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The ethnic front in Sri Lanka’s contemporary history

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R.J. de Silva, Attorney-at-law

(Continued from last week)

The political history of Sri Lanka changed for the worse after 2000 due to intense rivalry between the UNP and SLFP-led coalitions. The two major parties failed to co-habit under President Chandrika Bandaranaike Cumaratunga in 2001, due to politicians of the UNF and UPFA failing to prioritizee the interests of the country over their own. With it failed a grand opportunity to build on the Ceasefire Agreement signed with the LTTE between 2001 and 2003 by the UNF government, assisted by the international community.

With it Sri Lanka lost tremendous goodwill that would have enabled developing the country including the war torn areas. Reconciliation and ethnic peace had a positive vibration, when the SLFP led UPFA government and the opposition UNP braced to face the December 2004 Tsunami disaster that killed about 45,000 people and destroyed their homes. Thereafter, the MOU signed by the LTTE and the UPFA Government in 2004 to start the Post Tsunami Operational Structure (PT-OMS) for reconstruction of the North and East, was scuttled by the Sinhala nationalists within the UPFA government.

The Supreme Court ruled against P-TOMS decreeing it as against the constitution. As a result, the possible resolution to the country’s ethnic relations did not receive a political solution. Activities of power hungry, short sighted politicians resulted in the poor and the marginalized people of both communities suffering death and destruction by a prolonging war.

In political and ideological terms, the new UPFA regime elected in 2005 under the Mahinda Rajapaksa Presidency, represented a nationalist coalition that was hostile to the internationally backed political engagement between the government and the LTTE. The clever use of religious and ethnic propaganda to win over the Sinhala majority by using men dressed in yellow robes by Mahinda Rajapaksa between 2005 and 2014 and thereafter by the Gotabaya Rajapaksa regime after 2019 using men in robes and in uniform, resulted in a lack of direction, a breakdown of administration and rampant corruption.

In fact, the war victory in 2009 precipitated unmitigated greed for power, family bandyism, blatant acts of corruption and authoritarianism. Communal reconciliation was abandoned. A combination of all these factors weakened the already fragile democratic fabric.

The powerful Mahinda Rajapaksa government was defeated in the presidential and parliamentary elections of 2015 by a coalition led by the UNP running a senior SLFP defector for president. Rajapaksa and the SLFP were defeated by a common opposition. There was much goodwill and support of the minority parties in politics in achieving this objective. The mandate to punish the corrupt, killers, abductors for ransom in the north and east and the promise to bring back democratic institutions abolished by the 18th amendment, was partly fulfilled.

But an inexplicable lack of political will to successfully prosecute the guilty became a major setback for the Yahapalana government when the presidential election of 2019 came round in November. This together with the planned Easter Sunday attack of April 2019 enabled Rajapaksa Inc. of Mahinda and Gotabaya to return to power decimating the UNP to a single National List seat in parliament.

Corruption

Corruption in Sri Lanka is crime without identifiable criminals. It occurs from top to bottom at various levels. It is a vast subject that needs a separate discussion. But it will not be out of place to mention the Mafia in the power generating sector, tax concessions given to cronies, 16 controversial transactions revealed by COPE in 2007 and half-hearted efforts of the Bribery Commission to prosecute the revelations to date together with the withdrawal of cases by the AG such as that of misappropriation of Rs 200 m of Treasury funds by RADA- to mention a few only.

Corruption is one the main reasons for the worst ever economic and political crisis that has hit the people after 1948. The country is in turmoil and the people are forced to spend their day looking for gas, fuel, kerosene, milk, drugs while being clobbered daily by galloping food prices and power cuts.

The future of democracy in Sri Lanka

Democracy is built on four pillars – the Executive, Legislature, Judiciary and Free Media. If one of these pillars collapse, we will face the consequences democratic countries like Nicaragua and Brazil were confronted with.

