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Thanking Menikdiwela for deliverance

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(Continued from last week)

A Letter of Congratulations and A Reply I received many letters, as well, as telephone calls of congratulations, on my new appointment. One such note – it was not a letter, – was from DBI Siriwardhana, Secretary to the Ministry of Public Administration and Home Affairs, a colleague in service and a friend. On a piece of paper taken from his official pad and written in his neat small handwriting were the following words:

“Dharmasiri,

“I am happy.” DBI “

That was all. This was typical DBI, humorously brief. I thought this required a proper response, and tearing off a piece of paper from my own pad, I wrote:

“DBI,

“I am happy, you are happy.”

Dharmasiri.”

I could visualize the wry chuckle at the other end.

The Ministry of Food and Co-operatives and The Food Department

The Ministry of Food and Co-operatives consisted of two of the largest departments of government, the Food Department and the Co-operative Department, each with over 6000 employees. There were also some other agencies that came within the purview of the Ministry such as the Co-operative Management Services Centre, later re-named the Sri Lanka Institute of Co-operative Management; The Co-operative Employees Commission, which was an Appeals Board for aggrieved Co-operative Society employees who had been dealt with disciplinarily; and the Cooperative Marketing Federation or MARKFED. We also had much to do with the National Co-operative Council. The Food Department was responsible for administering the rationing scheme and later when de-rationing took place, its replacement, the Food Stamp scheme. It had to ensure that the national buffer stock of rice, flour and sugar was kept at adequate levels. For this purpose, the department had to import as well as locally procure some of these commodities, notably rice and some sugar. It had large stores complexes as well as smaller stores scattered throughout the country, and at the main ports, and was responsible for liaising and acting in concert with many public and private sector agencies such as the Ports; the Railway Department; the Co-operative Wholesale Establishment; the Agrarian Services Department; the Paddy Marketing Board; the Sugar Corporation; the Co-operative Department, the Shipping Corporation, the Banks; and Private Contractors. Rice, flour and sugar were the principal food commodities and therefore their free availability as well as their price were sensitive issues both to the government and the public.

The Co-operative Department

The Co-operative Department had to work very closely with the Food Department. There were around 285 Multi-Purpose Cooperative Societies with over 7000 retail branches in the country. In addition, there were over 1500 private traders who were distributors called Authorized distributors by the Food Department, to sell rationed goods making a total of over 8500 retail points in the country, available to the government. This formed an essential part of food security arrangements. The Multi-Purpose Cooperatives, partly funded by the Government, had an annual turn-over of over Rs. 12 billion. Besides the MPCS there were various other types of Co-operatives, which came under the supervision of the department. These included Agricultural Co-operatives; Fisheries Co-operatives; Textile Weavers Co-operatives; Industrial Cooperatives; Building Trade Co-operatives, Labour Co-operatives; Transport Co-operatives; and many other types. Pre-eminent were the Thrift and Credit Co-operatives which were known as SANASA. They constituted the oldest Co-operatives in Sri Lanka, having originated in 1917.

They were genuine Co-operatives run by Boards of elected members and had a large membership. The total membership in the Co-operative sector was over 3 million. The department was responsible for the audit of Co-operatives and had a large staff of inspectors handling audits. The Commissioner of Co-operative Development, therefore had substantial responsibilities. These included giving rulings on many statutory matters such as the application of rules, regulations and by-laws. He had to bear in mind that his decisions could be canvassed in court, some of them in the Supreme Court, as some indeed were.

Co-ordination and the Weekly Tuesday Meeting

Given the size of the two departments and the importance, the range, the scope and the sensitivity of the work handled by them, proper coordination of work between them and quick decision making was essential. Speed was also necessary in dealing with the Ports and the Railway Department in particular. Ships had to be discharged and railway waggons released expeditiously. The administration had therefore to be geared for this. With the Food Department, there was a constant and running dialogue. The fact that the Ministry and the Department occupied the same premises made this easier. The Food Commissioner or his senior deputies used to contact me on the intercom several times a day. I did the same when necessary. Sometimes, the initial conversations resulted in a quick meeting in my room which had to be given priority.

