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The Catastrophic Impact of Tropical Cyclone Ditwah on Sri Lanka:

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Nail heads are connected by beams. In between, vegetation introduced by hydroseeding. Soil nailing with shotcrete Facing, Improvement of surface drainage. Pictures adapted from internet.

A Comprehensive Examination of Human Loss, Environmental Devastation, and Governance Failure

Tropical Cyclone Ditwah, which blew its way across Sri Lanka between November 27 and November 30, 2025, has emerged as one of the lengthiest, destructive natural disasters in the country’s modern history. Although it did not surpass the human death toll of the 2004 Boxing Day Tsunami, which claimed approximately 40,000 lives, its scale of destruction, economic cost, geographic spread, and the depth of infrastructural collapse have collectively positioned Ditwah as the most economically devastating catastrophe Sri Lanka has faced since independence.

The cyclone’s arrival exposed not only the vulnerability of the island’s terrain, especially its central hill country, but also the alarming weaknesses in governance, preparedness, and coordinated emergency response within the incumbent administration. For days, the cyclone battered the central highlands with relentless rainfall, triggering landslides, avalanches of mud, and sudden reservoir spillovers that swept through valleys, villages, and towns with little warning.

More than 550 millimetres of rain fell within twenty-four hours across several districts, overwhelming all natural and engineered waterways and turning mountain slopes into sheets of sliding earth. The regions of Badulla, Kandy, Matale, and Nuwara Eliya suffered the heaviest toll, with nearby communities in Kurunegala, the North, North Central, and Eastern provinces also sustaining widespread damage as rivers overflowed, irrigation systems collapsed, and entire settlements found themselves submerged or erased.

In the chaos that followed Ditwah’s landfall, the human cost became painfully apparent. By six o’clock in the evening on December 2, government estimates and independent assessments suggested that more than 1.5 million Sri Lankans had sought refuge in schools, temples, community halls, churches, and makeshift shelters while reported death tall is around 500+. Though the magnitude of the destruction clearly suggests a far higher death toll, with estimates likely exceeding 1,000.

Many arrived at these makeshift facilities barefoot, injured, drenched, and carrying nothing but the clothes they had been wearing when they fled. Homes had crumbled on top of families as hillsides collapsed. Water had risen unexpectedly in the dead of night. Tidal surges along rivers, exacerbated by sudden spill releases from large reservoirs, had torn homes from their foundations. More than 500,000 families were directly or indirectly affected; thousands of houses were utterly destroyed. In several districts, mudslides buried entire neighbourhoods, leaving only rooftops visible above the soil or nothing at all.

Some of the most harrowing stories came from Gampola, Minipe, Kotmale, and Walapane, where rescue teams reported scenes reminiscent of the worst tragedies Sri Lanka has ever endured. In more than one location, entire extended families had been wiped out, leaving not a single surviving relative. Such complete erasure of households had not been seen in this magnitude since the tsunami of 2004.

The question many Sri Lankans are now asking is whether the disaster had to be so severe. Local and international meteorological agencies issued repeated warnings days before Ditwah made landfall, but these warnings failed to translate into effective readiness or evacuation protocols. Despite the clearly predicted rainfall patterns and the heightened probability of landslides in the central hills, the government’s disaster management apparatus was sluggish, uncoordinated, and riddled with political interference.

Local authorities complained that they have not received coordinated instructions from political authorities within the government. District-level officers struggled to determine which chain of command to follow during financial disbursement for welfare and support: either presidential directions or newly implemented Anti-corruption Act. Reservoir management units did not synchronize their operations, and spill gates were opened abruptly in several major reservoirs, including Kotmale, Randenigala, Victoria, and Moragahakanda.

These sudden releases unleashed violent torrents downstream, catching residents off guard and amplifying both human and property losses. In many cases, villagers reported that they heard the roar of rushing water minutes before their homes were consumed. The failure to provide timely evacuation notices or spill warnings has become a major point of public anger, with many accusing the government of negligence, complacency, and a failure to act decisively in the face of impending catastrophe.

