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The Colombo Plan and entertaining on the Government account

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The Colombo Plan was established in 1951 with 7 founding member countries based on the discussions at the Commonwealth Foreign Ministers Conference held in Colombo in 1950

SWRD stands the whiskies after his ‘saruwath’ party

(Excerpted from Memoirs of a Cabinet Secretary by BP Peiris)

I must refer here to what has come to be known as the Colombo Plan, of which much has been written. The matter was first raised by Mr J. R. Jayewardene who asked the Conference to consider the following resolution:

“To ensure a high and stable level of employment and to raise the standard of living of underdeveloped countries in South-East Asia, whether within the Commonwealth or outside it, it is necessary to develop their agricultural and industrial economies. This Conference, therefore, agrees to appoint a committee of officials of the countries concerned to obtain information and to prepare a 10-year plan for the development of these countries.

“The other members of the Commonwealth should consider means of providing such assistance as may be necessary for the implementation of this plan with money, guaranteed prices, technical skill and machinery. The plan should be examined by a committee of experts who, after visiting the countries concerned, should make recommendations with regard to the help which the Commonwealth countries can give in carrying out this programme.”

At a later meeting, Mr Spender informed the Conference that when the Australian Delegation had compared their paper with Mr Jayewardene ‘s resolution, they thought that the recommendations in both could be combined into a single whole and the two Delegations had produced, in consultation with the New Zealand Delegation, a fresh resolution. This is the resolution which put the Colombo Plan on its feet. On this plan, this country has received tremendous aid from several Commonwealth. countries, particularly Canada, Australia, New Zealand and the United Kingdom. Our officials have, with their natural lethargy, delayed or failed to take full advantage of this assistance.

On January 14, 1950, at the public sitting, the final one, which was held in the Senate Chamber (after a heated hoo-ha between me and Samarawickrama, Clerk to the Senate, “Where on earth have you heard of a Legislative Chamber being used for a public sitting like this? etc. etc.”) all the Heads of Delegations spoke.

Mr D.S. Senanayake thanked the delegates who had come to the Conference at great inconvenience to themselves. The final communique was read. The Rt Hon. Philip Noel Baker then moved that an additional paragraph as follows be added at the end of the Communique:

“At the conclusion of the final meeting of Ministers this morning, the representatives of all the other Commonwealth Governments expressed their appreciation of the helpful manner in which Mr Senanayake had presided over their meetings, and their gratitude for the generous hospitality accorded to them by the Government of Ceylon during their stay in the Island.”

He said: “Mr. Prime Minister, It has been said with great eloquence how much we all owe to you, to your Government and to your people. But I think it right that this should also be recorded in history in the communique which we issue this morning… I venture to think that these discussions have been of lasting and dynamic importance to our peoples and to the world, and not the least important of what has happened, if I may say so, has been your speech at the opening Conference and the speeches which have been made this morning. I beg to move, is it agreed, Gentlemen?” Cries of “Aye”.

Every day of the Conference, there was a cocktail party by a Minister for the delegates. This put the Secretariat to a great deal of inconvenience. We could not refuse to attend; we also had to complete our minutes. After a couple of drinks, Sir Norman and his assistants used to take a hurried departure to the office. We had to dress to attend these parties and then take our bow ties and collars off when we got back.

The last party was by Mr S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, Minister of Local Government and Leader of the House of Representatives, who was not a member of the Ceylon Delegation. He therefore did not know the delegates and the delegates did not know him. His party was at the House of Representatives and he instructed the Police to send the delegates up the main steps facing the sea.

I was instructed by letter to come and assist him with the introductions. I took this as an order and attended in black trousers and a white jacket. S.W.R.D. was in what is known as the National Dress, that is, a cloth, a banian or something looking like a shirt above it and a scarf across his shoulders. I took my place next to him at the head of the steps. The first invitee was climbing up the steps and he asked me who he was. As there was a huge Grecian Pillar which obstructed my view, I took a couple of steps forward and said it was Sir Norman Brook, Secretary to the Cabinet.

