Connect with us

Opinion

Stop this cold war!

Published

on

The aftermath of the anti-Muslim riots in Aluthgama in 2014

A country in dire straits cannot afford creating divisions amongst and within communities!

By M. M. Zuhair PC

There are deep concerns within the Muslim community on the on-going state of hostility or cold war between certain State institutions and the country’s Muslim community including its long-cherished institutions. The subjective belief appears to centre around the universally condemned Easter Sunday attacks of 21/04/2019 continuing to be exploited by vested interests to cage the community and its institutions even after close upon four years of the 21/4 disaster, which the community had condemned and disassociated itself unequivocally!

Such hostile impositions are discriminatory and appear to be part of the anti-minority moves that began as hate campaigns in an organised manner in 2012. The role of war mongering foreign hands and their agents in progressively alienating and radicalising the country’s Muslims need to be kept under close watch. Prompt rectifications of matters perceived by the disgruntled youth as continued injustice may help prevent some of them becoming pawns in foreign organised disastrous counter moves. A country in economic dire straits or even otherwise, cannot afford to allow anyone to create divisions amongst or within communities that may lead to costly conflicts.

The community is distressed that Muslims, the community’s religious dignitaries both past and present, its historic institutions and its civil society have been continuously singled out for damaging coercive action. Such actions may be seen by the UN HRC mechanisms as oppressive and in violation of the Constitution of Sri Lanka as well as contrary to many multiple international treaties. Terrorists and criminals are one thing and the community and its institutions are another!

The aragalaya activists for instance cannot be dealt with as terrorists, though the country needs peace and social order. It is vital that the national political leaders learn lessons from the rise of the LTTE from amongst two prominent minorities in North Sri Lanka in the 1970s, the uprisings of 1971 and 1989 from the majority community and avoid creating confrontational issues with the Muslim minority, though it has not shown any capability to mount even a simple street protest!

With a pacifist political and business leadership at the helm of this community, oppressive actions on sensitive religious cum cultural issues could create new radical elements prone to violence. This country cannot afford to push anyone into violence! Hence the need to resolve these issues expeditiously.

The following are some of the instances, though there are many others, which require the urgent attention of the government in the interest of justice and fair-play on the one hand and ensuring unity and promoting trust amongst the communities on the other:

MUSLIM CIVIL SOCIETY and RELIGIOUS DIGNITARIES SILENCED:

State mechanisms have been continuously used, often without any legal mandate to openly enter and survey a number of Muslim civil society organisations without any complaint or court warrants.

These regular visits and phone calls have had the effect of silencing Muslim organisations and reducing their services to the community and the country. UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (UN HCHR) had identified the State institutions which had indulged in action violative of the freedom of association and freedom of expression in this regard. Lately a number of respected Muslim religious intellectuals have also been questioned by State institutions, which the UN HRC may consider as unwarranted harassment. In the circumstances Government must consider all State institutions being made accountable to Parliament, in the backdrop of allegations that some suicide bombers were also funded by certain State institutions, though the allegations may be unfounded.

PROSECUTIONS ONLY AGAINST MUSLIMS:

The Parliamentary Select Committee on Easter Sunday attacks in its Report (page 93 onwards) dated 23rd October 2019 and the Presidential Commission of Inquiry in its Final Report (pages 361/2) dated 31st January 2021 have blamed the majoritarian extremism in the country, ‘igniting majoritarian extremist groups to attack Muslims, escalating the latter into violent extremism resulting in the Easter Sunday attacks’. But the prosecutions and actions taken by the Police Department and the Attorney General’s Department were so far, only against the Muslim minority with no prosecutions as per the said reports, against those who ignited and contributed to anti- Muslim violence in Aluthgama (2014), Gintota (2017), Ampara (2018), Digana (2018) etc. The State and its forces must guarantee on the ground that minorities are protected from majoritarian extremism. That is the best guarantee against minority extremism.

COLD WAR ON THE MUSLIMS UNDER COVER OF EASTER ATTACKS:

Meanwhile the Easter attacks were extensively and unjustifiably used with widespread indiscretion to blame Islam, its teachings, the Holy Quran, Islamic books, respected foreign and local Islamic scholars, the Mosques, the Madhrasas, Muslim marriage laws, the Wakf Act, Muslim civil organisations, in other words the Muslim community as a whole, in order to cover up the majoritarian extremist violences, which according to the findings of the two reports referred to earlier, contributed to the 21/4 Easter Sunday’s avoidable disaster. The reports had also recommended (page 372) that “the Government should take concrete steps to identify the root causes of religious intolerance and tension and promote trust among the different ethnic and religious communities….” It must be noted that under cover of the Easter attacks, a cold war on the Muslim community as a whole appears to be going on, often below the radar. This undeclared war on the believers of Islam in Sri Lanka may radicalise and compel some within the community to seek relief from the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHCR). We need help to stop them.