We were fortunate in having a Minister who did not want to micro-manage. Therefore, the senior officials who knew the policies of the government were able to act. We were fortified by the thought that behind us stood a Minister, who enjoyed excellent relations with the Prime Minister, later the President, and would back us. However, ad-hoc conversations and meetings were not sufficient. Institutional mechanisms had to be put in place. One such important arrangement which I instituted was the weekly meeting at 3.30 p.m. every Tuesday. This meeting was attended by the Minister; the Deputy Minister, Sarath Chandra Rajakaruna; Heads of Departments and agencies; their senior deputies, hanaling important and substantial areas of work; Senior Ministry officials, and when necessary the senior Accountants. This group of about 30 met weekly and reviewed all-important and pending issues. It enabled all to have up to date information and expedited decision making. Coordination became more precise and time sensitive.

I fixed a Tuesday afternoon for two reasons. The first was because of the weekly meeting of Secretaries to Ministries, under the Chairmanship of the Cabinet Secretary Mr. G.V.P. Samarasinghe, took place at 8.30 a.m. every Tuesday in the Cabinet office. Therefore, I could feed into our afternoon meeting any important and relevant issues discussed at the Secretaries meeting. The second reason was that the next day, Wednesday was the day of the Cabinet meeting. The Tuesday meeting therefore, completely updated the Minister before the Cabinet met, and if it was a week in which Parliament met, the Minister was prepared for this too.

Food Security and Buffer Stocks

One of the more important matters discussed at this meeting was the maintaining of national buffer stocks of rice, flour and sugar. This was the result of the government’s policy on food security. The objective was to hold a minimum of two months requirement of these commodities. This involved not only timely imports, but the co-ordination of local purchases from the Paddy Marketing Board and the Sugar Corporation for instance. Imports therefore, had to be tailored to local production periods and local availability.

The pricing of releases from the buffer stock was also an important consideration. The object, particularly in the case of rice, was to ensure that prices were not unduly depressed. The interests of the consumer had to be balanced with that of the producer. The creation of disincentives to farmers had to be avoided. All these considerations were factored into the decision on the price. The greatest draw off from the buffer was in the months of November, December, January and February. This was a period when the effect of both the Maha and Yala Crops of rice had diminished substantially in the market and consequently prices rose sharply. The consumer had to be reasonably protected during this period.

This policy of balancing and reconciling consumer and producer interests did not stop with rice, flour and sugar. It extended to a whole range of other commodities such as maize; cowpea; green gram; gingelly; onions; chillies, eggs; milk and milk powder, particularly infant milk food.

After a while monitoring extended to chicken; fish; dried fish and vegetables. Originally, this monitoring was done by a committee called “The Food Policy Committee,” chaired by the Cabinet Secretary. Later, with the expansion of its scope this committee was renamed “The Cabinet Sub-Committee of Officials, on the Cost of Living.” This Committee met regularly at 3.30 p.m. every Friday in the Cabinet office. Its deliberations usually lasted one and half to two hours. The Committee consisted of the Secretaries to the Ministries of Agriculture; Food; Co-operatives; and occasionally Finance. It was supported by the presence of senior officials such as the Food Commissioner; Commissioner of Cooperative Development; Senior Officials from Agriculture; the Cooperative Wholesale Establishment (C.W.E.) the Sugar Corporation, etc. Other officials were co-opted from time to time.

