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State Engineering Corporation under Kulasinghe and the lead-up to an amusing incident

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In the period 1969/71, the Research & Development section of the State Engineering Corporation (SEC) comprised of five senior engineers, four of whom had graduated from the Faculty of Engineering of the University of Ceylon (Efac) with First Class honours. The four were the crème de la crème, academically, and subsequent recipients of government scholarships to reputed research universities in the West, returning to Ceylon with their newly acquired doctorates (PhD). The fifth was a civil engineer who had obtained his first qualification as a Junior Technical Officer at Katubedde/Maradana Technical Colleges, followed by a first degree in England and subsequently a doctorate.

All five were in their early 30s, young, enthusiastic, energetic, raring to go and eager to contribute. All had been handpicked by the Chairman of SEC, ANS Kulasinghe, and were designated either as Assistant Chief Engineer (ACE) or as Senior Engineer (SE).

This episode leads up to the circumstances that led a youngster just out of the University (myself), to attend a high-powered round-table conference in the company of a Minister, two Permanent Secretaries, an Assistant Secretary and the Chairman of a State Corporation. EFac at the time was the only engineering faculty with the newly formed Katubedde University producing their first graduate in 1972.

The two ACEs from EFac were Dr Nath Amerakone and Dr Brahman Sivaprakasapillai, heading up the Civil and Mechanical sections respectively. The two SEs from EFac were, Dr David Gunasekera and Dr Kamal Nathan. Even though it was at the beginning of my career, I shared a common bond with these four, being a product of the EFac. The ‘outsider’ was Dr Dayantha Wijeyesekera, also designated as a SE.

All six of us were located at desks in the open plan office of Level Four of the SEC Headquarters . I reported directly to Brahman. Incidentally, the first woman engineer produced by EFac and in Ceylon was Brahman’s sister, Dr Premila, who also graduated with First Class honours from the EFac and subsequently obtaining her PhD. I felt quite an intruder in this distinguished company, having scraped the bottom of the academic barrel and graduated without a ‘Class’. You could say that I developed a sort of ‘class consciousness’ at SEC.

Kulasinghe was an engineer par excellence with immense self-confidence in his technical abilities. He was willing to recruit and then set challenges to young professionals, enabling them to learn and grow. Though small in stature, Kulasinghe was a giant in his field. He was the Chairman of an organization employing more than 100 engineers and technical officers spread across many construction sites. SEC Headquarters was a high-rise building on General’s Lake Road, and located opposite Bishop’s College.

The date of the impending general election, May 22, 1970, was announced in March the same year. Nath, very openly, and presumably sensing the change in the political winds, nailed his colours to the mast of the opposition. The opposition was the Leftist Coalition and he became an advisor to a prominent Member of Parliament (MP) representing the multi-member seat of Colombo Central electorate.

A government servant could not take sides during an election as the law forbade such action. However, State Corporations being semi government did not come under the Public Service Act. The main difference being the retirement benefits. Government jobs were pensionable and came under the jurisdiction of the Public Service Commission (PSC). An employee of a State Corporation did not come under the PSC and such jobs did not carry a monthly pension post- retirement. Instead a lump sum was paid as the Provident Fund on retirement.

Thus, Nath was able to exploit this loophole of working in a ‘quasi government organisation” and dabble in politics, whilst still being employed at SEC. Although it was not strictly against the rules for an employee of a State Corporation to align openly with a political party, prudence would suggest otherwise. Nath, however, threw caution to the winds and announced his loyalty to the C coalition which was tipped to win the election. Many assumed that he could take the risk of losing his job because his wife came from a wealthy family.

Pieter Keuneman was the deputy leader of the Communist Party, and welcomed the intellectual contribution of Nath, who had the added attributes of hard work and good campaign management. Along with the other leftist party (LSSP) and the centrist SLFP, the Communist Party entered into a coalition agreement to form a united front against the ruling UNP at that election the coalition won in a landslide.

The prestigious position of Permanent Secretary to a Ministry was the crowning achievement to which all government servants aspired; these top posts were traditionally reserved for those in the exclusive Ceylon Civil Service (CCS).