CRIMINAL NEGLIGENCE IN FAILING TO AVERT 21/4:

A serious matter continuously raised by the Church leaders in Sri Lanka was that, though there were adequate time and opportunity to avert the 21/4 Easter attacks, those responsible for taking action to arrest and prevent the multiple suicide attacks criminally neglected for over 16 days to take any preventive action whatsoever to avert the terror attacks. According to a page 1 lead story published in the Lankadeepa of 11th February 2022, the CID itself has reported to Court that the then ‘CID did not act to avert the Easter attacks though it had the opportunity to do so’ and also ‘to arrest and prevent suicide bomber Zahran Hashim’ from carrying out the disastrous mission!

ATTACK ON ‘MONOTHEISM OR THOWHEED’ OR ‘WAHABIES’ IS ATTACK ON ISLAM:

There are recent attempts by some State officials to blame the ‘unitary or oneness of Allah’ known as ‘Thowheed’ as distinguished from the Christian concept of ‘Trinity’ as an extremist ideology, though “Thowheed” or belief in the singleness or oneness of Allah is a fundamental part of the Islamic belief of every Muslim, including those Muslims divisively named as ‘sufis’ and certain others derogatively named as ‘wahhabis’ (Muwahhideens). These operations are in violation of Article 10 of the country’s Constitution. There are also attempts to defame the well-known Saudi Arabian Islamic Scholar Muhammed Ibn Abdul Wahab (1703-1787) and other scholars and Islamic organisations here and in India as spreading extremist ideology, without quoting a single sentence from any of Abdul Wahab’s or other scholars’ “original” works in support of any of these allegations. These allegations are futile attempts to shield and side track the globally well-known Western war mongers’ hate Islam- hate Muslims campaigns foolishly followed here by a few hate campaigners in Sri Lanka. These are unacceptable attempts to divide the majority from the minorities and presently also to create divisions within Sri Lanka’s small Muslim community.

DISCRIMINATORY RESTRICTIONS:

Muslims are undergoing tremendous hardships for instance to import the Holy Quran and other Islamic books due to discriminatory restrictions imposed only on Islamic texts. The well-known “Peace TV” of Dr Zakir Naik, a reputed Islamic scholar, has been restricted in violation of the right of the Muslims to receive information whereas anti-Muslim Indian channels can be viewed in Sri Lanka engaged in divisive hate campaigns.

ISLAMIC SCHOOL TEXTS COMPELLED TO BE EDITED:

Islamic text books used by Muslim students in schools have been allegedly compelled to be edited by persons without knowledge of Islam or respect for the religion in violation of the Constitution. These are impediments directed only against Muslims, although there is a constant process of Islamic educators regularly improving the texts.

NORTH EAST:

The issues facing the Tamil community need to be resolved. In doing so, the Eastern Muslims ought not to be imposed with new problems. The injustices caused during the reign of the LTTE such as the land grabs from Eastern Muslim farmers etc require redress.

BUILDING APPROVED BY CABINET IN 1999 FOR MUSLIM AFFAIRS BEING DIVESTED:

The then proposed building approved in 1999 by the Cabinet headed by President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumarathunge on a proposal by SLFP stalwart Lakshman Jayakody then Minister of Cultural Affairs to be set apart for the Ministry of Muslim affairs is being currently divested at the instance of the Ministry of Buddhasasana to be shared with other institutions outside State Muslim Affairs. This is being coercively pursued in violation of and by suppressing the 1999 Cabinet approval. The building presently accommodates the Department of Muslim Religious and Cultural Affairs. Several State institutions connected to Muslim Affairs such as the Board of Quazis, Quazi Courts in Colombo, Haj Committees, Advisory Board under sections 6 and 7 of the Muslim Marriage and Divorce Act (MMDA) etc require reasonable accommodation for their functions. The Wakf Board, the Wakf Tribunal and the Department of Muslim Affairs also need additional space for their activities. Persons who travel to Colombo to attend these institutions do not have sufficient space for attending to their official matters. Why is the Minister of Buddhasasana Vidura Wickremanayake wanting to take away what was physically given in 2000 for Muslim Affairs through his father, then Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremanayake? The Buddhasasana Ministry must decline to handle matters relating to the cultural and religious issues of Hindus, Muslims and Christians and avoid creating contentious issues with the minorities.