An official of the Agrarian Research and Training Institute (A.R.T.I.) attended the committee bringing details about the prices of vegetable, fish, meat, eggs and subsidiary food crops prevailing in the market in various areas of the country. We pooled information on markets, prices, crop projections and international availability. A scheme of guaranteed prices was established in order to assure the farmer that his crop could be sold at a minimum price, in case of some market failure. The quantity and the timing of imports were decided after close study of all relevant considerations. It was a sound system, and it worked perfectly. It also enabled senior officials to be thoroughly briefed on several aspects of the food sector, and they in turn could, therefore, brief their Ministers effectively. The high quality of the discussions at the weekly meeting, and the preparations made for it, including background papers, led to a continuous process of thinking as well as updating of figures and information which proved to be a sound and rigorous discipline for all participants.

Restructuring of the Rice Rationing Scheme

I have enumerated the structure and responsibilities of the Ministry and how we basically functioned. But as I assumed duties, the urgent issue before the government was the restructuring of the entire rice-rationing scheme. The government was determined to re-target the ration only to those most deserving on account of poverty. At the same time, they were aware of the political sensitivity of the issue and its potential to create serious unrest in the country. Therefore, they did not want to waste any time. They wished to act before their overwhelmingly strong parliamentary mandate became stale.

They realized that they had to act when their popularity was at its height. This led to an almost total concentration on this issue during the months of December 1977 and January 1978. There were numerous meetings at the Ministry level, at the Cabinet Secretariat level and at the Cabinet level. The Government Agents were summoned to Colombo for rounds of meetings with them. I was called into Cabinet several times to explain the evolving situation and in order to clarify matters. Eventually, the generalized subsidy was scaled down. It was extended only to those families whose monthly income was below Rs. 300. About 7 million out of a total population at the time of around 14.5 million fell into this “protected” category and continued to receive subsidized rations of rice, flour and sugar.

Together with this subsidy reduction exercise, the government announced other measures to cushion the blow such as a salary increase; an increase in the fertilizer subsidy, the raising of interest rates on savings accounts, etc. The government also announced the accelerated Mahaweli Development Programme and the 100,000 houses programme in order to focus people’s minds on development and to create the impression that vigorous programmes were being pursued in order to provide them with tangible economic benefits within a foreseeable future. Thus, ended the first phase of the government’s restructuring of food policies.

The Second Phase – Food Stamps

Work on the second phase commenced almost immediately afterwards. This was designed to completely eliminate rice ration books, further reduce subsidies; and target subsidies in a more efficient way. We therefore, started working on a Food Stamp Scheme. This intensive exercise kept us very busy particularly because the government wanted to get onto the new scheme very early. The scheme itself was formulated by a small committee of officials consisting of the Secretary to the Cabinet Mr. G.V.P. Samarasinghe, the Additional Secretary to the Ministry of Trade and Shipping Mr. Gaya Cumaranatunge and myself, with the Secretary, to the Ministry of Finance and Planning Dr. W.M. Tilakaratna joined in at a later stage.

This was not an easy exercise and we held numerous meetings and produced several drafts, each one refining the process further. The Government Agents were Consulted, and some of the more able ones consulted often. In order to determine those eligible for food stamps, an income survey was undertaken before stamps were issued. It was estimated that if a realistic declaration of incomes was made, the 7.5 million people covered by the rice-rationing scheme would have been reduced by about 3 million. The results of the tile survey however. showed that practically all families who received the rice ration were eligible to receive food stamps. The survey failed for three main reasons. Firstly, there was the difficulty in accurately assessing rural incomes. The second related to the inadequacy of the legal framework to penalize those making false declarations. The third and most important reason for failure was the political pressure exerted by members of Parliament on government officials to accept income declarations without too exacting a scrutiny.

An eligible family received about Rs. 1,300 worth of food stamps a year. The stamps could be used to buy rice, wheat flour, sugar, milk foods and a specified range of pulses. The scheme itself came into operation in October 1979. At one stage the committee began to veer towards giving a cash grant instead of food coupons. Based on my experience previously as Deputy Food Commissioner and now as Secretary to the Ministry of Food, I opposed this vehemently.