Keuneman was re-elected as a Member of Parliament for the multi-member Colombo Central seat and was appointed the Minister of Housing and Construction in Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike’s Cabinet. Nath was rewarded. He became the Permanent Secretary of the Keuneman Ministry. He and the then head of the Highways Department, M Chandrasena, became the first engineers to be appointed as Permanent Secretaries in Ceylon and both were outside CCS.

Recruitment to the Ceylon Civil Service (CCS) was based on a competitive exam open to university graduates with first class honours in any discipline, and under 25 years in age. Only the top performing eight (occasionally 10) were selected into the CCS each year. They were considered as true intellectuals because the exam was on wide-ranging social and philosophical topics, requiring scholarly knowledge as well as an awareness of the world at large. When they were eventually promoted as Permanent Secretaries to ministers, they were expected to guide the people’s representatives in the executive branch in running the country. They were not technical specialists but had to understand and acquire good governance skills. Nearly all did, but they also became an exclusive club, suspicious of anyone outside their circle who were striving to get in.

Sirimavo also appointed a medical practitioner, Dr. CS Weeratunge, two professors from the University, Dr H A de S Gunasekera and Dr Premadasa Udagama, and a lawyer, Nihal Jayawickrema, as Permanent Secretaries. The positions up to that time were reserved for career public servants and the appointments did not go down well with the upper echelons of the Civil Service. There were only three exceptions prior to 1970, with the eminent economist Dr Gamini Corea and the advertising guru, Anandatissa de Alwis being brought in mid-term as Permanent Secretaries by the previous regime of Prime Minister, Dudley Senanayake.

The first ever non-CCS appointment was Sydney de Zoysa, a Deputy Inspector General of the Police, appointed as Permanent Secretary of Internal Security during the short interim prime ministership of W. Dahanayake in 1959, after the assassination of SWRD Bandaranaike, Sirimavo’s husband.

Kulasinghe’s perks of office as the Chairman included an official vehicle, a majestic blue ‘Ford Galaxy’ equipped with wireless communication: principally, a Very High Frequency (VHF) radio phone with an aerial protruding from the car roof, to aid reception. Kulasinghe could be seen being chauffeured around the sites, from about 7 am, and if you were close to the car you could see him seated imperiously in the rear. He maintained regular contact with SEC construction sites on the VHF. In the days before internet and mobile phones, this was a utility of great novelty.

There were officers who eagerly awaited calls from the Chairman, not for its practical value but as validation of their significance to the Chairman: a call over the VHF inflated their egos. Being able to shout out to all and sundry that, “Chairman called me on the VHF this morning” raised their status in the eyes of staff and other subordinates. There were some engineers who hovered near the desk phone in the mornings hoping that the Chairman would call. Such a call, even if it was a berating, made their day. Those who received a rebuke would console themselves saying that, “The Chairman likes me; that is why he sounded critical.”

Kulasinghe had the ability to call a spade a spade, even with Ministers or important Members of Parliament. Such a quality did not exactly endear him to the political class on both the right and the left, especially those without any experience or education. Many believed that it was his forthrightness that prevented him from being appointed a permanent secretary in Sirimavo’s government. Perhaps his hometown Balapitiya connections, shared with CP de Silva, the prominent SLFP Minister who crossed the floor of parliament to oust Sirimavo Bandaranaike’s government over the Press Bill in 1964, did not help. CP was a senior Minister under the previous UNP regime of Dudley Senanayake.

Kulasinghe resented his erstwhile subordinate Nath becoming his de jure boss, the Permanent Secretary of the ministry that oversaw the State Engineering Corporation; sometimes these feelings came out into the open during conversations.

The highest civil service positions were essentially the enclave of graduates from the arts or western classics streams though there were a few from other disciplines like science, maths, economics and law. Of note are C Sundaralingam later a MP, who was awarded a double first in the Mathematical Tripos from Oxford and C P de Silva, a first class in mathematics from the University of London. They both passed the CCS (Ceylon Civil Service) Examination.

Studying politics and governance and reading up on Weberian theory on the ideal bureaucracy, perhaps best fitted the requirements of the CCS exam. Permanent Secretaries (PS) are answerable to Parliament on how money is allocated to a ministry, how it is spent and how government policies were implemented. In short, the PS is an ‘accountable officer’ and administrator of the ministry. Where specific technical expertise was required, the PS would source them to get the job done. In a nutshell, he was like a CEO of a large corporation. In that regard, a good PS would be someone who understands philosophy and human psychology, and a good manager of a large network of diversified skills.

