Features

Some British judges and experiences in outstation courts

Published

3 years ago

2023/03/19

Thilina Walpola

Sir Sydney Abrahams

Excerpted from the Memoirs of Cabinet Secretary BP Peiris

Sir Sydney Abrahams, Chief Justice, who had succeeded MacDonnell, said that on behalf of the little band of brothers of which he was proud to be the captain, he wished to tell his eldest brother how much they would miss him, how much they loved him and how much they admired him. Poyser left to assume duties as the Chief Justice of the Straits Settlements.

Of Abrahams, I know very little because, shortly after his assumption of office, I left the Bar for Legal Drafting. I do know that he insisted that R. V. Perera should take silk and should take his oaths wearing the Chief’s silk gown. I believe Abrahams left after some displeasure with the Government following the famous Bracegirdle case.

I must now speak of the few occasions on which I appeared in our outstation courts. I have mentioned how I came to be in my uncle Jayawickrama’s house at Matara on the day before a rape case in which I was his junior. The Magistrate was a man who was puffed up with his own pride, thought a great deal about his own self, used unjudicial language from the Bench and could be nasty to anyone, including senior members of his Bar.

My uncle told me that in his 30 years at the Bar, he had not had a “breeze” with the Bench, and had accordingly, during the whole of that Magistrate’s three year term as judge in the town, consistently refused to accept briefs in his court. He asked me to appear in court the next day and also give his own appearance. I was in court with my barrister’s blue bag on which were marked my initials. I was happy to meet three colleagues from the Law Library who had set up in practice there – R. H. E. de Silva, A. F. Wijemanne and Fred Alles.

An excise case, having been called before mine, the Excise Inspector got into the box and made his complaint to the effect that he had arrested the accused woman for being in possession of illicit toddy. The pot of toddy was produced in court. The judge listened to the Inspector’s evidence without putting pen to paper. He then told “the Inspector to clear out of court without wasting his time. He asked the Inspector to put his time to better use without harassing poor innocent women. He then called the woman and asked her to take her pot away which she proceeded to do.

She was then called back and asked why she removed the pot if it was not her’s. Receiving no reply, the judge fined her two rupees. Up. to now, the judge had. recorded no evidences, and, I asked Wijemanne about this new procedure. I was told that the judge often acted in this manner. He would record a summary of the Inspector’s evidence and add, “Accused pleads guilty – fined two rupees”. The senior proctors did not dare to file a petition of appeal. In order to avoid incurring the displeasure of the judge, they paid a junior a fee for his signature on the petition.

The next case was one of Wije’s which was down for legal argument. When he had developed his argument and started to quote a judgment of the Supreme Court, reported in the New Law Reports, the pompous man on the bench interposed “Don’t bother to cite Supreme Court law to me. I gave a judgment to the same effect some time ago, and I prefer to follow mine.” There was a sharp interchange of words on this between judge and advocate. Wije, at that time, had that youthful short temper. My recollection is that he packed up his books and left the court without completing his submissions.

With this introduction to a type of Magistrate I had not met before, my case was called. I informed the court that Mr Jayawickrama appeared with me for the accused. “Who? Our Sylvester?” asked the judge, and continued “He never appears in my court. I should like to have him in my court. I will give you a date. What’s your name?” Now, this last question is one which a judge never puts to counsel in keeping with the etiquette of the Bar, the assumption being that the most junior advocate is well known to the judiciary of the country.

Normally counsel appearing for the first time in a strange court hands a chit with his name well in advance to the Secretary of the court and this chit is discreetly passed to the Bench when his case is called. To the question what my name was, I said “B. P. Peiris”. The judge apparently did not hear and, cupping his hand to his ear, kept repeating “D. P. ?” I turned my blue bag with my initials towards him. He looked at it, was obviously annoyed, but nodded.

He again asked me to take a date to allow Mr Jayawickrama to appear, but I protested, saying that the clients had been put to a deal of expense and that I was ready to go on with the trial. The Prosecution was therefore asked to lead evidence. The first witness was the Government Medical Officer who had examined the twelve year old girl who had been raped. The girl’s mother, a good-looking woman, was in the employ of the next witness, another doctor, who was a cousin of the judge.

When this witness, to whom the first complaint had been made, was in the box, the judge asked him “May I know, Doctor, in what capacity the girl’s mother is employed under you”. “As the ayah to my children,” answered the witness. Said the judge “I will put that down on the record, Doctor, to make the position quite clear.” After the evidence of the two doctors the judge forced a date on me and I had to submit. I did not appear on the next date; nor did my uncle. He probably asked the proctor to carry on. The judge “retired” a few years later to resume his practice at the Bar.

