this decade. The daily price has been yo-yoing above and below $100 in harmony with Trump’s musings about the course of the war and the time for its ending. The current market uncertainty stems from the growing realization that the Trump Administration was not clear about why it was starting the war and now it does not know how or when to bring it to an end. The Hormuz crisis has made the prospects all the bleaker.
Sri Lanka’s Options
In the unfolding uncertainty, the only certainty is that Sri Lanka’s options are limited. The challenges facing the country and the government involve both politics and economics. For the country, even the political options are limited – perhaps as limited as the economic options available to the government in the short term. The incessant political critics of the government start with extrapolating Aragalaya and end with anticipating another government collapse like the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government. But anyone looking for political alternatives to the NPP government should look at the press photograph showing a recent news conference of opposition party leaders announcing the formation of “a common opposition platform to resist the government’s anti-democratic actions.” Missing an action and absconding per usual, like Julia Roberts in Runway Bride, is once again Sajith Premadasa, the accredited Leader of the Opposition.
Talk about democratic priorities when the economic engine and the energy generators will soon have no oil or diesel to run on. Among the assembled, there is no one equipped enough to head a government ministry with the possible exception of Champika Ranawaka. And it is rich to talk about constitutional dictatorship for a group that was associated with the extended one-party government from 1977 to 1994, and a second group the tried to perpetuate a one-family government between 2005 and 2022. It is virtually imperative to argue that for the sake of the country the NPP government must successfully navigate through the impending crisis. Whether the government will be able to live up to what is now a necessity, not just expectation, we will soon find out.
There is no minimizing or underestimating the magnitude of the crisis. Crude oil and petroleum products account for nearly 20% of the total import bill. Rising oil prices will impact the balance of payment and forex reserves, and could potentially siphon off the currently accumulated $7+ billion forex balance. Rupee devaluation and inflation are likely, but not necessarily to the absurd levels reached during the ultimate Rajapaksa regime. Economic growth will slow and the $1.5 to $2.0 billion FDI targets may not materialize. The current arrangement for debt repayment may have to be revisited, even as relief measures will need to be undertaken to soften the rising price effects throughout the economy and among the less privileged sections of society. Restricting consumption has already been started and the country may have to brace for further restrictions and even power cuts.
In the short term, renegotiating the current EFF (Extended Fund Facility) terms with the IMF will be unavoidable. Equally important are long term measures. The low storage capacity for oil and petroleum has made price fluctuations inevitable. The government has announced storage capacity expansion in Kolonnawa and fast tracking the construction of a jet-fuel pipeline from Muthurajawela to Katunayake – to facilitate the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA) becoming a regional aviation hub. The current shipping problems present a new opportunity for the utilization of the expanded terminal facilities to increase transhipment operations at the Colombo harbour.
At long last, after 78 years, there is some action to upgrade the storied 99 oil tanks in Trincomalee. But the bulk of the upgrading depends on the trilateral agreement between Sri Lanka, India and the United Arab Emirates to create an energy hub in Trincomalee. This might run into delays because of the current situation involving the UAE. Already delayed is the construction of the $3.7b Sinopec Oil refinery in Hambantota, the MOU for which was signed more than an year ago. The NPP government has been adept in keeping good relationships with both India and China. Now is the time to try to expedite the deliverables on their commitments.
Another not so long term necessity is to expand electricity generation through renewable sources and minimize its dependence on thermal generation based on imported oil, not to mention coal. Thermal power contributes to just under 50% of energy output at about 80% of total generation costs. In contrast, just over 50% of the output is generated by renewable sources, including hydro, at 20% of the total cost.
The contribution of hydropower is weather dependent and its uncertainty has long been the pretext for persisting with thermal power and not encouraging the development of solar and wind energy sources. There is no more urgent time to stop this persistence than now in light of the oil crisis. The government must cut through the cobwebs of vested thermal power interests and make clean energy a central part of its Clean Sri Lanka initiative. China is in the forefront of renewable energy technology and expansion and has timed the unveiling of its new five year renewable energy expansion plan to coincide with the current oil crisis. Many countries are emulating China and Sri Lanka should join them.
Features
Two Decades of Trust: SINGER Wins People’s Brand of the Year for the 20th Consecutive Time
Singer Sri Lanka, the nation’s foremost retailer of consumer durables, celebrates a truly historic milestone at the SLIM-KANTAR People’s Awards 2026, securing a prestigious triple victory while marking 20 consecutive years as the People’s Brand of the Year, an achievement made possible by the enduring trust and loyalty of Sri Lankan consumers.
This year, SINGER was honoured with yet another triple win with People’s Brand of the Year, Youth Brand of the Year and People’s Durables Brand of the Year at the awards ceremony. This remarkable recognition reflects the deep and lasting relationship the brand has built with Sri Lankans across generations, standing as a symbol of trust in homes across the island.
Reaching this 20-year milestone is not just a testament to brand strength, but a celebration of the millions of customers who have continuously chosen SINGER as a part of their everyday lives. For two decades, Sri Lankans have placed their confidence in the brand, welcoming it into their homes, their families, and their aspirations.