The reason was that I was convinced that giving a food coupon empowered the woman, the housewife who had to see that the family was fed. Giving a cash grant on the other hand would have empowered the husband. I had no confidence that a large number of husbands would not collect the money and spend it on drink or other pleasures leaving families destitute and perhaps on the verge of starvation. Any act which took away or seriously eroded the position of the woman in the family was in my view bad policy. I had to fight hard, but in the end my view prevailed. Administrative convenience thing, was one social dislocation was another matter altogether.

In the meantime, important constitutional changes occurred. Mr. JR Jayewardene was sworn in as the first Executive President of Sri Lanka. Shortly thereafter, Mr. R. Premadasa was appointed Prime Minister. The Secretary to the President Mr. Menikdiwela told me one day that Mr. Premadasa had spoken to him and indicated his desire to have either Bradman Weerakoon or me as Secretary to the Prime Minister, and that he had informed him straightaway that he could not have me, because I was preoccupied with the critical area of major food policy reforms. “1 hope you don’t mind,” lie said in conclusion. I really did not mind.

After spending a seven-year spell in that pressure cooker of a post and having just got out, I had no desire whatsoever to repeat the experience, even though much of the pressure would now have migrated to the Executive President’s office, with the Secretary to the President occupying the hot seat. In fact, I thanked Mr. Menikdiwela for the deliverance. He was right. The Food Secretary could not have been moved out at the time with all that was happening in an exercise of major restructuring and reforms.

(Excerpted from In the Pursuit of Governance, autobiography of MDD Pieris) ✍️



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Features

Peace march and promise of reconciliation

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Peace walk in progress

The ongoing peace march by a group of international Buddhist monks has captured the sentiment of Sri Lankans in a manner that few public events have done in recent times. It is led by the Vietnamese monk Venerable Thich Pannakara who is associated with a mindfulness movement that has roots in Vietnamese Buddhist practice and actively promoted among diaspora communities in the United States. The peace march by the monks, accompanied by their mascot, the dog Aloka, has generated affection and goodwill within the Buddhist and larger community. It follows earlier peace walks in the United States where monks carried a similar message of mindfulness and compassion across communities but without any government or even media patronage as in Sri Lanka.

This initiative has the potential to unfold into an effort to nurture a culture of peace in Sri Lanka. Such a culture is necessary if the country as the country prepares to move beyond its history of conflict towards a more longlasting reconciliation and a political solution to its ethnic and religious divisions. The government’s support for the peace march can be seen as part of a broader attempt to shape such a culture. The Clean Sri Lanka programme, promoted by the government as a civic responsibility campaign focused on environmental cleanliness, ethical conduct and social discipline, provides a useful framework within which such initiatives can be situated. Its emphasis on collective responsibility and shared public space makes it sit well with the values that peacebuilding requires.

government’s previous plan to promote a culture of peace was on the occasion of “Sri Lanka Day” celebrations which were scheduled to take place on December 12-14 last year but was disrupted by Cyclone Ditwah. The Sri Lanka Day celebrations were to include those talented individuals from each and every community at the district level who had excelled in some field or the other, such as science, business or arts and culture and selected by the District Secretariats in each of the 25 districts. They were to gather in Colombo to engage in cultural performances and community-focused exhibitions. The government’s intention was to build up a discourse around the ideas of unity in diversity as a precursor to addressing the more contentious topics of human rights violations during the war period, and issues of accountability and reparations for wrongs suffered during that dark period.

Positive Response

The invitation to the international monks appears to have emerged from within Buddhist religious networks in Sri Lanka that have long maintained links with the larger international Buddhist community. The strong support extended by leading temples and clergy within the country, including the Buddhists Mahanayakes indicates that this was not an isolated effort but one that resonated with the mainstream Buddhist establishment. Indeed, the involvement of senior Buddhist leaders has been particularly noteworthy. A Joint Declaration for Peace in the world, drawing on Sri Lanka’s own experience, and by the Mahanayakes of all Buddhist Chapters took place in the context of the ongoing peace march at the Gangaramaya Temple in Colombo, with participation from the diplomatic community. The declaration, calling for compassion, dialogue and sustainable peace, reflects an effort by religious leadership to assert a moral voice in favour of coexistence.