Brook came to the top of the steps, recognized me, passed the host, and said “How do you do, Peiris”. I said “This is the Honorable the Minister” and he greeted the Minister with a “How do you do, Sir.” For what reason I did riot know, but mine host appeared to be a bit annoyed with me. The same thing happened with the second guest, Mr Lester Pearson from Canada, who greeted me first and had to be introduced by me to the Minister. S.W.R.D. was now really annoyed with me and snapped “Take two steps back” which I did, and I was again obstructed by the pillar.

“Who’s that?” he asked, as the third guest was climbing up and I said it was Doidge from New Zealand. To do this, I had to take two steps forward, look, and, in accordance with orders, take two steps back. “How do you do”, gleamed the Minister, and he was happy. After that, it worked with almost military precision with the host, on the one hand, greeting his guest by their surnames and I, on the other, doing a little goose-stepping by his side.

This was the last party in honour of the delegations. It was also the first and the only party at which no alcoholic drinks were served. Pink and green drinks were going round and Ernest Bevin insisted on a whisky-soda which had to be hurriedly obtained from the Refreshment Room. The party was from 7 to 8. 30 p.m. There is a limit to the number of glasses of hair-oil that a guest can drink, and by 8. p.m, every guest had gone.

It was the dullest party I had attended. I asked Ralph Deraniyagala, Clerk to the House, fora whisky, and while Ralph and I were having our drink in his room, S.W.R.D. came in and Ralph said to him “Solomon, B. P. said this was not his idea of a party and that he wouldn’t have come unless you had ordered him to do so. He wanted whisky, so I’ve ordered it on your account.”

“Quite right,” said S.W.R.D. “Put it on my chit and order another.”

A weekend intervened during the Conference and the delegates were taken on a sight-seeing tour, some to the ruined cities, some to Kandy, and the others to Nuwara Eliya. They traveled in Government cars, each party accompanied by a Government representative. I was asked to look after my colleague Bavin, who did not want to go to any of these places, but desired to sea bathe: l was an owner, driver and asked for a Government car as I was far too tired after the Conference work to drive a long distance.

I was told that no cars, were available and asked to use my own car and charge mileage. Bavin was to be treated as a State Guest and I was to charge all expenses to Government account. As I dislike talking while I am driving, and as I did not like to drive Bavin fifty miles out and back in silence, I asked my friend Alexis Roberts to join us and keep Bavin amused on the trip. Roberts was a great talker, well-informed and well-read. We drove to the Ambalangoda Resthouse where Bavin went twice into the sea, after which, he asked for a gin and I therefore ordered three.

In all, we had nine gins before lunch. I was careful to preserve the bills. On the way back, Bavin wanted to have another dip, and I turned into the Bentota Resthouse, where we had beer. At Panadura, I bought a bottle of whisky. We saw the elephants dance at the zoo. Finally, home to my place for – whisky and music, which my guest seemed to enjoy, provided it was not the pop variety.

Later in the evening, I dropped him back at his hotel. A few days after the departure of the delegates to their home countries, I sent to the Ministry of External Affairs, my claim for expenses incurred in taking Bavin out as a State Guest. Every item of claim was supported by what, in audit, is called a “Voucher”. My claim included traveling in a Peugeot car (weight and horse power specified) to Ambalangoda and back, nine gins, three ginger ales, three lunches, three pints of beer, three teas, one bottle whisky and three zoo tickets.

My claim was queried on two points by my good friend Jayamanne, Officer of Protocol: one, I was asked why a third man was taken and who he was; two, why was so much liquor consumed. On the first point, I replied I had asked for a Government car which had been refused, that as a careful driver, I watch the road when driving and was not in the habit of talking, that if I took a Government guest out, it was not the done thing to bore him, and that I therefore invited a friend of mine to join us and keep our guest entertained with his conversation at which he was very good.