The procedures for promotions within the civil service under various prime ministers were set up by the civil service itself. Admittedly, the Permanent Secretaries were high calibre people, whatever their initial academic discipline. In this respect one could not fault Sirimavo’s new appointees.

Civil service ‘plum jobs’ in the UK went mainly to Oxford and Cambridge graduates. In Ceylon, these jobs went to the CCS, again a coterie of high calibre graduates mainly from the University of Ceylon. The popular satire “Yes, Minister” and “Yes, Prime Minister” amply demonstrated the power of civil servants to confuse the politicians with labyrinthine administrative processes. In general, the quality of politicians was so poor that the ‘intellectually superior’ permanent secretary could run circles around them.

Readers may remember the episode in Yes Minister of a newly built hospital that had 1.300 civil servants and nil patients! Sir Humphrey Appleby, the Permanent Secretary, when questioned about the absence of doctors, glibly informs the Minister that, “The main purpose of a hospital is in administration, not in treating patients.” Laconically, this episode was named “Jobs for the boys”.

I remember the Daily News columnist Rhoda Miller de Silva, an American married to a Ceylonese, praising Sirimavo’s courage for the ground-breaking appointments and infusion of talented professionals to the coveted positions of permanent secretaries and assistant secretaries. Rhoda, a radical leftist, was deported by the UNP government in the 1950s, some say at the instigation of the American Ambassador. Perhaps Rhoda wanted to get her own back on the upper echelons in the Civil Service, who deported her.

(Next week – “How I was mistaken for a peon”)

(Excerpted from an anthology of memoirs by Nihal Kodituwakku)



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Dilemmas of ‘hurting economies’ – the case of Sri Lanka

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Dr. Ganeshan Wignaraja (right) and Ambassador (Retd) Ravinatha Aryasinha.

Maldives President Dr. Mohamed Muizzu was in Sri Lanka recently on what was apparently a goodwill visit and this event, no doubt, bodes very well for Maldives-Sri Lanka relations. Besides, the visit would go some distance in strengthening Sri Lanka’s claims to Non-Alignment.

However, the commentator on regional politics could be accused of simplistic thinking if he/she glosses over or ignores the regional politics nuances or undertones of the Maldivian President’s visit. In Sri Lanka we currently have a government which is eager to solidify its bridges, so to speak, with China and which, given the chance, would be courting increasingly close relations with Russia. In other words, the NPP government is likely to see itself as a ‘natural ally’ of the East and would prefer to distance itself to the extent possible from the West, if that is a realistic proposition.

Given the foregoing backdrop, it would be in some of the NPP regime’s best interests to be on cordial terms with the Maldives which is a close ally of China in the South Asian region. However, the NPP government, given the utter financial helplessness of Sri Lanka, cannot afford to distance itself politically and diplomatically from India and the West. Sheer economic necessity compels Sri Lanka to adopt this foreign policy stance. In other words, the latter has no choice but to be ‘Non-Aligned.’

This columnist was led to the above observations on listening to a lucid and comprehensive presentation titled, ‘A Global Economy in the Shadow of the Iran War and implications for Sri Lanka’s debt recovery’, by Dr. Ganeshan Wignaraja, Visiting Senior Fellow, ODI Global London, at the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies (RCSS), Colombo on May 4th. The forum, RCSS Strategic Dialogue – 4, was moderated and presided over by RCSS Executive Director Ambassador (retd) Ravinatha Aryasinha.

The forum brought together a wide cross section of society, including diplomatic personnel, academicians, public and private sector personalities and the media. After the presentation a very lively and informative Q&A followed.

Ambassador Aryasinha at the outset set an appropriate backdrop to the presentation and discussion by stressing ‘the increasing interconnectedness of geopolitical and economic developments, noting how disruptions in the Middle East could have significant ramifications for global markets, trade flows, energy prices and broader economic stability, including Sri Lanka.’

Indeed, there are occurring currently very disruptive economic and material consequences for the world from ‘the Iran War’, and with US-Iran hostilities spiraling in West Asia it may not be wrong to surmise that the worst could be yet to come, unless a peace process materializes in earnest.