The UN’s International Day of Democracy’ (September 15 ) gives us an opportunity to review the state of democracy in Sri Lanka. The values of freedom, respect for human rights, holding periodic free and fair elections by universal suffrage – are essential elements of a democracy. In turn, democracy provides the natural environment for the protection and effective realization of human rights.

In Sri Lanka, civil rights activists and the opposition fear a trend towards dictatorship and military rule under the retired Lt. Col. and later President Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

These concerns surfaced particularly after the 20th Amendment which gave unlimited power to the president by engineering a two thirds parliamentary majority by questionable means. Arrogance of power made the president appoint retired military commanders to high administrative positions, bring a dual citizen to parliament and replace the aiya with the malli as finance minister – neither having any credentials to hold the post. This ensured 70% control of the national budget within the Rajapaksa family.

The IMF Chief lamented that mismanagement created the worst ever economic crisis since independence. It brought all people down to their knees in despair, including those racists who loved Sinhala Buddhist Rajapaksa regimes. One is reminded of John F Kennedy’s famous saying : “A Nation which is afraid to let its people judge the truth and falsehood in an open market economy, is afraid of its people”.

A glorious future envisaged by our enterprising youth who created a strong movement towards the much awaited System Change and a new political culture, has already given birth to racial unity and made inroads into the hearts and minds of all Lankans from GotaGoGama in Colombo, Kandy and Galle. .

These Pro- Democracy advocates have begun the second phase of democracy after the first phase ended in disaster despite 74 years of independence. Sri Lanka’s ‘flawed deocracy’ should not be weighed down by the legendary curse of Kuveni, the Easter Sunday murders of the innocent or the misfortunes of Muslims who were forced to cremate and not bury their dead in accordance with their religion due to racist ideology, the rule of incompetent politicians or the assault on the dignity of Tamils .

Our recent past should remind us all, how in 1933, Germany transited from a democracy to a dictatorship and how it caused mayhem throughout the world. Hitler’s autocratic dictatorship caused the unforgivable holocaust of about six million m Jews before the second world war ended in 1945.

Sri Lanka’s Parliament should recall, how Hitler got the “Enabling Act” passed in parliament on March 23, 1933 by physically intimidating MPs in Nazi controlled camps and persecuting remaining MPs in order to obtain a two thirds majority. Only the Social Democrats voted against Hitler who succeeded in achieving his rand design and began to pass laws without the approval of Parliament or the President and violating the Wiemar Constitution.

A mad man’s dream of cleansing Germany saw Nazis targeting Germans with physical and mental disabilities, Soviet prisoners of war, Poles, homosexuals and Jehovah’s witnesses. Unfortunately, contributions to this ethnic cleansing were made by professioals like doctors, lawyers, teachers and civil servants who believed in Hitler’s policies.

The role of the legal profession and judges was critical. After new laws were passed between February and July 1933 and after all state officials were asked to take an oath of loyalty (we saw this being done after Gotabaya Rajapakse came to power), lawyers helped the Nazis to oust Jewish lawyers from courts and law firms while permitting a mere 35 lawyers to apply to practice.

Although Hitler promised to restore judicial authority, he instituted re-education programs cleverly designed to indoctrinate Jurists in ideological goals of the Nazi Party. In the guise of protecting the State, Nazis hold on power was developed by passing several laws to consolidate the power of a dictator accompanied by military expansion and racial justification. A Judiciary steeped in the values of respect for judicial independence, equality and fair trial, shamelessly rendered verdicts to justify principles of Nazism and wishes of the Fuhrer.

The overwhelming majority of judges failed to challenge Hitler’s laws that restricted political freedoms, security of property, freedom of speech and association and instead interpreted laws in broad language that facilitated Nazi’s ability to carry out their diabolical agenda.

After the end of World War 2, pressures faced by individual Judges with intense personal and ethical dilemmas, became a fascinating study all over the world. But the damage done to grieving families could not be compensated or corrected.