On the second point, I said that Bavin had three gins after his two swims (for which no charge had been made) and that I thought courtesy demanded that we keep in step; similarly with the beer, and that, as he was a guest of the Government, it would have been an insult to him, as well as to the Government, if I had bought only a pint of whisky and then run short. I said I did not know Bavin’s capacity, but his lunchtime performance showed he was a good stayer.

I therefore bought a full bottle, but only quarter of it was consumed. I added that it would have been an unpardonable crime to have thrown the balance down the drain and an utter nuisance and a waste of public officers’ time to fill up innumerable forms to return it to the Government Stores. In the circumstances, I did the only sensible thing by finishing the bottle myself in small daily doses. My claim was paid in full.



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The Truth will set us free – I

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Sri Lanka becoming a Macbethian sick state?

The traditional ritual of anointing medicinal oil (or ‘hisa thel gaema’ in Sinhalese, literally, applying oil to the head) is unique to the Sinhala Aluth Avurudda observances. This year, the ritual was performed at the auspicious moment of 9:04 a.m. (Sri Lanka time) on Wednesday April 16. It was observed at appointed venues across the country at the same time. The anointing was done, as usual, mostly by Buddhist monks in their monasteries.

Where they were not available for the purpose, a senior citizen would do the needful. The oil anointing ceremony was held to invoke blessings of good health on all the individuals who subjected themselves to the ritual. Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya was shown participating in the oil anointing ceremony at the historic Kolonnawa Raja Maha Viharaya. There were many social media videos showing similar oil anointing scenes that included even elephants and hippos in a zoo receiving the compassionate treatment; this is not seen as going too far with traditions, for extending loving-kindness even to animals is taken for granted in the majority Buddhist Sri Lanka. Watching this ritual (that used to be so familiar for me in my childhood and youth) from abroad I couldn’t help my eyes filling with tears, feeling kind of homesick, in spite of me having spent more than forty-three years of my adult life living and working away from my Mother Country Sri Lanka.

Though usually Buddhist monks do the anointing, it is not considered a religious practice by the ordinary Buddhists. It is only a part of the completely secular Sinhala Aluth Avurudda festival. The most important annual religious festival for the Sinhalese (especially Sinhala Buddhists) is Vesak, which will be held next month. However, the oil anointing ceremony impresses on the Avurudu celebrants the great importance of maintaining their physical and mental health throughout the coming year, reflecting the high level of attention that our traditional culture pays to that objective.

Prof. Snyder

However, the actual discrepancy that is noticed between the ideal and the reality in the mundane world, as in other countries, is a different matter. Shining beacons like ideals of a long-evolved culture are important for what they are; their importance doesn’t go away because those ideals are only imperfectly realised by the people of that culture. But the values endure.

The news of this happy occasion and my awareness of a deepening political and cultural malaise in my beloved Motherland back home reminded me of a book I read during the Covid-19 lockdown period of 2020-2022: OUR MALADY by American historian and public intellectual, the Yale University professor Timothy D. Snyder published in 2020. The book, whose subtitle is ‘Liberty and Solidarity’, is about the weakness of the American healthcare system that he himself got a taste of, privately.

Professor Snyder came to know first-hand how America failed its citizens in the public healthcare sphere as an inmate of a hospital ward, where he was admitted to the emergency room at midnight on December 29, 2019. He was complaining of a condition of severe bodily ‘malaise’. Doctors later told him that he had an abscess the size of a baseball in his liver. The emergency operation to remove the abscess was done after seventeen hours of his having had to wait confined to a hospital bed!