Meanwhile, ‘hurting countries’ such as Sri Lanka would need to summon their best economic management capabilities to remain materially and economically afloat. ‘Economic transformation’ is what is urgently needed and not mere management and some of the insights thrown up by Dr. Ganeshan Wignaraja should have the local polity thinking.

There was the following observation, for instance: ‘Sri Lanka has achieved remarkable cyclical stabilization but faces critical challenges in transitioning to transformative growth, with 2027-2028 debt repayments looming and only $5.4 billion usable reserves.’

Needless to say, the path ahead to ‘transformative growth’ for Sri Lanka is strewn with multiple challenges and meeting them effectively is of the first importance. Sri Lanka must soldier on towards even a semblance of development in the short and medium terms and such initiatives cannot be separated from its foreign policy choices since the country’s economic partners and their growth prowess have a close bearing on the country’s material fortunes.

As mentioned, Sri Lanka will be compelled to be ‘a friend of all countries and an enemy of none’ going forward but it cannot afford to be seen as cultivating China as a close growth partner at the expense of India and other major economies of the region.

This is primarily because while India is remaining a major economic power, the current West Asian crisis notwithstanding, China’s economy is being seen as ‘slowing’. Dr. Wignaraja singled out the following in the main as the factors causing this slow-down: a bursting property bubble, increasing state regulation, and weakening investor confidence. Besides, the speaker sees production cycles moving away from China and India replacing China and Hong Kong as ‘manufacturing hubs’.

Accordingly, the NPP regime in Sri Lanka would need to craft its regional policy in particular with the utmost far-sightedness. It will need to have close economic links with all the growth centres that matter.

On the question of authentic economic transformation, the following observations of Dr. Wignaraja on Sri Lanka’s economy are of the first importance as well: ‘Foreign reserves are now at $ 5.4 billion, the cost of living is high, an estimated 20 per cent of the population lives below the poverty line of $ 3.65 per day, the recent cyber security breach at the Treasury would affect some 10 payments.’ These factors were termed ‘critical vulnerabilities’.

It is difficult to conceive of an economic transformation worthy of the phrase minus a steady economic empowerment of the populace. The above data point to the considerable magnitude of the local poverty problem. Right now, the disruptive effects of the West Asian crisis render swift poverty alleviation a most difficult proposition.

One possible way out of the present economic debacle is the forging of a national consensus by the present government on all outstanding problems that have been bedeviling the country’s advancement. That is, there needs to be a meeting of minds across current political divides. Considering the present inflammatory political polarities in Sri Lanka this would prove an insurmountable challenge.

Unfortunately, conscience-filled and civic minded sections in Sri Lanka have chosen to be laid back rather than seize the initiative, come centre stage and impress on politicians the need for enlightened governance and progressive change. There needs to be a historic coming together of the right thinking to ensure that the best interests of the people and of the people only are served by governments. In the absence of such a process, might would be projected as right and brute force would come to increasingly rule politics and society.

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Australia funds project to restore climate-resilient vegetable livelihoods in cyclone-affected highlands

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(L-R) D. P. Wickramasinghe, Secretary of Agriculture; Matthew Duckworth, Australian High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, K. D. Lal Kantha, Minister of Agriculture, Livestock, Lands and Irrigation, and Vimlendra Sharan, FAO Representative for Sri Lanka and the Maldives at the signing ceremony.

The Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock, Lands and Irrigation, the Government of Australia, and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) have launched of a AUD 2 million (USD 1.4 million) recovery initiative to restore and transform vegetable production systems in the cyclone-affected districts of Nuwara Eliya and Badulla.

The FAO said yesterday (5) that the agreement was formalized through the signing of the grant agreement by Matthew Duckworth, Australian High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, and Vimlendra Sharan, FAO Representative for Sri Lanka and the Maldives, alongside the signing of the project document by D. P. Wickramasinghe, Secretary of Agriculture.

Cyclone Ditwah, which struck Sri Lanka in November 2025, caused widespread devastation across the country, severely disrupting agricultural production systems and livelihoods. The highland districts of Nuwara Eliya and Badulla, key suppliers of vegetables such as beans, carrots, leeks, cabbage, tomato and potato, were among the hardest hit, with thousands of smallholder farmers losing crops, seed stocks, and productive assets.