I appeared, some months later, before an equally arrogant man who was Magistrate at Gampola. My father’s brother, a poor man, was trying to eject a tenant, after due notice, from a small tea land which he owned. I was appearing pro deo. Having no car, I went to Gampola by train. The proctor for the tenant was E. G. Jonklass who came to court accompanied by two labourers carrying suitcases, said to contain law books, on their heads. My proctor asked me not to be nervous; the suitcases were there everyday but they had never been opened.

Jonklass obtained seven postponements in all. I was then compelled to tell the judge that I was determined to see the case to its conclusion and asked for a short date. He fixed a day three days later and said he would take the case up on that day even in the absence of Mr Jonklass. I wasted three days on each trial date, one to go up by train, one for the trial and one to come down; and the judge knew it. I said I would have to stay in the town. He said “Well, stay here, its a nice town; have a look round the place.”

In the evening, I paid a courtesy call on him with no intention at all of discussing the case. We were both advocates and I saw nothing improper in it. A very interesting conversation, over whisky found the time passing quickly. It was 9 p.m. and I stood up to leave. The judge said, in parting, “Peiris, I hate that fellow Jonklass; he had all the Civil Service judges in his pocket with his big house, his tennis court and his bridge parties. He can’t have me. I’ll give you judgment but I am weak on the civil law. Direct me.”

‘What ho!’ I thought, I was a bloody fool to have come. But, having come, what was I to do? Tell Jonklass? Tell my proctor and throw up the brief? Was it the judge speaking, or the whisky? My mind was confused as I walked away fulminating. In the end, I decided to lie doggo, take Sandara’s advice, and go into court with an open mind. In court the next day, it was smooth sailing at about five knots. I was asked to submit my argument at dictation speed and every word was taken down. The judgment was so strongly in my favour that even the appeal court could not upset it. Here, I felt, was another unjudicial judge. He also “retired” prematurely and started practising in another outstation.

T. F. C. Roberts, my good friend, took up his first judicial appointment as Magistrate of my home town, Panadura, and as friends, we visited each other frequently. Naturally, I did not expect him, by reason of our friendship, to extend to me the slightest preferential treatment if I had occasion to appear in his court. I did appear once, again pro deo, and had to call a number of witnesses to prove that my client, who was charged with theft was, at the time of the alleged offence, several miles away from the scene of the offence.

Although, at this time I was living at Panadura, I was considered as “Colombo Counsel” and my case was called first. The judge had a heavy roll that day and lost his temper when I had seven witnesses. “All you people seem to think, when you come here, that you are in the Supreme Court. You must remember that this is a summary trial,” to which I replied that a summary trial was not necessarily a short trial, which appeared to make him more angry. “Call them all, call them all”, he shouted at me, referring to the witnesses, and after hearing them, gave my man the maximum sentence.

Lalitha Rajapakse appeared free for my client in appeal and got him off. Fortunately, there are still honourable members of our profession who are willing to appear and who have appeared pro deo in certain circumstances for clients who are unable to pay their fees or when they are called upon to assist the court. Among these are eminent and expensive silks. But why should these gentlemen be asked to give their time and their services to save an innocent pauper who has been ordered to undergo some punishment by a judge who is peppery and impatient, or who, that morning, has had a quarrel with his wife, or whose qualities are such that he should never have become or been appointed a judge?

In another case before judge Roberts, a friend of mine, a photographer in Panadura, was charged with the theft of a Colt revolver from a British soldier who was, at that time stationed in the town. My friend had volunteered for service in the war of 1914-1918, had fought at Gallipoli and at other places in France and returned home safely with a long row of medals. In World War II, he used to entertain the British soldiers in the town lavishly in his studio. He was not the man to steal the revolver of another soldier.

Only one witness was called for the defence, my father, Gate Mudaliyar Edmund Peiris, J.P., U.M. who gave evidence as to the good character of the accused. Judge Roberts found him guilty and imposed the maximum penalty, I believe, six months jail. My friend, A. H. C. de Silva appeared for him in appeal before Dalton J. I advised my client to come to court with all his medals pinned on his breast and sit in the last row at the very back of the court. At the end of counsel’s argument, Dalton asked whether the accused was present in court and, to a reply in the affirmative, said “Let him stand up”. He studied the man’s medals for some time, he probably recognized them, and dictated a judgment returning the case to the Magistrate for the imposition of a nominal fine of one rupee.

In concluding this Chapter, I must refer to the three bits of advice which B. F. de Silva gave me at the beginning of my career as an advocate: about reading the New Law Reports – I did that assiduously, indexing every case.