‘Rage’ is the word he repeatedly uses to describe how he felt during his hospitalisation. He was not raging against God or any particular person or a group or the bacteria that caused his illness. ‘I raged against a world where I was not’, Snyder writes in the Prologue to the book (implying how much he was angry about there not being a healthy enough healthcare system to look after Americans who fell ill like himself. The book grew out of entries he made in a diary that he maintained while recuperating in hospital. Proficient in a number of European languages including English, French and Polish, he adopts a sort of poetic idiom to deal with his naturally dull subject.

He imagined he was not suffering in solitude, though. He thought about other Americans in his situation, and empathised with them. The absence of a sound healthcare system is America’s malady according to Snyder. Probably, the current situation in America is different, having changed for the better. We must remember that the time he is talking about was the last year of the first term (January 20, 2017-January 20, 2021) of the 45th US president Donald Trump of the Republican Party.

Currently, Trump is serving as the 47th US president. The ideas that professor Snyder develops in the book have global topical relevance, I think. They are organised into four Chapters or ‘Lessons’ as he dubs them, which in my opinion, have implications that could be utilised even by the citizens of the Macbethian ‘sick state’ that Sri Lanka has become today, complete with a Macbeth (though a muppet) and a shadowy but more determined Lady Macbeth.

Timothy Snyder offers the four Lessons for his fellow Americans, and by extension, to fellow humans around the world including us, Sri Lankans. Perhaps these are uniquely American issues, with little direct relevance to a small country like Sri Lanka with no stake in the international pharmaceutical industry. But then no country can escape from the implications of the following facts (taken from Wikipedia): In 2023, the global pharmaceutical industry earned revenues of US $ 1.48 trillion, whereas the top 10 arms manufacturing companies earned only US $ 632 billion. In the same year, the global life and health insurance carriers industry, which is the biggest industry in the world in terms of revenue, earned US $ 4.3 trillion.

Our own late medical professor Senake Bibile (1920-1977), a pharmacology expert and a rare philanthropist and compassionate social activist of the Trotskyite Sama Samaja party persuasion who always had the welfare of the suffering poor at heart, met his death allegedly in mysterious circumstances in Guyana where he was attending a UN conference, promoting the domestic drug policy that he had developed for Sri Lanka, as a model for use in other countries and by the World Health Organization (WHO), United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), and the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) for developing policies for ‘rational pharmaceutical use’.

It goes without saying that Sri Lankans are also highly vulnerable to the deleterious effects of the inhuman excesses of the purely profit oriented international Big Pharma; these harmful consequences get transferred to the innocent citizens magnified several times through the unholy alliance between the local corporate drugs mafiosi and corrupt politicians. Be that as it may, Snyder adds another three equally important related points, covering all four, each in a Lesson that must receive the utmost attention of all adult Sri Lankans: health care for children and children’s education, truth in politics, and the supremacy of the doctors’ role in a malady situation. We will look at these briefly, intermittently taking our eyes off America to reflect on our own country Sri Lanka.

Lesson 1 is ‘Health care is a human right’.

Despite its wealth, professor Snyder complains, America is a sick nation; life expectancy is falling for Americans. Moody’s Analytics suggests that US millennials will die younger than their parents or grandparents, though there is no lack of money spent. What is causing this decline in life expectancy? Snyder’s unsettling answer is that the American healthcare system prioritises profit over people’s lives. America still lacks a universal healthcare system, in spite of being a supporter of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and this leads to unequal access to health care, as Snyder asserts.

Exorbitantly priced commercial medicine has a devastating effect on the protection of the health-care rights of the people. It has robbed the American citizens of their health, in Snyder’s view. The American health-care system’s profit-focussed approach and lack of investment in protective equipment for medical professionals jeopardised their safety during the Covid-19 pandemic. In America, 20 million people lost their jobs and over 150,000 died from pandemic. Health insurance became too expensive, and health care unaffordable. Without a diagnosis, many became dangerously ill or unknowingly infected others with the virus.