Conclusion

Sri Lankan leaders in the latter years, implemented no political structural reforms to meet four decades of rebellion or corrupt practices at all levels of government. After 73 years of independence, Sri Lanka is careering down the slope into an abyss where its citizens are facing increasing militarization at the expense of the legitimate administration of Sri Lanka. Today, the country has had to declare that it is unable to pay its debts until the IMF assists in restructuring its massive debts.

US President Franklin D Roosewelt said , “Democracy cannot succeed unless those who express their choice are prepared to choose wisely.” This is the “democratic paradox” of Sri Lanka.

It is gratifying to note that a struggle has erupted spontaneously all over Sri Lanka led by Youth, for Constitutional reform to restore the citizen’s faith in quality, integrity and efficacy in representative democracy. Liberal Democracy will dominate the world in the years to come. Sri Lanka will need to design an ethno religious system of governance where majoritarianism will coexist in a peaceful and diverse setting.

The famous definition for democracy was enunciated by US President Abraham Lincoln as “A GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE, FOR THE PEOPLE AND BY THE PEOPLE”. He gave the leadership to the civil war (1861 to 1865 ) to liberate the colored American people from slavery from white racists extremists. Fortunately for America and the world, US President and business tycoon Donald Trump ( 2016 to 2020 ) failed in his attempt to revive white populist extremism.

Sri Lanka’s ageing and unprofessional leaders, who quote Abraham Lincoln ad nauseam, do not think innovatively, are rigid and unresponsive to reason and lack innovative ideas. Instead they play cheap politics to win the votes of gullible voters on the guise of enacting development projects.

The youth have shaken the mindset of rural villages who effectively avoided challenging Rajapakse regimes, given their mutual commitment to Sinhala Buddhist supremacy. Their discipline, innovative presentation of well-articulated demands that the Rajapakse family which has hitherto controlled 70% of the National budget and Chairmanships of many State Institutions, must leave politics, have won Sri Lanka much admiration worldwide for the country’s resilience towards Democracy. Time has come for future leaders of Sri Lanka to give up the elitist tradition of Constitution making and jump out of the box to build into the 3rd Republican Constitution ‘The right to recall’ corrupt officials in Government, Parliament, the police and the legal services.



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Challenges faced by the media in South Asia in fostering regionalism

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Main speaker Roman Gautam (R) and Executive Director, RCSS, Ambassador (Retd) Ravinatha Aryasinha.

SAARC or the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation has been declared ‘dead’ by some sections in South Asia and the idea seems to be catching on. Over the years the evidence seems to have been building that this is so, but a matter that requires thorough probing is whether the media in South Asia, given the vital part it could play in fostering regional amity, has had a role too in bringing about SAARC’s apparent demise.

That South Asian governments have had a hand in the ‘SAARC debacle’ is plain to see. For example, it is beyond doubt that the India-Pakistan rivalry has invariably got in the way, particularly over the past 15 years or thereabouts, of the Indian and Pakistani governments sitting at the negotiating table and in a spirit of reconciliation resolving the vexatious issues growing out of the SAARC exercise. The inaction had a paralyzing effect on the organization.

Unfortunately the rest of South Asian governments too have not seen it to be in the collective interest of the region to explore ways of jump-starting the SAARC process and sustaining it. That is, a lack of statesmanship on the part of the SAARC Eight is clearly in evidence. Narrow national interests have been allowed to hijack and derail the cooperative process that ought to be at the heart of the SAARC initiative.

However, a dimension that has hitherto gone comparatively unaddressed is the largely negative role sections of the media in the SAARC region could play in debilitating regional cooperation and amity. We had some thought-provoking ‘takes’ on this question recently from Roman Gautam, the editor of ‘Himal Southasian’.