This 12-month initiative aims torestore and strengthen climate-resilient vegetable production systems, with a strong focus on empowering women farmers and supporting persons with disabilities. The project will directly benefit more than 2,400 smallholder farmers, through improved seed and seedling production systems, small machinery, training, and market linkages while indirectly supporting thousands more.

“This initiative is an important step not only in restoring what was lost, but in building a more resilient and self-reliant agricultural sector,” said Minister Lal Kantha. “By strengthening local seed systems and supporting smallholder farmers, particularly women and vulnerable groups, we are investing in the long-term sustainability of Sri Lanka’s food systems.”

“Australia stands alongside Sri Lanka in its ongoing recovery from Cyclone Ditwah,” said High Commissioner Duckworth. “Australia is a steadfast partner in the agriculture sector with its importance for food security, rural development and climate resilience. By focusing on climate smart practices, farmer-led solutions and inclusive economic opportunities, this project will deliver meaningful and lasting benefits to affected communities.

The project will prioritize the restoration of farmer-led seed systems for beans and potatoes, support the re-establishment of both open-field and protected cultivation systems and women led seedling supply nurseries while empowering all farmers with Climate-Smart Good Agricultural Practices (CSGAP) with small scale machinery and input support.

A key feature of the initiative is the establishment of six accessible and inclusive nurseries in Nuwara Eliya and Badulla. These nurseries will serve as sustainable agri-based enterprises, producing high-quality vegetable seedlings while creating new income opportunities and strengthening local input supply chains.

By combining recovery support with long-term resilience measures, the project will help stabilize vegetable production, improve household food security and nutrition, and reduce reliance on imported seeds.

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War on Iran may hasten unraveling of New World Order

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It took several decades for the US to realise it was losing the war in Vietnam. It took a bit shorter time in Afghanistan. And what is happening in the countries the US and Israel intervened and broke up? The US has been asked to leave Iraq. Syria is talking to Russia about establishing military bases, President al-Sharaa met with Vladimir Putin in Moscow to discuss the project, which is vital for Russian power projection in the Middle East. Libya has been divided into two competing administrative units with the Eastern section actively engaged with Russia in defence matters. The Sudanese government has finalised a 25-year deal to allow a Russian naval facility in the Red Sea in exchange for weapons, including anti-aircraft systems. On the Eastern side of the Red Sea, Yemen remains divided, with the main power center, the Houthis maintaining a staunchly anti-US, anti-Israel stance, while the internationally recognised government remains in exile.

When the Iranian Foreign Minister recently undertook a tour of Pakistan, Oman and Russia, the US wanted to meet him and got ready to send its negotiators Vice President J. D. Vance and his team to Pakistan, but Iranian FM snubbed them and left Pakistan, saying Iran did not want to talk to the US while a blockade of their ports were in place. The Iranian FM met President Putin, who congratulated Iran for courageously defending their country and then phoned US President Trump and told him further attacks on Iran would not be acceptable. During this conversation on April 27, 2026, Putin reportedly warned Trump that further U.S. or Israeli attacks on Iran would have dangerous consequences, according to Al Jazeera). Such a sequence of events would not have been possible in the unipolar world we had in the past.

Furthermore, the damage that Iran has inflicted on the US and Israel in this war would have been unimaginable in the late 20th Century and early 21st Century. Sixteen US military bases spread across Saudi Arabia, Qatar, UAE, Bahrain, Kuwait, Iraq, Jordan and Oman have been either destroyed or severely damaged. Advanced surveillance aircraft and radar systems worth more than $ 2.8 bn were destroyed. This had a far-reaching effect on the war as the US could not use these bases in the war against Iran and also in the defence of its allies in the Gulf.

The attacks on Israel have been equally damaging. In  Central Israel and Tel Aviv area multiple attacks targeted military and intelligence assets, resulting in massive damage. Iranian missiles hit the Haifa oil refinery, causing a shutdown, and hit residential buildings, leading to injuries and structural damage. Residential and commercial areas were damaged in Bat Yam and Petah Tikva with significant casualties and destruction. Attacks in Dimona and Arad targeted the Negev Nuclear Research Center, with casualties reported in both towns. The Soroka Medical Center in Beersheba was hit in a strike. The strategic port and naval base in Eilat were targeted. In Rishon LeZion suburban residential areas suffered extensive damage.