Though poor, Sri Lanka beats America in respect of looking after public health. It has a better record in providing satisfactory health care for the citizens. The state runs an almost 100% free medicare service for all the citizens. There is a (kind of) parallel paid private hospital system as well, that caters to the better off segment of the population that can resort to it if they prefer to do so. This potentially eases the burden on the free state medical services, which can then focus more on attending to the needs of the economically weaker section of the population.

The maintenance by the state of such a public welfare-based healthcare system is desired and supported by our dominant socio-cultural background that strongly resonates with the humanistic spirit of the Aluth Avurudda that prioritises health over all forms of wealth. This is embodied in the principle Arogya parama labha ‘Good health is the greatest wealth’, the antithesis of the American attitude towards citizens’ health.

Sri Lanka was among the handful of countries that contained the Covid-19 pandemic most efficiently, minimizing deaths, whereas in America, according to Snyder, flaws in the healthcare system were aggravated by the contagion. This led to more deaths in America than in other wealthy nations like Japan and Germany. But the not so well-to-do Sri Lanka escaped with a minimum number of Covid-caused fatalities amidst obstacles mounted by antinationalist ill-wishers as I saw it at the time. That is Professor Snyder’s Lesson 1, which is about the human right of easily accessible health care. Sri Lanka is actually ahead of America in this respect in spite of relative poverty.

by Rohana R. Wasala

(To be concluded.)

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Four-day work week; too much rigidity; respectful farewell  

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Large crowds attracted by the Dalada Vandana in Kandy. (Image Courtesy Hiru News)

I received a video that announced Japan was considering changing to a four-day work week. Suspicious of such news in my cell phone, I googled and found that certain countries had already opted for work weeks of four days and thus three-day weekends. This change too is a consequence of closedowns of work due to the Covid pandemic.

“Several countries are experimenting with or have implemented four-day work weeks, including Belgium, Iceland, Spain, the United Kingdom and Portugal. Other countries like Germany, Australia, Canada, the Netherlands and the US have also shown interest in, or have tested the four-day work week model.”

The video I got was about Japan changing its government work week to four days from mid-April with many projected objectives. One is to improve government employees’ work-life balance and to address the country’s declining birth rate. Also, the hours of the work day are to be reduced so parents can spend more time caring for their kids termed: ‘Childcare partial leave’. Flexible work hours for women to be implemented so choosing between careers and family will not be necessary.

In Germany experimental trials were carried out in 2023-24 involving 43 companies; 73% plan to continue with the new work structure. Noted for productivity and efficiency, Germany has in addition to one day less working, on average only 34 hours per week. A five-day week of 9 to 5 has 40 work hours per week. Fewer hours at work has been found to promote smarter and more focussed effort with employees happier and more engaged.

Long ago in the 1970s Cassandra shifted from employment in the private sector to a semi government job. She was shocked at the laissez faire attitude of her co-workers in an information centre. Most came to work at around 9.00 am: discussed the bus journey and home; had breakfast; read the morning newspapers; did a bit of work and were ready to have lunch by 12.00 noon. Two hours for this and half for a small snooze. Work till 3.30 pm or so when books/files were closed and grooming selves commenced, to depart at 4.30 pm sharp.

The work ethic in a remote government school and a private school in a city were as opposed to each other as the proverbial chalk to cheese. Do minimum against teaching; don’t care attitude to dedication and commitment; take leave to maximum vs hardly taking leave in consideration of the fact parents of students pay fees; non disciplining principals to dedicated pedagogues who set an example.

Cassandra supposes, and correctly, that with the change of government and a system change, even though many offices are overstaffed, employees put in a solid day’s work. The public is better served, most definitely.

Hence how would it be for Sri Lanka to lop off one work day a week? There will certainly be benefits, but aren’t many of us complaining about the presence of too many public holidays; we enjoy 24 to 30 a year including every full moon Poya Day. A travesty!