OFFICIAL NOT CONVERSANT IN MOSQUE MATTERS APPOINTED AS ADDITIONAL DIRECTOR OF MUSLIM AFFAIRS! :

In a shocking move a respected lady officer belonging to the Christian faith has been appointed as Addl. Director of the Muslim Affairs Department. Her competency to manage issues relating to Islamic religious, Muslim cultural and Mosques issues is itself an issue. Three Muslims more competent to deal with these matters have been overlooked. She has not accepted this office as yet.

ARRESTED MUSLIMS IN CUSTODY FOR OVER 3 ½ YEARS WITHOUT BAIL OR FAIR TRIAL:

It is a known fact that the 21/4 attacks were extensively used to arrest and detain for months over 2000 Muslims, though most of them were released later as they had nothing to do with the Easter bomb attacks. Over 75 of the arrested Muslims are still in custody for over 3 ¾ years without the AG consenting to bail in most cases, allegedly depriving those indicted of a fair trial.



Continue Reading
Advertisement
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Opinion

Prisoners are human beings

Published

on

In developed countries such as US, prisons are normally built, far away from City Areas because of the risk of prison breaking as happened recently in Negombo. For an example, just imagine what would be the fate of people around Colombo, if an attempt to break the jail in Welikada become a success. Therefore, it is necessary to introduce strategies to discipline our prisoners to behave as humans rather than simply displaying above message to the people living outside of the prison, as happened in Sri Lanka. To materialised above idea. it is necessary discipline prisoners mentally before they are released. As a Buddhist country we could develop our own model based on Buddhist Stanza such as Wanaropa Sutta to mentally discipline the prisoners. According to that Stanza, people would naturally get self-disciplined themselves while growing trees

The World Health Organization (WHO) reports, that the food not only affects physical and mental health, but is also key to successful rehabilitation and resettlement after release of prisoners. Recognizing this, many organisations and correctional facilities are striving to create a stronger and more sustainable food system among prison populations, which totaled more than 10.35 million globally in 2016, according to the World Prison Brief.

Based on above observations, we could creatively plan to relocate our prisons outside cities. For an example, already ecologically damaged area adjacent to Wilpattu Sanctuary could be used to build an ecofriendly prison. It should be designed with qualified Landscape Architects specialized in designing ecofriendly prisons as adapted in other countries. Those projects should be a joint effort with prisoners because the prisoners themselves should also become the partners of the project while rejuvenating original forest cover after project completion. While creating the forest cover, in the case of Wipattu, we could also use our traditional Chena Cultivation approaches which are now treated in developed countries as most sustainable land use method, to produce healthy foods without damaging eco systems.

By that approach, we could also transform whole prison premises to Organic Food Production Farm, managed by the prisoners themselves. This is very common in developed countries. In my view, the prisoners serving long term jails are ideal for this effort. After their release, they would definitely duplicate their experience in their residence areas rather than repeating crimes as happening now days. They also could be entitled for any profits generated from the project which takes about 5 years for completion. Income generating from farms could be deposited into the bank accounts of prisoners in order to use it after their release.

Another potential area for this intervention is Kandakadu Prison, which was an Agriculture Farm before it was transformed to a rehabilitation camp. Being located adjacent to an area with elephant population and the Beach in Batticaloa, eco-tourism hotel might be the best option for this area. Income generation from tourism is the return on investment which could be used to duplicate same concept to similar locations. Another potential area is the Right Bank area of Maduru Oya located near an Army Camp. Animal Husbandry is ideal for this area. Another potential area is Manthieu island, Batticoloa.

Capital required to invest for this type intervention could be generated by selling the urban areas currently allocated to prisons. Sri Lanka Army could be the ideal implementation agency mainly because of possible reluctances of Prison Officers to work in remote areas such as Wilpattu.

Mahinda Panapitiya

Continue Reading

Opinion

Resplendent isle in transit: The misery of getting from A to B

Published

on

Train service in Sri Lanka

For centuries, many travellers have waxed eloquent about Sri Lanka, the “Resplendent Isle.” They spoke of lush tea estates, golden shores, and a spirit of much-admired spontaneous hospitality that defined our Pearl of the Indian Ocean. But today, the residents of this isle know a different reality; one not of postcards, but of grease, grit, and the grinding misery of a transport system, virtually in terminal collapse. To move from Point A to Point B in modern Sri Lanka is no longer a simple errand; it is a “Herculean effort” of survival against a backdrop of state incompetence, private-sector thuggery, total disregard for human decency and a government that seems to have outsourced its conscience to the highest bidder.