The popular response to the peace march has also been striking. Large numbers of people have been gathering along the route, offering flowers, water and support to the monks. Schoolchildren have been lining the roads, and communities from different religious backgrounds extend hospitality. On the way, the monks were hosted by both a Hindu temple and a mosque, where food and refreshments were provided. These acts, though simple, carry a message about the possibility of harmony among Sri Lanka’s diverse communities. It helps to counter the perception that the Buddhist community in Sri Lanka is inherently nationalist and resistant to minority concerns that was shaped during the decades of war and reinforced by political mobilisation that too often exploited ethnic identity.

By way of contrast, the peace march offers a different image. It shows a readiness among ordinary people to embrace values of compassion and coexistence that are deeply embedded in Buddhist teaching. The Metta Sutta, one of the most well-known discourses in Buddhism, calls for boundless goodwill towards all beings. It states that one should cultivate a mind that is “boundless towards all beings, free from hatred and ill will.” This emphasis on universal compassion provides a moral foundation for peace that extends beyond national or ethnic boundaries. The monks themselves emphasised this point repeatedly during the walk. Venerable Thich Pannakara reminded those who gathered that while acts of generosity are commendable, mindfulness in everyday life is even more important. He warned that as people become unmindful, they are more prone to react with anger and hatred, thereby contributing to conflict.

More Initiatives

The presence of political leaders at key moments of the march has emphasised the significance that the government attaches to the event. Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya paid her respects to the peace march monks in Kandy, while President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is expected to do so at the conclusion of the march in Colombo. Such gestures signal an alignment between political authority and moral aspiration, even if the translation of that aspiration into policy remains a work in progress. At the same time, the peace march has not been without its shortcomings. The walk did not engage with the Northern and Eastern parts of the country, regions that were most affected by the war and where the need for reconciliation is most acute. A more inclusive geographic reach would have strengthened the symbolic impact of the initiative.

In addition, the positive impact of the peace march could have been increased if more effort had been taken to coordinate better with other civic and religious groups and include them in the event. Many civil society and religious harmony groups who would have liked to participate in the peace march found themselves unable to do so. There was no place in the programme for them to join. Even government institutions tasked with promoting social cohesion and reconciliation found themselves outside the loop. The Clean Sri Lanka Task Force that organised the peace march may have felt that involving other groups would have made it more complicated to organise the events which have proceeded without problems.

The hope is that the positive energy and goodwill generated by this peace march will not dissipate but will instead inspire further initiatives with the requisite coordination and leadership. The march has generated public discussion, drawn attention to the values of mindfulness and compassion, and created a space in which people can imagine a different future. It has been a special initiative among the many that are needed to build a culture of peace. A culture of peace cannot be imposed from above nor can it emerge overnight. It needs to be nurtured through multiple efforts across society, including education, religious engagement, civic initiatives and political reform. It is within such a culture that the more difficult questions of power sharing, justice and reconciliation can be addressed in a constructive manner.

by Jehan Perera

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Regional Universities

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Development initiatives: Faculty of Technology, University of Jaffna and NCDB

The countryside and peripheral regions have been neglected in the national imagination for many decades. This has also been the case with regional universities which were seen as mere appendages to the university system, and sometimes created to appease political constituencies in the regions. The exclusion of the rural world and the institutions in those regions was not accidental nor inevitable, but the consequence of conscious policies promoted under an extractive and exploitative global order. Neoliberalism globalisation, initiated in the late 1970s with far-reaching policies of free trade and free flow of capital, or the “open economy,” as we call it in Sri Lanka, is now dying. The United States and the Western countries that promoted neoliberalism, as a class project of finance capital to address the falling profits during the long economic downturn in the 1970s, are themselves reversing their policies and are at loggerheads with each other. However, those economic processes will continue to have national consequences into the future.