Pope Francis

The utter mayhem of Poya weekends

Those who lived through the period when the calendar in this overzealous Buddhist country went lunar (sic) and made the four Poya Days of a month and half the pre-Poya Day as the country’s weekend. It was a total mess since many a week had more than five week days in it till the moon changed from one phase to another. Ceylon was completely out of sync with the rest of the world. That was in 1966 with Dudley Senanayake as Prime Minister. Mercifully, in 1970, the Saturday Sunday weekend was reverted to, and sanity regained.

Conclusion is that making our week of four days’ work and weekend three days has to be carefully considered, tested and implemented, or kept as it is. Better it would be if government offices were pruned of excess staff recruited on politicians’ orders and genuinely legitimate officers made to work efficiently.

VVIP Mother in queue

A photograph made the rounds on social media of a frail looking, white haired lady in a queue in Kandy moving slowly to pay homage to the Sacred Tooth Relic. It was said to be President AKD’s mother who was hospitalised just a couple of months ago. Admired is her devotion as well as the fact she came incognito; not informing her son of her intended travel.

But Cass is censorious. Here was a genuine case of needing a bit of stretching of points and helping her to fulfil her desire to pay homage with ease. After all, he is working hard and very probably long hours to get this country on an even keel. He needs appreciation and if he refuses advantages, let a less able person benefit.

A truly honourable Pope

Roman Catholics across the globe mourn the death of the 266th Pope on the Monday after the Easter weekend; and the world respects and reveres him. People comment he must have willed himself to live through Easter, even presenting himself to crowds gathered in the huge grounds of St Peter’s Basilica.

Pope Francis was born Jorge Bergoglio on December 17, 1936, in Buenos Aires, Argentina. He was inspired to join the Society of Jesus or Jesuits in 1958 after a serious illness. Ordained a Catholic priest in 1969, he was the Jesuit provincial superior in Argentina from 1973 to 79. He became the Archbishop of Buenos Aires in 1998 and was created a cardinal in 2001 by Pope John Paul II. He was elected in the papal conclave following the resignation of Pope Benedict XVI as head of the Catholic Church and Sovereign of the Vatican City State in 1913, claiming many firsts: a Jesuit becoming Pope; first from America, from the Southern Hemisphere. He chose his papal name in honour of Saint Francis of Assisi, kind to all living beings. “Throughout his public life, Francis was noted for his humility, emphasis on God’s mercy, international visibility as pope, concern for the poor and commitment to interreligious dialogue. He was known for having a less formal approach to the papacy than his predecessors.”

We remember his visit to Sri Lanka from January 13 to 15, 2015, when he travelled to the Shrine of Our Lady of Madhu and canonized Sri Lanka’s first saint, Joseph Vaz. He conducted a Mass and bestowed blessings to the multitude at Galle Face Green. As he entered and left the Green, he placed his hands on the heads of infants, children, the very poor, the old and infirm; never mind oil and dirt on heads. A truly great and good person.

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Kashmir terror attack underscores need for South Asian stability and amity

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Security forces in India-administered Kashmir following the recent terror attack on tourists.

The most urgent need for the South Asian region right now, in the wake of the cold-blooded killing by gunmen of nearly 30 local tourists in Indian-administered Kashmir two days back, is the initiation of measures that could ensure regional stability and peace. The state actors that matter most in this situation are India and Pakistan and it would be in the best interests of the region for both countries to stringently refrain from succumbing to knee-jerk reactions in the face of any perceived provocations arising from the bloodshed.

The consequences for the countries concerned and the region could be grave if the terror incident leads to stepped-up friction and hostility between India and Pakistan. Some hardline elements in India, for instance, are on record in the international media as calling on the Indian state to initiate tough military action against Pakistan for the Kashmiri terror in question and a positive response to such urgings could even lead to a new India-Pakistan war.

Those wishing South Asia well are likely to advocate maximum restraint by both states and call for negotiations by them to avert any military stand-offs and conflicts that could prove counter-productive for all quarters concerned. This columnist lends his pen to such advocacy.