For the millions who call this thrice-blessed island home, the daily reality of navigating it by any form of transport has become a “major catastrophe” of Dickensian proportions. To move from Point A to Point B in 2026 is no longer a simple logistical task; it is a distasteful test of human endurance, a drain on the spirit, and a gamble with one’s own safety. The current transport status of Sri Lanka is not merely “poor”, a terminology that defies even proper definition. It is a monumental systemic failure, a toxic cocktail of state negligence, private-sector extortion, and a total collapse of regulatory oversight.

The Iron Horse in Decay: A Rail Service in Tatters

At the heart of our transit woes is the state-run surface rail service. As the only transport entity exclusively handled by the government, the railways should be the backbone of our economy. Instead, they have become a testament to nonchalant and omnipresent bureaucratic apathy. The carriages, many of which look as though they have not seen a lick of paint or a structural repair since the mid-20th century, are in a state of advanced decay.

The statistics tell a grim story. Derailments have become so frequent that they are no longer headline news but a daily footnote in the lives of commuters. These “accidents” are rarely the acts of God; they are the inevitable results of poor maintenance of tracks and rolling stock. Unacceptable delays are now the standard operating procedure. A journey that should take an hour often stretches into three, leaving students, office workers, and labourers stranded on sweltering platforms while the authorities offer nothing but silence or hollow excuses. While other nations race toward high-speed travel connectivity, our “Queen of Jaffna” and “Udarata Menike” crawl through a landscape of systemic neglect.

The symptoms are visible to any commuter: rusted carriages with leaking roofs, seat upholstery that has not seen a deep clean since the 1970s, and an electrical system prone to sparks and darkness. But the issues run deeper than aesthetics. We are witnessing a terrifying frequency of derailments, often blamed on “technical faults” that are actually the predictable results of poor track maintenance and a lack of spare parts. Accidents at unprotected crossings continue to claim lives, while “unacceptable delays” have become the only predictable feature of the timetable. For the office worker in Colombo Fort or the student in Peradeniya, the train is no longer a vessel of progress; it is a gamble with time and safety.

The Bus “Mafia” and the Ransom of the Commuter

If the rail service is a ghost of a bygone era, the fee-levying bus service is a modern-day war zone. The landscape is split between the state-run Sri Lanka Transport Board (SLTB), burdened by a very poorly maintained fleet of ageing buses and a massive and aggressive fleet of private buses, which outmatch and outperform the state-run flotilla, not by efficiency but by sheer intimidation. It is absolutely crucial to note that neither serves the public. The SLTB really operates a skeletal, poorly maintained fleet that barely scratches the surface of demand. The private buses are a law unto themselves.

At the heart of the private transport sector lies an association that critics have aptly dubbed a “Mafia.” Headed by the influential figure colloquially known as “Bus G”, this association holds the entire nation’s commuters to ransom. At the drop of a hat, they can paralyse the country with “trade union action” that are little more than unsophisticated blackmail. In a telling ransom note, whenever a policy change or a fuel hike threatens their bottom line, the buses disappear from the roads. The result? Thousands of citizens are stranded in the blistering heat, watching their productivity and dignity evaporate while the “association” negotiates with a government that appears to be absolutely terrified of their political muscle.

There is a dark irony in the politics of it all. The kingpins of this “bus mafia” openly boast that they were instrumental in bringing the current political powers into office. Consequently, the government appears not just toothless, but complicit. While the public suffers, the state turns a blind eye to overcrowding, reckless driving, and the use of nasty, addictive drugs by the staff, which turns our highways into graveyards. The powers-that-be do not have the gumption to call a spade, just that, a spade, and rein in the miscreants, using the finest employment of the laws that govern this country.

The Law of the Tuk-Tuk: A Free-for-All on Three Wheels

Descending further into the chaos, we find the omnipresent three-wheeler and taxi services. Once a convenient alternative, the “Tuk-Tuk” has become a law unto itself. In a country where the cost of living is already spiralling, these unscrupulous operators have created a “free-for-all” fare system. There is no central control over rates; instead, passengers are forced to haggle or succumb to whatever arbitrary figure the driver decides upon. For those who can afford to bypass the buses, the totally inconsiderate charges of three-wheelers and private taxis offer no sanctuary. What was once a convenient last-mile solution has devolved into a predatory racket. The tuk-tuk services have become stallions of self-importance, operating without any meaningful oversight of rates or conduct.