The chief custodian of the Sacred Tooth Relic in Kandy, Pradeep Nilanga Dela, together with the Buddhist clergy, was among the first to respond by providing food and essential support to affected communities despite shortcomings in the government’s disaster-management mechanism. The Sri Lanka Army, Navy, Air Force, and Police also extended tremendous assistance in evacuation efforts, although these operations were at times uncoordinated due to the scale of the crisis.

Local communities and youth groups, including well-known YouTubers such as Kelum Jayasumana, Waruna Rajapaksha, Sepal Amarasinghe, and Iraj Weeraratne, as well as Milinda Rajapaksha of Biththalksala, the ThreePosha group, and many other volunteer organizations, played a major role in providing food and relief to nearly 1.5 million displaced people across the country. Buddhist temples islandwide have been offering profound and continuous support to these humanitarian activities.

Hundreds of university students, especially those trapped in hostels at the severely affected University of Peradeniya, received meals and essential supplies predominantly from the Sri Dalada Maligawa, Kandy. At the time of writing, several evacuation sites and affected groups are still awaiting adequate welfare assistance. The Sabaragamuwa University community, electronic media giants such as Hiru, Derana along with many Old Boys’ Associations of prominent colleges, were also among the major responders. The Government Medical Officers’ Association (GMOA), in collaboration with medical students from universities that were not impacted, established medical camps and an online counseling service to support victims. Sri Lanka’s private tuition providers, including prominent educators such as Dinesh Muthugala, along with many other community support groups, also stepped forward to fill critical gaps left by the failures in the state disaster-response system.

The impact on the central highlands has been particularly severe, with the mountainous terrain amplifying the destructive potential of heavy rainfall. The steep slopes of Badulla, Matale, Kotmale, Gampola, Walapane, and Minipe turned into dangerous channels for mud and debris. Landslides were so extensive in some locations that rescue workers described entire landscapes as “unrecognizable.” Roads disappeared under several metres of mud. Tea plantations that had stood for generations were stripped bare. Estate line rooms were flattened, and in some cases, completely buried.

Hundreds are still missing in these areas, and officials warn that many bodies may never be recovered due to the unstable soil and the scale of the terrain collapse. Survivors who lost their families wander through temporary shelters in a state of shock, clinging to photographs, schoolbooks, or items pulled from the mud—often the last remaining evidence that their loved ones existed.

Yet, Ditwah’s significance extends beyond its immediate human tragedy. It struck at a time when the country’s economic and infrastructural landscape had evolved dramatically compared to 2004. When the tsunami hit, Sri Lanka had limited large-scale infrastructure, modest tourist development, and a smaller network of modern roads. Reconstruction, though painful, did not involve rebuilding the colossal national assets that today define the country’s economy.

In contrast, by 2025, Sri Lanka had spent more than a decade investing in large development projects, much of which occurred during the 2010–2015 period under President Mahinda Rajapaksa. Those years saw the construction of highways, expressways, expanded ports, new airports, modern bridges, and upgraded transport systems that reshaped the national economy and positioned Sri Lanka as a tourist and logistical hub in South Asia. This infrastructure was designed to endure decades. Yet Ditwah’s ferocity inflicted damage that experts believe may take years – and in some cases, perhaps a generation – to repair.

Ironically, it was the infrastructure of the Rajapaksa era that prevented the disaster from becoming even more deadly. As Ditwah knocked out nearly every A-class and B-class road in the central, northern, and eastern regions, the country’s expressway network remained largely operational. The Southern Expressway, the Katunayake Expressway, and the Outer Circular Expressway served as the only reliable land routes for emergency convoys, medical transfers, and military deployments.

Without these expressways, Sri Lanka’s most affected regions would have been completely isolated, making the delivery of relief and rescue assets far slower, more dangerous, and potentially impossible. Rescue workers, emergency physicians, and the armed forces relied heavily on these highways to access the worst-hit districts. Food, medicine, water, and fuel were transported almost exclusively through these corridors during the first 72 hours of the crisis. The fact that the expressway system withstood the cyclone has prompted both relief and reflection. While it stands as a testament to long-term infrastructure planning, it also underscores the fragility of the rest of the country’s transport network, which collapsed under the combined force of rainfall, flooding, and landslides.