Gautam was delivering the third of talks on February 2nd in the RCSS Strategic Dialogue Series under the aegis of the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies, Colombo, at the latter’s conference hall. The forum was ably presided over by RCSS Executive Director and Ambassador (Retd.) Ravinatha Aryasinha who, among other things, ensured lively participation on the part of the attendees at the Q&A which followed the main presentation. The talk was titled, ‘Where does the media stand in connecting (or dividing) Southasia?’.

Gautam singled out those sections of the Indian media that are tamely subservient to Indian governments, including those that are professedly independent, for the glaring lack of, among other things, regionalism or collective amity within South Asia. These sections of the media, it was pointed out, pander easily to the narratives framed by the Indian centre on developments in the region and fall easy prey, as it were, to the nationalist forces that are supportive of the latter. Consequently, divisive forces within the region receive a boost which is hugely detrimental to regional cooperation.

Two cases in point, Gautam pointed out, were the recent political upheavals in Nepal and Bangladesh. In each of these cases stray opinions favorable to India voiced by a few participants in the relevant protests were clung on to by sections of the Indian media covering these trouble spots. In the case of Nepal, to consider one example, a young protester’s single comment to the effect that Nepal too needed a firm leader like Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi was seized upon by the Indian media and fed to audiences at home in a sensational, exaggerated fashion. No effort was made by the Indian media to canvass more opinions on this matter or to extensively research the issue.

In the case of Bangladesh, widely held rumours that the Hindus in the country were being hunted and killed, pogrom fashion, and that the crisis was all about this was propagated by the relevant sections of the Indian media. This was a clear pandering to religious extremist sentiment in India. Once again, essentially hearsay stories were given prominence with hardly any effort at understanding what the crisis was really all about. There is no doubt that anti-Muslim sentiment in India would have been further fueled.

Gautam was of the view that, in the main, it is fear of victimization of the relevant sections of the media by the Indian centre and anxiety over financial reprisals and like punitive measures by the latter that prompted the media to frame their narratives in these terms. It is important to keep in mind these ‘structures’ within which the Indian media works, we were told. The issue in other words, is a question of the media completely subjugating themselves to the ruling powers.

Basically, the need for financial survival on the part of the Indian media, it was pointed out, prompted it to subscribe to the prejudices and partialities of the Indian centre. A failure to abide by the official line could spell financial ruin for the media.

A principal question that occurred to this columnist was whether the ‘Indian media’ referred to by Gautam referred to the totality of the Indian media or whether he had in mind some divisive, chauvinistic and narrow-based elements within it. If the latter is the case it would not be fair to generalize one’s comments to cover the entirety of the Indian media. Nevertheless, it is a matter for further research.

However, an overall point made by the speaker that as a result of the above referred to negative media practices South Asian regionalism has suffered badly needs to be taken. Certainly, as matters stand currently, there is a very real information gap about South Asian realities among South Asian publics and harmful media practices account considerably for such ignorance which gets in the way of South Asian cooperation and amity.

Moreover, divisive, chauvinistic media are widespread and active in South Asia. Sri Lanka has a fair share of this species of media and the latter are not doing the country any good, leave alone the region. All in all, the democratic spirit has gone well into decline all over the region.

The above is a huge problem that needs to be managed reflectively by democratic rulers and their allied publics in South Asia and the region’s more enlightened media could play a constructive role in taking up this challenge. The latter need to take the initiative to come together and deliberate on the questions at hand. To succeed in such efforts they do not need the backing of governments. What is of paramount importance is the vision and grit to go the extra mile.

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When the Wetland spoke after dusk

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Environmental groups and representatives

By Ifham Nizam

As the sun softened over Colombo and the city’s familiar noise began to loosen its grip, the Beddagana Wetland Park prepared for its quieter hour — the hour when wetlands speak in their own language.

World Wetlands Day was marked a little early this year, but time felt irrelevant at Beddagana. Nature lovers, students, scientists and seekers gathered not for a ceremony, but for listening. Partnering with Park authorities, Dilmah Conservation opened the wetland as a living classroom, inviting more than a 100 participants to step gently into an ecosystem that survives — and protects — a capital city.