At the heart of such policies is the neoliberal city, which has become the centre of the economy with expanding financial businesses and a real estate boom. Such financialised cities also had their impact on universities, in lower income countries, where commercialised education with high fees, rising student debt, research for businesses and transnational educational linkages with branch campuses of Western universities, have become a reality.

In the case of Sri Lanka, while neoliberal policies began with the IMF and World Bank Structural Adjustment Programmes, in the late 1970s, the long civil war forestalled the accelerated growth of the neoliberal city. I have argued, over the last decade and a half, that it is with the end of the civil war, in 2009, coinciding with the global financial crisis, that a second wave of neoliberalism in Sri Lanka led to global finance capital being absorbed in infrastructure and real estate in Colombo. The transformation of Colombo into a neoliberal city was overseen by Gotabaya Rajapaksa as Defence Secretary with even the Urban Development Authority brought under the security establishment. While Colombo was drastically changing with a skyline of new buildings and shiny luxury vehicles drawing on massive external debt, there were also moves to promote private higher education institutions. The Board of Investment (BOI) registered many hundred so-called higher education institutions; these were not regulated and many mushroomed like supermarkets and disappeared in no time when they incurred losses.

In contrast to these so-called private higher education institutions that proliferated in and around Colombo, Sri Lanka, drawing on its free education system, has, over the last many decades, also created a number of state universities in peripheral regions. However, these regional universities lack adequate funding and a clear vision and purpose. The current conjuncture with the neoliberal global order unravelling, and the immediate global crisis in energy and transport are grim reminders of the importance of local economies and self-sufficiency. In this column I consider the role of our regional universities and their relationship to the communities within which they are embedded.

Regional context

The necessity and the advantage of robust public services is their reach into peripheral regions and marginalised communities. This is true of public transport, as it is with public hospitals. Private buses will always avoid isolated rural routes as their margins only increase on the busy routes between cities and towns. And private hospitals and clinics flock to the cities to extract from desperate patients, including by unscrupulous doctors who divert patients in public hospitals to be served in the private health facilities they moonlight. Similarly, it is affluent cities and towns that are the attraction for private educational institutions.

Public institutions, including universities, can only ensure their public role if they are adequately funded. Over the last decade and a half, with falling allocations for education, our state universities have been pushed into initiating fee levying courses, both at the post-graduate level and also for undergraduate international students. These programmes are seen as avenues to decrease the dependence of universities on budgetary support. However, the reality is that it is only universities in Colombo that can draw in students capable of paying such high fees. Furthermore, such fee levying courses end up pushing academics into overwork including by offering additional income.

Therefore, allocations for underfunded regional universities need to be steadily increased. Housing facilities and other services for academics working in rural districts would ensure their continued presence and greater engagement with the local communities. Increased time away from teaching and research funding earmarked for community engagement will provide clear direction for academics. Indeed, such funding with a clear vision and role for regional universities can provide considerable social returns. In a time when repeated crises are affecting our society, agricultural production to bolster our food system as well as rural income streams and employment are major issues. Here, regional universities have an important role today in developing social and economic alternatives.

Reimagining development

In recent months, there have been interesting initiatives in the Northern Province, where the Universities of Jaffna and Vavuniya have been engaging state institutions on issues of development. In an initiative to bring different actors together, high level meetings have been convened between the staff of the Agriculture Faculty and officials of the Provincial Agriculture Ministry to figure out solutions for long pending agricultural problems. Similar meetings have also been organised between provincial authorities and the Faculties of Technology and Engineering in Kilinochchi. These initiatives have led to academics engaging communities and co-operatives on their development needs, particularly in formulating new development initiatives and activating idle projects and assets in the region. Such engagement provides opportunities for academics to share their knowledge and skills while learn from communities about challenges that lead to new problems for research.