The disruption to education has been severe. Schools across the island remain closed until December 16, while universities are shut until December 8 due to damaged buildings, inaccessible roads, and their repurposing as emergency shelters. The GCE Advanced Level examination, which was underway when the cyclone struck, has been canceled and postponed indefinitely, leaving hundreds of thousands of students in uncertainty.

The psychological toll on young people, especially those displaced with their families or who lost homes or relatives, will likely take months to properly assess. Many students interviewed at shelters said they felt as though their future had collapsed along with their homes. Some described leaving exam halls only to find rivers overflowing, walls cracking, and chaos erupting around them. The sudden halt of a national examination -a rare event – underscores the magnitude of Ditwah’s disruption of daily life.

Economically, Sri Lanka faces a long and arduous recovery. The destruction of tea estates in Nuwara Eliya, Badulla, and Kandy poses a significant blow to one of the country’s most valuable export sectors. Landslides have ruined slopes that have taken decades to cultivate. Vegetables, which the central highlands supply to much of the nation, have been lost in enormous quantities. The North Central and Eastern provinces, which function as key rice-producing regions, suffered severe flooding that destroyed large stretches of paddy fields.

Irrigation channels, small-scale tanks, and large reservoirs have been damaged, blocked, or filled with silt. Livestock losses across multiple districts add a further layer of agricultural disruption. Economists warn that food prices will rise sharply in the coming months, export earnings will fall, and supply shortages may persist well into 2026. Reconstruction of roads, bridges, culverts, water systems, and damaged power infrastructure is expected to consume vast resources at a time when Sri Lanka’s economy is still struggling with debt, inflation, and reduced fiscal capacity.

This disaster has also forced a critical public conversation about preparedness, governance, and the apparent failures of state institutions. Many citizens argue that while the cyclone itself was unstoppable, its deadliest consequences were not. The lack of coordinated communication, delayed evacuations, and sudden, poorly managed reservoir spillway releases have drawn intense scrutiny. Freelance investigations have already begun into whether certain reservoir operations violated established safety and warning protocols.

Some experts warn that political interference in technical decisions may have contributed to the chaos. Reports from district engineers suggest that requests for controlled, phased releases were ignored or overridden until the situation became unmanageable, forcing emergency gate openings that released thousands of cubic meters of water at once. Communities downstream -some of which had no history of flooding-were hit without warning. Survivors describe hearing what sounded like “a waterfall appearing from nowhere” before torrents engulfed their homes.

In the aftermath, the emotional weight of the disaster is overwhelming. Journalists and aid workers entering Gampola, Walapane, Minipe, and Kotmale have described scenes of profound grief and desolation. Parents sit silently beside the ruins of their homes, unsure whether their missing children are buried beneath the soil or carried away by floodwaters. Elderly survivors wander through shelters unable to locate relatives or neighbours. In some communities, mass graves have been dug for unidentified victims, echoing the darkest days of 2004. Funeral rites are performed in hurried, crowded shelters as survivors try to reconcile the magnitude of their loss. Entire generations of families have been wiped out in some hillside villages, leaving only distant relatives to grieve on their behalf.

Despite the overwhelming tragedy, stories of courage have also emerged. Volunteers, both local and international, have rushed into danger zones, pulling survivors from collapsed structures, carrying injured elders across flooded roads, and working around the clock to distribute food and clean water. Medical teams have set up mobile clinics along expressway exits and in remote rural schools. The armed forces have deployed helicopters to airlift trapped residents from landslide-prone ridges.