Wetlands, it became clear, are not places of stillness. They are places of conversation.

Beyond the surface

In daylight, Beddagana appears serene — open water stitched with reeds, dragonflies hovering above green mirrors.

Yet beneath the surface lies an intricate architecture of life. Wetlands are not defined by water alone, but by relationships: fungi breaking down matter, insects pollinating and feeding, amphibians calling across seasons, birds nesting and mammals moving quietly between shadows.

Participants learned this not through lectures alone, but through touch, sound and careful observation. Simple water testing kits revealed the chemistry of urban survival. Camera traps hinted at lives lived mostly unseen.

Demonstrations of mist netting and cage trapping unfolded with care, revealing how science approaches nature not as an intruder, but as a listener.

Again and again, the lesson returned: nothing here exists in isolation.

Learning to listen

Perhaps the most profound discovery of the day was sound.

Wetlands speak constantly, but human ears are rarely tuned to their frequency. Researchers guided participants through the wetland’s soundscape — teaching them to recognise the rhythms of frogs, the punctuation of insects, the layered calls of birds settling for night.

Then came the inaudible made audible. Bat detectors translated ultrasonic echolocation into sound, turning invisible flight into pulses and clicks. Faces lit up with surprise. The air, once assumed empty, was suddenly full.

It was a moment of humility — proof that much of nature’s story unfolds beyond human perception.

Sethil on camera trapping

The city’s quiet protectors

Environmental researcher Narmadha Dangampola offered an image that lingered long after her words ended. Wetlands, she said, are like kidneys.

“They filter, cleanse and regulate,” she explained. “They protect the body of the city.”

Her analogy felt especially fitting at Beddagana, where concrete edges meet wild water.

She shared a rare confirmation: the Collared Scops Owl, unseen here for eight years, has returned — a fragile signal that when habitats are protected, life remembers the way back.

Small lives, large meanings

Professor Shaminda Fernando turned attention to creatures rarely celebrated. Small mammals — shy, fast, easily overlooked — are among the wetland’s most honest messengers.

Using Sherman traps, he demonstrated how scientists read these animals for clues: changes in numbers, movements, health.

In fragmented urban landscapes, small mammals speak early, he said. They warn before silence arrives.

Their presence, he reminded participants, is not incidental. It is evidence of balance.

Narmadha on water testing pH level

Wings in the dark

As twilight thickened, Dr. Tharaka Kusuminda introduced mist netting — fine, almost invisible nets used in bat research.

He spoke firmly about ethics and care, reminding all present that knowledge must never come at the cost of harm.

Bats, he said, are guardians of the night: pollinators, seed dispersers, controllers of insects. Misunderstood, often feared, yet indispensable.

“Handle them wrongly,” he cautioned, “and we lose more than data. We lose trust — between science and life.”

The missing voice

One of the evening’s quiet revelations came from Sanoj Wijayasekara, who spoke not of what is known, but of what is absent.

In other parts of the region — in India and beyond — researchers have recorded female frogs calling during reproduction. In Sri Lanka, no such call has yet been documented.

The silence, he suggested, may not be biological. It may be human.

“Perhaps we have not listened long enough,” he reflected.

The wetland, suddenly, felt like an unfinished manuscript — its pages alive with sound, waiting for patience rather than haste.

The overlooked brilliance of moths

Night drew moths into the light, and with them, a lesson from Nuwan Chathuranga. Moths, he said, are underestimated archivists of environmental change. Their diversity reveals air quality, plant health, climate shifts.

As wings brushed the darkness, it became clear that beauty often arrives quietly, without invitation.

Sanoj on female frogs

Coexisting with the wild

Ashan Thudugala spoke of coexistence — a word often used, rarely practiced. Living alongside wildlife, he said, begins with understanding, not fear.