Right now in Sri Lanka, nationalistic elements in the country’s South in particular are splitting hairs over an MoU relating to security cooperation Sri Lanka has signed with India. Essentially, the main line of speculation among these sections is that Sri Lanka is coming under the suzerainty of India, so to speak, in the security sphere and would be under its dictates in the handling of its security interests. In the process, these nationalistic sections are giving fresh life to the deep-seated anti-India phobia among sections of the Sri Lankan public. The eventual result will be heightened, irrational hostility towards India among vulnerable, unenlightened Sri Lankans.

Nothing new will be said if the point is made that such irrational fears with respect to India are particularly marked among India’s smaller neighbouring states and their publics. Needless to say, collective fears of this kind only lead to perpetually strained relations between India and her neighbours, resulting in regional disunity, which, of course would not be in South Asia’s best interests.

SAARC is seen as ‘dead’ by some sections in South Asia and its present dysfunctional nature seems to give credence to this belief. Continued friction between India and Pakistan is seen as playing a major role in such inner paralysis and this is, no doubt, the main causative factor in SARRC’s current seeming ineffectiveness.

However, the widespread anti-India phobia referred to needs to be factored in as playing a role in SAARC’s lack of dynamism and ‘life’ as well. If democratic governments go some distance in exorcising such anti-Indianism from their people’s psyches, some progress could be made in restoring SAARC to ‘life’ and the latter could then play a constructive role in defusing India-Pakistan tensions.

It does not follow that if SAARC was ‘alive and well’, security related incidents of the kind that were witnessed in India-administered Kashmir recently would not occur. This is far from being the case, but if SAARC was fully operational, the states concerned would be in possession of the means and channels of resolving the issues that flow from such crises with greater amicability and mutual accommodation.

Accordingly, the South Asian Eight would be acting in their interests by seeking to restore SAARC back to ‘life’. An essential task in this process is the elimination of mutual fear and suspicion among the Eight and the states concerned need to do all that they could to eliminate any fixations and phobias that the countries have in relation to each other.

It does not follow from the foregoing that the SAARC Eight should not broad base their relations and pull back from fostering beneficial ties with extra-regional countries and groupings that have a bearing on their best interests. On the contrary, each SAARC country’s ties need to be wide-ranging and based on the principle that each such state would be a friend to all countries and an enemy of none as long as the latter are well-meaning.

The foregoing sharp focus on SAARC and its fortunes is necessitated by the consideration that the developmental issues in particular facing the region are best resolved by the region itself on the basis of its multiple material and intellectual resources. The grouping should not only be revived but a revisit should also be made to its past programs; particularly those which related to intra-regional conflict resolution. Thus, talking to each other under a new visionary commitment to SAARC collective wellbeing is crucially needed.

On the question of ties with India, it should be perceived by the latter’s smaller neighbours that there is no getting away from the need to foster increasingly closer relations with India, today a number one global power.

This should not amount to these smaller neighbours surrendering their rights and sovereignty to India. Far from it. On the contrary these smaller states should seek to craft mutually beneficial ties with India. It is a question of these small states following a truly Non-aligned foreign policy and using their best diplomatic and political skills to structure their ties with India in a way that would be mutually beneficial. It is up to these neighbours to cultivate the skills needed to meet these major challenges.

Going ahead, it will be in South Asia’s best interests to get SAARC back on its feet once again. If this aim is pursued with visionary zeal and if SAARC amity is sealed once and for all intra-regional friction and enmities could be put to rest. What smaller states should avoid scrupulously is the pitting of extra-regional powers against India and Pakistan in their squabbles with either of the latter. This practice has been pivotal in bringing strife and contention into South Asia and in dividing the region against itself.

Accordingly, the principal challenge facing South Asia is to be imbued once again with the SAARC spirit. The latter spirit’s healing powers need to be made real and enduring. Thus will we have a region truly united in brotherhood and peace.

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