Yet even these remarkable efforts cannot mask the sobering reality: the scale of the disaster far exceeded the capacity of Sri Lanka’s emergency response systems. The country now stands at a crossroads, confronting questions that cannot be postponed. How can Sri Lanka adapt to a future in which extreme weather events are accelerating due to global climate change? Are existing disaster-response frameworks adequate for the new climate reality? What reforms are required to ensure that reservoir management, early warning systems, and evacuation protocols function with precision and authority? And most importantly, what political and administrative changes are necessary to prevent preventable loss of life during future crises?

Cyclone Ditwah will be remembered not only for the destruction it unleashed, but for the uncomfortable truths it revealed. It exposed the fragility of the nation’s governance structures, the consequences of political fragmentation, and the urgent need for professionalized disaster management. At the same time, it highlighted the enduring value of robust infrastructure, exemplified by the expressway network that served as a lifeline when the rest of the country was cut off.

While the human death toll, though painfully high, may remain below that of the 2004 tsunami, the economic damage is without precedent. Rebuilding will take years. Restoring agricultural productivity will take seasons. Reconstructing roads, bridges, schools, and reservoirs will require financial resources that Sri Lanka can scarcely afford. But the deepest scars will be carried by the families who have lost everything, by the children whose education has been shattered, and by the communities that now exist only as memories beneath landslides and floodwaters.

As Sri Lanka begins the long road to recovery, Ditwah stands as a stark reminder that natural disasters, when met with insufficient preparedness and fragmented governance, become national tragedies of far greater magnitude. Techniques such as soil nailing with a shotcrete facing, along with improved surface drainage systems-including the construction of basin drains at valley points to collect runoff and channel it into cascade drains-are essential methods that Sri Lanka must adopt to prevent landslides in the future (Figure 1 and Figure 2). The storm has passed, but its impact will shape the nation’s future for decades to come.

Sri Lanka now needs strong international support to recover from the massive losses caused by Ditwah. This recovery effort requires close collaboration with global partners, including India, the United States, Russia, the European Union, Japan, and China, as well as both G8 and BRICS nations. Notably, India’s prompt response—along with the statements and commitments made by the Indian Finance Minister and Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been especially appreciated. Their call to initiate a Sri Lanka Rebuilding Donor Conference could play a pivotal role in the country’s recovery and long-term reconstruction. It is essential that the Government of Sri Lanka begins this process immediately, without any delay.

About the Writer:

Writer is senior academic at Sabaragamuwa University of Sri Lanka, Fulbright scholar, Indian Science Research Fellow, Australian Endeavor fellow and also visiting Professor in University of Nebraska, Lincoln, USA. His international experience in various policy events and also experience in disaster and human and animal catastrophic management during 2019-2022 is significant, He served as Chairman National Livestock Development Board during 2019-2022 and also served as Dean- Faculty of Agriculture at Sabaragamuwa University of Sri Lanka.

E mail; . magamage@agri.sab.ac.lk.

By Prof. MPS Magamage
Faculty of Agricultural Sciences,
Sabaragamuwa University of Sri Lanka



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Features

Political violence stalking Trump administration

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A scene that unfolded during the shooting incident at the recent White House Correspondents’ Dinner in Washington. (BBC)

It would not be particularly revelatory to say that the US is plagued by ‘gun violence’. It is a deeply entrenched and widespread malaise that has come in tandem with the relative ease with which firearms could be acquired and owned by sections of the US public, besides other causes.

However, a third apparent attempt on the life of US President Donald Trump in around two and a half years is both thought-provoking and unsettling for the defenders of democracy. After all, whatever its short comings the US remains the world’s most vibrant democracy and in fact the ‘mightiest’ one. And the US must remain a foremost democracy for the purpose of balancing and offsetting the growing power of authoritarian states in the global power system, who are no friends of genuine representational governance.

Therefore, the recent breaching of the security cordon surrounding the White House Correspondents’ Dinner in Washington at which President Trump and his inner Cabinet were present, by an apparently ‘Lone Wolf’ gunman, besides raising issues relating to the reliability of the security measures deployed for the President, indicates a notable spike in anti-VVIP political violence in particular in the US. It is a pointer to a strong and widespread emergence of anti-democratic forces which seem to be gaining in virulence and destructiveness.