One of the most rewarding engagements I have been part of is an internship programme for the Technology Faculty of the University of Jaffna, where four batches of final year students, from food technology, green farming and automobile specialities, have been placed for six months within the co-operative movement through the Northern Co-operative Development Bank. This initiative has created a strong relationship between the Technology Faculty and the co-operative movement, with a number of former students now working fulltime in co-operative ventures. They are at the centre of developing solutions for rural co-operatives, including activating idle factories and ensuring quality and standards for their products.

I refer to these concrete initiatives because universities’ role in research and development in Sri Lanka, as in most other countries, are often narrowly conceived to be engagement with private businesses. However, for rural regions, the challenge, even with technological development, is the generation of appropriate technologies that can serve communities.

In Sri Lanka, we have for long emulated the major Western universities and in the process lost sight of the needs of our own youth and communities. Rethinking the development of our universities may have to begin with an understanding of the real challenges and context of our people. Our universities and their academics, if provided with a progressive vision and adequate resources and time to engage their communities, have the potential to address the many economic and social challenges that the next decade of global turmoil is bound to create.

Ahilan Kadirgamar is a political economist and Senior Lecturer, University of Jaffna.

(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies)

by Ahilan Kadirgamar

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‘Disco Lady’ hitmaker now doing it for Climate Change

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The name Alston Koch is generally associated with the hit song ‘Disco Lady.’ Yes, he has had several other top-notch songs to his credit but how many music lovers are aware that Alston is one of the few Asian-born entertainers using music for climate advocacy, since 2008.

He is back in the ‘climate change’ scene, with SUNx Malta, to celebrate Earth Day 2026, with the release of ‘A Symphony for Change’ – a vibrant Dodo4Kids video by Alston.

The inspiring musical video highlights ocean conservation and empowers children as future climate champions, honouring Maurice Strong’s legacy through education, creativity, and global collaboration for a sustainable planet.

The four-minute animated musical, composed and performed by platinum award-winning artiste Alston Koch, brings to life a resurrected Dodo, guiding children on a mission to clean up marine environments.

With a catchy melody and an uplifting message, the video blends entertainment with education—making climate awareness accessible and engaging for the next generation.

SUNx Malta is a Climate Friendly Travel system, focused on transforming the global tourism sector that is low-carbon, SDG-linked, and nature-positive.

Professor Geoffrey Lipman, President of SUNx Malta, described the project as a joyful collaboration with purpose:

“It’s always a pleasure to produce music with Alston for the good of our planet. And this time, to incorporate our Dodo4Kids in the video urging the next generation of young climate champions to help save our seas.”

For Alston, now based in Australia, the collaboration continues a long-standing journey of climate-focused creativity:

Says Alston: “I have been working on climate songs since the first release, in 2009, of the video ‘Act Now.’ Since then, I’ve performed at major global events—from Bali to Glasgow. I wrote this song because the climate horizon is darkening, and our kids and grandkids are our best hope for a brighter future.”

Alston’s very first climate song is ‘Can We Take This Climate Change,’ released in 2008.

It was written by Alston for the World Trade Organisation presentation, in London, and presented at ‘Live the Deal Climate Change’ conference in Copenhagen.

The Sri Lankan-born singer was goodwill ambassador for the campaign, and the then UK Minister Barbara Follett called it a “gift in song to the world suffering due to climate change.”

Alston said he wrote it after noticing butterflies, birds, and fruit trees disappearing from his childhood days.

In 2017, his creation ‘Make a Change’ was released in connection with World Tourism Day 2017.

Alston Koch’s work on climate advocacy is pretty inspiring, especially as climate change is now creating horrifying problems worldwide, and in Sri Lanka, too.

Alston also indicated to us that he has plans to visit Sri Lanka, sometime this year, and, maybe, even plan out a date for an Alston Koch special … a concert, no doubt.

Can’t wait for it!

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