From there, Sethil Muhandiram widened the lens, speaking of Sri Lanka’s apex predator. Leopards, identified by their unique rosette patterns, are studied not to dominate, but to understand.

Science, he showed, is an act of respect.

Even in a wetland without leopards, the message held: knowledge is how coexistence survives.

When night takes over

Then came the walk: As the city dimmed, Beddagana brightened. Fireflies stitched light into darkness. Frogs called across water. Fish moved beneath reflections. Insects swarmed gently, insistently. Camera traps blinked. Acoustic monitors listened patiently.

Those walking felt it — the sense that the wetland was no longer being observed, but revealed.

For many, it was the first time nature did not feel distant.

A global distinction, a local duty

Beddagana stands at the heart of a larger truth. Because of this wetland and the wider network around it, Colombo is the first capital city in the world recognised as a Ramsar Wetland City.

It is an honour that carries obligation. Urban wetlands are fragile. They disappear quietly. Their loss is often noticed only when floods arrive, water turns toxic, or silence settles where sound once lived.

Commitment in action

For Dilmah Conservation, this night was not symbolic.

Speaking on behalf of the organisation, Rishan Sampath said conservation must move beyond intention into experience.

“People protect what they understand,” he said. “And they understand what they experience.”

The Beddagana initiative, he noted, is part of a larger effort to place science, education and community at the centre of conservation.

Listening forward

As participants left — students from Colombo, Moratuwa and Sabaragamuwa universities, school environmental groups, citizens newly attentive — the wetland remained.

It filtered water. It cooled air. It held life.

World Wetlands Day passed quietly. But at Beddagana, something remained louder than celebration — a reminder that in the heart of the city, nature is still speaking.

The question is no longer whether wetlands matter.

It is whether we are finally listening.

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Cuteefly … for your Valentine

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Indunil with one of her creations

Valentine’s Day is all about spreading love and appreciation, and it is a mega scene on 14th February.

People usually shower their loved ones with gifts, flowers (especially roses), and sweet treats.

Couples often plan romantic dinners or getaways, while singles might treat themselves to self-care or hang out with friends.

It’s a day to express feelings, share love, and make memories, and that’s exactly what Indunil Kaushalya Dissanayaka, of Cuteefly fame, is working on.

She has come up with a novel way of making that special someone extra special on Valentine’s Day.

Indunil is known for her scented and beautifully turned out candles, under the brand name Cuteefly, and we highlighted her creativeness in The Island of 27th November, 2025.

She is now working enthusiastically on her Valentine’s Day candles and has already come up with various designs.

“What I’ve turned out I’m certain will give lots of happiness to the receiver,” said Indunil, with confidence.

In addition to her own designs, she says she can make beautiful candles, the way the customer wants it done and according to their budget, as well.

Customers can also add anything they want to the existing candles, created by Indunil, and make them into gift packs.

Another special feature of Cuteefly is that you can get them to deliver the gifts … and surprise that special someone on Valentine’s Day.

Indunil was originally doing the usual 9 to 5 job but found it kind of boring, and then decided to venture into a scene that caught her interest, and brought out her hidden talent … candle making

And her scented candles, under the brand ‘Cuteefly,’ are already scorching hot, not only locally, but abroad, as well, in countries like Canada, Dubai, Sweden and Japan.

“I give top priority to customer satisfaction and so I do my creative work with great care, without any shortcomings, to ensure that my customers have nothing to complain about.”

Indunil creates candles for any occasion – weddings, get-togethers, for mental concentration, to calm the mind, home decorations, as gifts, for various religious ceremonies, etc.

In addition to her candle business, Indunil is also a singer, teacher, fashion designer, and councellor but due to the heavy workload, connected with her candle business, she says she can hardly find any time to devote to her other talents.

Indunil could be contacted on 077 8506066, Facebook page – Cuteefly, Tiktok– Cuteefly_tik, and Instagram – Cuteeflyofficial.

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