The issues raised by the attack are in the main for the US’ political Right and its supporters. They have smugly and complacently stood by while the extremists in their midst have taken centre stage and begun to dictate the course of Right wing politics. It is the political culture bred by them that leads to ‘Lone Wolf’ gunmen, for instance, who see themselves as being repressed or victimized, taking the law into their own hands, so to speak, and perpetrating ‘revenge attacks’ on the state and society.

A disproportionate degree of attention has been paid particularly internationally to Donald Trump’s personality and his eccentricities but such political persons cannot be divorced from the political culture in which they originate and have their being. That is, “structural” questions matter. Put simply, Donald Trump is a ‘true son’ of the Far Right, his principal support base. The issues raised are therefore for the President as well as his supporters of the Right.

We are obliged to respect the choices of the voting public but in the case of Trump’s election to the highest public position in the US, this columnist is inclined to see in those sections that voted for Trump blind followers of the latter who cared not for their candidate’s suitability, in every relevant respect, and therefore acted irrationally. It would seem that the Right in the US wanted their candidate to win by ‘hook or by crook’ and exercise power on their behalf.

By making the above observations this columnist does not intend to imply that voting publics everywhere in the world of democracy cast their vote sensibly. In the case of Sri Lanka, for example, the question could be raised whether the voters of the country used their vote sensibly when voting into office the majority of Executive Presidents and other persons holding high public office. The obvious answer is ‘no’ and this should lead to a wider public discussion on the dire need for thoroughgoing voter education. The issue is a ‘huge’ one that needs to be addressed in the appropriate forums and is beyond the scope of this column.

Looking back it could be said that the actions of Trump and his die-hard support base led to the Rule of Law in the US being undermined as perhaps never before in modern times. A shaming moment in this connection was the protest march, virtually motivated by Trump, of his supporters to the US Capitol on January 6th, 2021, with the aim of scuttling the presidential poll result of that year. Much violence and unruly behaviour, as known, was let loose. This amounted to denigrating the democratic process and encouraging the violent take over of the state.

In a public address, prior to the unruly conduct of his supporters, Trump is on record as blaring forth the following: ‘We won this election and we won by a landslide’, ‘We will stop the steal’, ‘We will never give up. We will never concede. It doesn’t happen’, ‘If you don’t fight like hell, you’re not going to have a country anymore.’

It is plain to see that such inflammatory utterances could lead impressionable minds in particular to revolt violently. Besides, they should have led the more rationally inclined to wonder whether their candidate was the most suitable person to hold the office of President.

Unfortunately, the latter process was not to be and the question could be raised whether the US is in the ‘safest pair of hands’. Needless to say, as events have revealed, Donald Trump is proving to be one of the most erratic heads of state the US has ever had.

However, the latest attempt on the life of President Trump suggests that considerable damage has been done to the democratic integrity of the US and none other than the President himself has to take on himself a considerable proportion of the blame for such degeneration, besides the US’ Far Right. They could be said to be ‘reaping the whirlwind.’

It is a time for soul-searching by the US Right. The political Right has the right to exist, so the speak, in a functional democracy but it needs to take cognizance of how its political culture is affecting the democratic integrity or health of the US. Ironically, the repressive and chauvinistic politics advocated by it is having the effect of activating counter-violence of the most murderous kind, as was witnessed at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner. Continued repressive politics could only produce more such incidents that could be self-defeating for the US.

Some past US Presidents were assassinated but the present political violence in the country brings into focus as perhaps never before the role that an anti-democratic political culture could play in unraveling the gains that the US has made over the decades. A duty is cast on pro-democracy forces to work collectively towards protecting the democratic integrity and strength of the US.

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22nd Anniversary Gala …action-packed event

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The Skyliners: Shanaka Viswakula (bass), Mario Ranasuriya (lead guitar), Daryl D'Souza (keyboards) and Kushmin Balasuriya (drums)

The Editor-in-Chief of The Sri Lankan Anchorman, a Toronto-based monthly, celebrating Sri Lankan community life in Canada, is none other than veteran Sri Lankan journalist Dirk Tissera, who moved to Canada in 1997. His wife, Michelle, whom he calls his “tower of strength”, is the Design Editor.