Commuters are met with the nonchalant refusal of short-distance hires. Drivers, seeking to “make a fast buck,” prioritise long-distance hauls where they can extort exorbitant, unmetered fares. In the absence of a standardised digital fare system enforced by the state, the passenger is always the loser. The arrogance is palpable, and respect for fellow humans has been thrown out the window. These operators behave as if they own the asphalt, often claiming that their collective vote base was the kingmaker for the current political establishment. This perceived “immunity” has bred a culture of impunity where the commuter is treated as a nuisance rather than a customer.

For the elderly trying to reach a hospital or a worker trying to get home during a rainstorm, the “refusal” has become a standard, insulting rejection. The fee-levying taxi services, though slightly more professional in appearance, operate with a similar mercenary mindset, exploiting the desperation of a public that has no other choice.

The RMV Mess, the Registration Trap and the Police Ambush

For those who have attempted to escape the public transport nightmare by purchasing their own vehicles, a different kind of trap awaits. The government has allowed the mass import of private vehicles, including two-wheelers, but the Registrar of Motor Vehicles (RMV) has become a black hole of inefficiency. Delays in vehicle registration now run into several months. Despite a surge in private vehicle imports, the bureaucracy has ground to a resounding halt. Vehicle owners face “blatant delays” in registration that extend for several months, leaving them in a bureaucratic and legal limbo.

The situation is worsened by the government’s decision to halt the private-sector issuance of number plates, centralising it into a system that is currently a “total mess.” Tens of thousands of vehicles are forced to ply the roads displaying only engine and chassis numbers, a temporary measure born of necessity. Yet for all that, and totally against even a minuscule iota of any consideration, the Police Department seems to have missed the memo and become a set of hungry predators. Officers wait in ambush, charging these owners with hefty fines for being on the road without official number plates; plates that the state itself has failed to provide. It is an avaricious cycle, where the state fails to register your car or motorcycle, and then the state’s law enforcement arm punishes you for that very failure. Rather than focusing on the blatantly reckless bus drivers or the lawless Tuk-Tuks, Police Officers wait in ensnarement to pounce on these “unregistered” vehicles. Even when owners produce documents proving the delay lies entirely with the RMV, they are charged and fined. The message is clear: the citizen must pay for the government’s failure.

The Prohibitive Cost of Mobility

Overseeing all of this is the crushing weight of fuel prices. The government continues to raise the cost of petrol and diesel with scant regard for the downstream consequences. These so-called “cost-reflective” adjustments may look good on a balance sheet in Washington or at the International Monetary Fund, but on the ground in Colombo and Kandy, they are prohibitive. Every hike in fuel prices triggers a “ripple effect” that raises the price of bread, vegetables, and, of course, the very transport that people use to get to work to pay for those goods.

Finally, a Nation at a Standstill

The transport crisis is not just a logistical problem; it is a moral one of utter social degradation. It reflects on a government that has abandoned its primary duty: to provide the infrastructure for a functioning society. We are living on a “glorious isle” where the beauty of the landscape is now obscured by the soot of a broken bus and the stress of an uncertain commute. Going from Point A to Point B has become a major travail of unbelievable misery.

Overseeing this chaos is a government that views the fuel pump as an Automated Teller Machine (ATM). The cost of all fuel types, from petrol to the diesel that powers the nation’s mobility has reached “absolutely prohibitive” levels. With scant regard for the domino effect on the cost of living, the authorities and the powers-that-be continue to raise prices, fuelling a major catastrophe of economic inflation.

For the average Sri Lankan, the “travail of unbelievable misery” is now constant. We are a nation on the move, but we are moving towards a cliff from which we are likely to fall into an abyss of no return. Until the transport sector is stripped of its political “protectors” and returned to the service of the people, this “Resplendent Isle” will remain a beautiful prison for those trying to get from Point A to Point B.

If the current administration continues to protect the infamous “mafias”, ignore the decay of the rails, and profit from the administrative chaos of the RMV, and totally fail to get their act together, they are not failing just the transport sector; they are in fact failing the very heart of the nation for sure. Our Motherland, Sri Lanka, deserves a whole lot better than a state of an ever-present and unending transit catastrophe. All the rhetoric about a rich country and a beautiful life that was promulgated in the not-too-distant past remains only as unbelievable wishful thinking.