About not appearing for less than one guinea, I have a story. A proctor friend of mine asked me to come to the Court of Requests instead of wasting my time in the Appeal Courts and promised to give me all his work and that of a friend of his provided I showed my bona fides by just sitting in this crowded court for two weeks. After two weeks, I told him I had done so and he immediately gave me a brief for the next day. Inside the brief was a five-rupee note. I asked him what the money was for and was told that it was my fee. I told him that my fee was one guinea and was rebuked for standing on my dignity. I was asked why I should be paid a guinea when he was able to retain the then most senior advocate practising in that court for the same fee. I handed the brief back and never entered the Court of Requests thereafter.

About never signing a proctor’s receipt for more than the actual fee paid, I have, again, a story. I had been retained as junior to a silk and had been paid the usual guinea but had not been given a brief, with the result that I did not know what the case was about. We were for the respondents and were not called upon to speak. In due course, the proctor brought the bill of costs for my signature “Fee paid to Mr Advocate B. P. Peiris. 3 Guas”. I said I was paid only one guinea and would sign for that.

Then came the bargaining as if I was buying half a pound of brinjals off a basket-woman. “These are hard days, Mr Peiris, I’ll give you another guinea and you sign for three. We’ll split the difference.” I told him that if he gave me another guinea, I would sign for two. I did not get the other guinea. I signed for one, and I never got another brief from that proctor again. B. F., that honest and upright man, must have known all about the dishonesty in the profession and the tricks of the trade.

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Features

The US-China rivalry and challenges facing the South

Published

6 hours ago

2025/12/11

Sahan Weerasooriya

Prof. Neil DeVotta making his presentation at the RCSS.

The US-China rivalry could be said to make-up the ‘stuff and substance’ of world politics today but rarely does the international politics watcher and student of the global South in particular get the opportunity of having a balanced and comprehensive evaluation of this crucial relationship. But such a balanced assessment is vitally instrumental in making sense of current world power relations.

Thanks to the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies (RCSS), Colombo the above window of opportunity was opened on December 8th for those sections of the public zealously pursuing an understanding of current issues in global politics. The knowledge came via a forum that was conducted at the RCSS titled, ‘The US-China Rivalry and Implications for the Indo-Pacific’, where Professor Neil DeVotta of the Wake Forest University of North Carolina in the US, featured as the speaker.

A widely representative audience was present at the forum, including senior public servants, the diplomatic corps, academics, heads of civil society organizations, senior armed forces personnel and the media. The event was ably managed by the Executive Director of the RCSS, retired ambassador Ravinatha Aryasinha. Following the main presentation a lively Q&A session followed, where many a point of interest was aired and discussed.

While there is no doubt that China is fast catching up with the US with regard to particularly military, economic, scientific and technological capability, Prof. DeVotta helped to balance this standard projection of ‘China’s steady rise’ by pointing to some vital facts about China, the omission of which would amount to the observer having a somewhat uninformed perception of global political realities.

The following are some of the facts about contemporary China that were highlighted by Prof. DeVotta:

* Money is steadily moving out of China and the latter’ s economy is slowing down. In fact the country is in a ‘ Middle Income Trap’. That is, it has reached middle income status but has failed to move to upper income status since then.

* People in marked numbers are moving out of China. It is perhaps little known that some Chinese are seeking to enter the US with a view to living there. The fact is that China’s population too is on the decline.

* Although the private sector is operative in China, there has been an increase in Parastatals; that is, commercial organizations run by the state are also very much in the fore. In fact private enterprises have begun to have ruling Communist Party cells in them.

* China is at its ‘peak power’ but this fact may compel it to act ‘aggressively’ in the international sphere. For instance, it may be compelled to invade Taiwan.

* A Hard Authoritarianism could be said to characterize central power in China today, whereas the expectation in some quarters is that it would shift to a Soft Authoritarian system, as is the case in Singapore.

* China’s influence in the West is greater than it has ever been.

The speaker was equally revelatory about the US today. Just a few of these observations are:

* The US is in a ‘Unipolar Moment’. That is, it is the world’s prime power. Such positions are usually not longstanding but in the case of the US this position has been enjoyed by it for quite a while.

* China is seen by the US as a ‘Revisionist Power’ as opposed to being a ‘Status Quo Power.’ That is China is for changing the world system slowly.

* The US in its latest national security strategy is paying little attention to Soft Power as opposed to Hard Power.

* In terms of this strategy the US would not allow any single country to dominate the Asia-Pacific region.

* The overall tone of this strategy is that the US should step back and allow regional powers to play a greater role in international politics.