According to reports coming my way, the paper has turned out to be extremely popular in Toronto.

In fact, The Sri Lankan Anchorman won a press award in Toronto for excellence in editorial content and visual presentation.

However, the buzz in the air in Canada, right now, is The Sri Lankan Anchorman’s 22nd Anniversary Gala, to be held on Friday, 12 June, 2026, at the J&J Swagat Banquet Convention Centre, in Toronto.

An action-packed programme has been put together for the night, featuring some of the very best artistes in the Toronto scene.

The Skylines, who are classified as ‘the local musical band in Toronto’, will headline the event.

Dirk Tissera and wife Michelle: Supporting Sri Lanka-Canada community events, in Toronto, since launching The Anchorman
in 2002

They have performed and backed many legendary Sri Lanka singers.

According to Dirk, The Skylines can belt out a rhythm with gusto … be it Western, Sinhala or Tamil hits.

Also adding sparkle to the evening will be the legendary Fahmy Nazick, who, with his smooth and velvety vocals, will have the crowd on the floor.

Fahmy who was a household name, back in Sri Lanka, will be flying down from Virginia, USA.

He has captivated audiences in Sri Lanka, the Middle East and North America, and this will be his fourth visit to Toronto – back by popular demand,

Cherry DeLuna, who is described by Dirk as a powerhouse, also makes her appearance on stage and is all set to stir up the tempo with her cool and easy delivery.

“She’s got a great voice and vocal range that has captivated audiences out here”, says Dirk.

Chamil Welikala, said to be one of the hottest DJs in town, will be spinning his magic … in English, Sinhala, Tamil and Latin.


Both Jive and Baila competitions are on the cards among many other surprises on the night of 12 June.

This is The Anchorman’s fifth annual dance in a row – starting from 2022, 2023, 2024 and 2025 – and both Dirk and Michelle, and The Anchorman, have always produced elegant social events in Toronto.

“We intend to knock this one out of the park,” the duo says, adding that Western music and Sinhala and Tamil songs is something they’ve always delivered and the crowd loves it.

“We have always supported Sri Lanka-Canada community events, in Toronto, since launching The Anchorman, in 2002, and we intend to keep it that way.”

No doubt, there will be a large crowd of Sri Lankans, from all communities, turning up, on 12 June, to support Dirk, Michelle and The Anchorman.

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Face Pack for Radiant Skin

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* Apple and Orange:

Blend a few apple and orange pieces together. Add to it a pinch of turmeric and one tablespoon of honey. Apply it to the face and neck and rinse off after 30 minutes. This face pack is suitable for all skin types.

According to experts, apple is one of the best fruits for your skin health with Vitamin A, B complex and Vitamin C and minerals, while, with the orange peel, excessive oil secretion can be easily balanced.

* Mango and Curd:

Ripe mango pulp, mixed with curd, can be rubbed directly onto the skin to remove dirt and cleanse clogged pores. Rinse off after a few minutes.

Yes, of course, mango is a tasty and delicious fruit and this is the mango season in our part of the world, and it has extra-ordinary benefits to skin health. Vitamins C and E in mangoes protect the skin from the UV rays of the sun and promotes cell regeneration. It also promotes skin elasticity and fights skin dullness and acne, while curd, in combination, further adds to it.

*  Grapes and Kiwi:

Take a handful of grapes and make a pulp of it. Simultaneously, take one kiwi fruit and mash it after peeling its skin. Now mix them and add some yoghurt to it. Apply it on your face for few minutes and wash it off.

Here again experts say that kiwi is the best nutrient-rich fruit with high vitamin C, minerals, Omega-3 fatty acids and vitamin E, while grapes contain flavonoids, which is an antioxidant that protects the skin from free radical damage. This homemade face pack acts as a natural cleanser and slows down the ageing process.

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