Usually, Israel makes short work of its many enemies in the region, for example it took just six days to defeat the combined military of Egypt, Jordan and Syria in 1967 and grab their land as well. Hamas, Fatah and Palestinians would suffer ignominious defeats if they dare challenge Israel. However, the recent war against Hamas, following a daring wide scale invasion into Israel by Hamas in October 2023, went on for more than two years with no conclusive victory for Israel.

These significant massive military setbacks suffered by the combined forces of the US and Israel have been made possible by the unprecedented advancement in military technology achieved mainly by China and to a degree by Russia as well. Iran has been able to develop ballistic missile systems that could penetrate the “iron dome” that Israel boasted, with technological assistance from China and North Korea. Iran’s drones are very cheap yet very effective, requiring interceptors worth millions of dollars to counter them, thus making it much more costly for the US to fight this war than it is for Iran.

Further, Hezbollah in Lebanon, Houthies in Yemen and Hamas in Palestine are well equipped with advanced missiles and drones. Hezbollah has been able to destroy about hundred Israel tanks and stop their advance. According to Larry Johnson, former CIA intelligence analyst, Israel soldiers are much war weary and mentally affected and are being withdrawn. Netanyahu’s 40 year dream of a “Greater Israel” is telling on the poor soldiers.

If a person like Barack Obama had been the US President instead of the hyper egoistic, blustering, intellectually barren Trump, things may have been different. An attempt would have been made to reconcile with the fact that the world is changing, instead of trying to stop it and make “America Great Again”.  Perhaps, it could be said that Trump is facilitating the emergence of the new world order by enabling the US citizens to see the reality, the futility of war and the fact that Israel is a liability because the US is fighting its war. Further, the war has enabled Iran to assert its place in the region and negotiate from a position of strength.

Perhaps, Israeli people may realise that the Palestine problem cannot be solved by militarily occupying their land, and that in a changing world a “Greater Israel” is a “pie in the sky”. They may have to agree to a two-state solution. US support may not always be forthcoming, certainly not at the level that Trump could extend, as this war is very unpopular and expensive. The other very significant fact is that Israeli settlers in the occupied lands feel insecure and one in three wants to leave and the numbers may grow when Palestinians and their sympathisers grow in strength in the new world order.

Moreover, the war on Iran has afforded China the opportunity to demonstrate with authority the fact that it stands for universal peace and does not tolerate illegal wars. Its message to the US conveyed its world view and its desire for peace in no uncertain terms. Trump cannot afford to disregard the Chinese position on the war on the eve of his visit to that country which may decide on future trade between the two countries as the US depends on China for several essential materials like rare earth minerals. Furthermore, China has shown that peace could be achieved by developing the economies of the underdeveloped countries irrespective of their alliances. It helps Iran as well as Saudi Arabia and try to build bridges between these foes. It welcomes Trump in the coming weeks and hopes to strengthen ties between the two countries despite the weaknesses of the latter.

Another important factor is the gradual decline of the critical value of the petro-dollar. Following the end of the gold standard in 1971, the US struck deals with Saudi Arabia and other OPEC nations (around 1974) to price oil exclusively in USD in exchange for military protection and arms sales. Dollars earned by selling oil came to be known as petro-dollar. Oil producers, holding large dollar surpluses, reinvest these funds in the US Treasury securities, real estate, and financial assets ensuring the recycling of petro-dollars. The system ensures a consistent global demand for US dollars, which helps fund the US budget deficit and maintains the currency’s dominance.

However, the petro-dollar system is on the decline and there are two main reasons for this, firstly the gradual rise of the new world order with organisations like BRICS, making a concerted effort to extricate from the dollar dominance by developing alternate currencies and methods to bypass the dollar. Secondly, the need felt by most countries to develop alternative energy sources to replace enormously harmful fossil fuel would eventually result in a decline in the demand for it and consequently the effectiveness of the petro-dollar. China is leading the world in both these endeavours; depolarisation process and renewable energy production. The war on Iran seems to have hastened the process of depolarisation as Iran insists that it will sell its oil for yuan only.

These revolutionary changes in the aftermath of the Iran war have their undeniable implications for the Global South, where more than 60% of the poor live.

by  N. A. de S. Amaratunga

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