By an Aficionado

Continue Reading

Opinion

Why do many Sri Lankan students become school dropouts?

Published

on

Education is widely recognised as the foundation of a country’s development. In Sri Lanka, free education has provided generations of children with the opportunity to attend school regardless of their economic background. Despite these advantages, many students still leave school before completing their education. School dropout is a significant social issue because it affects not only the lives of young people but also the country’s economic and social progress. Understanding the reasons behind school dropout is essential for finding effective solutions.

One of the main reasons students leave school is financial hardship. Although education in Sri Lanka is free, families still have to spend money on uniforms, stationery, transportation, private tuition, and other school-related expenses. For low-income families, these costs can be difficult to manage. Some students are forced to work to support their families instead of continuing their education. In rural areas especially, children may help with farming, fishing, or family businesses, reducing the time and motivation they have for school.

Another important factor is academic pressure. Sri Lanka’s education system is highly competitive, especially because of major examinations such as the Grade Five Scholarship Examination, the G.C.E. Ordinary Level, and the G.C.E. Advanced Level. Many students feel stressed by the heavy workload and the pressure to achieve high marks. Those who struggle academically may lose confidence and believe they have little chance of success. As a result, some choose to leave school rather than continue facing disappointment and failure.

Family problems also contribute significantly to school dropout rates. Children who experience divorce, domestic violence, alcoholism, or the loss of a parent often face emotional and financial difficulties. Some students become responsible for caring for younger siblings or elderly family members. Without proper support, balancing family responsibilities with education becomes extremely challenging. In such situations, education may become a lower priority.

Another reason is the lack of interest in traditional classroom learning. Every student has different talents and learning styles. However, the education system often focuses mainly on academic achievement rather than practical or vocational skills. Students who are gifted in sports, arts, technology, or technical work may not feel motivated in a classroom that emphasises examinations and textbook learning. Without opportunities to develop their unique abilities, some students become bored and eventually stop attending school.

Bullying and mental health issues are also important causes of school dropout. Some students experience bullying because of their appearance, disability, ethnicity, language, or family background. Others suffer from anxiety, depression, or low self-esteem but do not receive the counseling they need. When students feel unsafe or unwelcome at school, they may begin missing classes and eventually leave school altogether. Schools that lack proper counseling services may struggle to identify and support these vulnerable students.

In some parts of Sri Lanka, long travel distances and transportation difficulties discourage students from attending school regularly. Rural students often travel several kilometers every day, sometimes on foot or using unreliable public transport. During the rainy season, flooded roads and poor infrastructure make travel even more difficult. Frequent absenteeism caused by transportation challenges may eventually lead students to drop out.

For some girls, early marriage and teenage pregnancy become barriers to continuing education. Although these cases are less common than in some other countries, they still affect certain communities. Young mothers often find it difficult to balance childcare with school responsibilities. Social stigma and limited support can further reduce their chances of returning to education.

The COVID-19 pandemic also increased the number of students at risk of dropping out. During school closures, many families lacked internet access, smartphones, computers, or stable electricity for online learning. Students from disadvantaged backgrounds fell behind in their studies, and some never returned to school after classes resumed. The pandemic highlighted inequalities in access to education across the country.

The consequences of school dropout are serious. Students who leave school early often have fewer employment opportunities and may earn lower incomes throughout their lives. They are more likely to experience poverty, unemployment, and social exclusion. School dropout can also contribute to higher crime rates, child labor, and poor health outcomes. For the country, losing educated young people means a less skilled workforce and slower national development.

Several solutions can help reduce school dropout rates in Sri Lanka. The government can strengthen financial assistance for low-income families through scholarships, school meal programmes, and transportation support. Schools should provide counseling services to address mental health concerns and prevent bullying. Teachers can receive training to identify students who are at risk of dropping out and provide timely support. Expanding vocational education and technical training would also give students more opportunities to pursue careers that match their interests and abilities. Finally, parents, schools, communities, and government agencies should work together to encourage regular school attendance and create a supportive learning environment.

In conclusion, school dropout is a complex issue caused by economic difficulties, academic pressure, family problems, mental health challenges, transportation issues, and limited educational opportunities. Although Sri Lanka has made remarkable progress in providing free education, ensuring that every child completes their schooling requires continued effort from all sectors of society. By addressing the root causes of school dropout and supporting vulnerable students, Sri Lanka can build a more educated, skilled, and prosperous future for the next generation.

Saumya Aloysius

saumyaaloysius@gmail.com

Continue Reading

Trending