Expressing his appreciation, Janmesh Antony, Director – Marketing of Singer Sri Lanka PLC, stated:
“Winning these awards reflects our commitment to quality, innovation, and staying closely connected to our customers. Being recognised as Durables brand, Youth brand, and as the People’s Brand of the Year highlights our ability to resonate across generations. As we celebrate 20 years as the People’s Brand, our deepest gratitude goes to our customers, this milestone truly belongs to them. It also reflects the dedication of our teams, who continuously strive to serve them better every day. Winning Youth Brand of the Year further reinforces our focus on staying relevant and meaningfully connected with the next generation.”
Commenting on the milestone, Mahesh Wijewardene, Group Managing Director of Singer Sri Lanka PLC, added:
“This recognition is a tribute to the millions of Sri Lankans who have stood by us over the years. Being named the People’s Brand of the Year for the 20th consecutive time is both humbling and inspiring. It reflects the deep trust our customers place in us, and we are truly grateful for the role we play in their everyday lives. This milestone strengthens our commitment to continue delivering value, innovation, and service excellence, always with our customers at the heart of everything we do.”
Over the years, SINGER has grown alongside the people of Sri Lanka, evolving from a trusted household name into a future-ready retail powerhouse. By continuously innovating its product portfolio and enhancing service excellence, the brand has remained closely aligned with the changing needs and aspirations of its customers.
Guided by a deep-rooted customer-first philosophy, an extensive islandwide retail network, and dependable after-sales service, Singer continues to set benchmarks not only in the consumer durables sector but across the nation. By elevating everyday living and bringing greater convenience, comfort, and ease into Sri Lankan homes, the brand has become a trusted partner in shaping modern lifestyles. Its growing connection with younger audiences further reflects its ability to seamlessly blend legacy with contemporary aspirations.
As Singer Sri Lanka celebrates this milestone, the company remains profoundly grateful for the trust placed in it by generations of Sri Lankans. With a continued commitment to enriching lives through innovation and making everyday living more effortless and accessible, Singer looks ahead to growing alongside its customers, strengthening its place as one of the most trusted, loved, and enduring brands in the country.
Features
Test cricket of a different kind in 1948
Early last year [probably 2004] I received a call from Michael Ludgrove the then head of the rare book section at Christies Auction house requesting help to decipher the names of Ceylonese cricketers who had signed a cricket bat in the 1930’s following a combined India-Ceylon match against the visiting MCC. This led to my keeping an eye out for unusual items on Ceylon cricket.
A few months later a set of autographs came up for sale. They were of the visiting English women cricketers who played a match in Colombo, against the Ceylon women in the first “Test” of its kind. I was lucky to trace two of the test cricketers from the Ceylon team who now live in Victoria, Beverly Roberts (Juriansz) and Enid (Gilly) Fernando. Incidentally Gilly is called Gilly after AER Gilligan the Australian Cricketer and answers to no other name.
The visiting English team were on their way to Australia on the SS Orion. The Colombo Cricket Club were the hosts and the match was played at the Oval on the November 1, 1948. The match attracted a crowd of around 5,000 many of whom had not seen women play cricket before. Among the distinguished guests were the Governor General, the Bishop of Brisbane, the Assistant Bishop of Colombo -the Reverend Lakdasa de Mel, the Yuvaraj and Yuvaranee of Kutch and Sir Richard Aluwihare.
The well known cricket writer, SP Foenander, provided the broadcast commentary.
The English team consisted of: Molly Hyde (Capt.), Miss Rheinberger, Nacy Joy, Grace Morgan, Mary Duggan, Betty Birch, Dorothy McEroy, Mary Johnson, Megan Lowe, Nancy Wheelan,
The Ceylon team consisted of Miss O Turner (Capt.), Miss Enid (Gilly) Fernando, Miss C Hutton, Miss S Gaddum, Shirley Thomas, Marienne Adihetty, Beverley Roberts, Pat Weinman, Leela Abeykoon, Binthan Noordeen
Reserves: Mrs D H Swan & Mrs E G Joseph. Umpires: W S Findall and H E W De Zylva.
There is on record a previous match, played by a visiting English women’s cricket team in Colombo. However, they played against a team consisting mainly of wives of European Planters and no Ceylonese were included.
Beverley Roberts, 16 years old Leela Abeykoon and Phyllis De Silva were from St John’s Panadura which was the first girl’s school to play cricket. Their coach was G C Roberts (older brother of Michael Roberts). Marienne Adihetty was from Galle and her brother played for Richmond College. Binthan Noordeen was from Ladies College. She is the granddaughter of M.C. Amoo one of the best Malay cricketers of former days, who took a team from Ceylon to Bombay in 1910. Binthan was a teacher at Ladies College at the time and also excelled in hockey, netball and tennis. Pat Weinman is the daughter of Jeff Weinman, a former Nondescripts cricketer.
The team was mainly coached by S. Saravanamuttu with others such as S J Campbell helping. The arrangements were made by the Board of Control of Cricket headed by P Saravanamuttu. Though the match itself was one sided with the Ceylon women cricketers beaten decisively, the Ceylon team impressed the visitors by their gallant display, after less than two months of practice as a team. The English team won the toss and batted first. Molly Slide the captain scored a century in a fine display of batting. The captain of the Ceylon team Mrs Hutton took six wickets for 43.
(Michael Roberts Thuppahi blog)
Dr. Srilal Fernando in Melbourne, reproducing an essay that appeared originally in The CEYLANKAN, a quarterly produced by the Ceylon Research Society in Australia.
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