* The strategy also holds that the US must improve economic ties with India, but there is very little mention of China in the plan.

Given these observations on the current international situation, a matter of the foremost importance for the economically weakest countries of the South is to figure out how best they could survive materially within it. Today there is no cohesive and vibrant collective organization that could work towards the best interests of the developing world and Dr. DeVotta was more or less correct when he said that the Non-alignment Movement (NAM) has declined.

However, this columnist is of the view that rather being a spent force, NAM was allowed to die out by the South. NAM as an idea could never become extinct as long as economic and material inequalities between North and South exist. Needless to say, this situation is remaining unchanged since the eighties when NAM allowed itself to be a non-entity so to speak in world affairs.

The majority of Southern countries did not do themselves any good by uncritically embracing the ‘market economy’ as a panacea for their ills. As has been proved, this growth paradigm only aggravated the South’s development ills, except for a few states within its fold.

Considering that the US would be preferring regional powers to play a more prominent role in the international economy and given the US’ preference to be a close ally of India, the weakest of the South need to look into the possibility of tying up closely with India and giving the latter a substantive role in advocating the South’s best interests in the councils of the world.

To enable this to happen the South needs to ‘get organized’ once again. The main differences between the past and the present with regard to Southern affairs is that in the past the South had outstanding leaders, such as Jawaharlal Nehru of India, who could doughtily stand up for it. As far as this columnist could ascertain, it is the lack of exceptional leaders that in the main led to the decline of NAM and other South-centred organizations.

Accordingly, an urgent task for the South is to enable the coming into being of exceptional leaders who could work untiringly towards the realization of its just needs, such as economic equity. Meanwhile, Southern countries would do well to, indeed, follow the principles of NAM and relate cordially with all the major powers so as to realizing their best interests.

Features

Sri Lanka and Global Climate Emergency: Lessons of Cyclone Ditwah

Published

6 hours ago

2025/12/11

Sahan Weerasooriya

Floods caused by Cyclone Ditwah. (Image courtesy Vanni Hope)

Tropical Cyclone Ditwah, which made landfall in Sri Lanka on 28 November 2025, is considered the country’s worst natural disaster since the deadly 2004 tsunami. It intensified the northeast monsoon, bringing torrential rainfall, massive flooding, and 215 severe landslides across seven districts. The cyclone left a trail of destruction, killing nearly 500 people, displacing over a million, destroying homes, roads, and railway lines, and disabling critical infrastructure including 4,000 transmission towers. Total economic losses are estimated at USD 6–7 billion—exceeding the country’s foreign reserves.

The Sri Lankan Armed Forces have led the relief efforts, aided by international partners including India and Pakistan. A Sri Lanka Air Force helicopter crashed in Wennappuwa, killing the pilot and injuring four others, while five Sri Lanka Navy personnel died in Chundikkulam in the north while widening waterways to mitigate flooding. The bravery and sacrifice of the Sri Lankan Armed Forces during this disaster—as in past disasters—continue to be held in high esteem by grateful Sri Lankans.

The Sri Lankan government, however, is facing intense criticism for its handling of Cyclone Ditwah, including failure to heed early warnings available since November 12, a slow and poorly coordinated response, and inadequate communication with the public. Systemic issues—underinvestment in disaster management, failure to activate protocols, bureaucratic neglect, and a lack of coordination among state institutions—are also blamed for avoidable deaths and destruction.

The causes of climate disasters such as Cyclone Ditwah go far beyond disaster preparedness. Faulty policymaking, mismanagement, and decades of unregulated economic development have eroded the island’s natural defenses. As climate scientist Dr. Thasun Amarasinghe notes:

“Sri Lankan wetlands—the nation’s most effective natural flood-control mechanism—have been bulldosed, filled, encroached upon, and sold. Many of these developments were approved despite warnings from environmental scientists, hydrologists, and even state institutions.”

Sri Lanka’s current vulnerabilities also stem from historical deforestation and plantation agriculture associated with colonial-era export development. Forest cover declined from 82% in 1881 to 70% in 1900, and to 54–50% by 1948, when British rule ended. It fell further to 44% in 1954 and to 16.5% by 2019.

Deforestation contributes an estimated 10–12% of global greenhouse gas emissions. Beyond removing a vital carbon sink, it damages water resources, increases runoff and erosion, and heightens flood and landslide risk. Soil-depleting monocrop agriculture further undermines traditional multi-crop systems that regenerate soil fertility, organic matter, and biodiversity.

In Sri Lanka’s Central Highlands, which were battered by Cyclone Ditwah, deforestation and unregulated construction had destabilised mountain slopes. Although high-risk zones prone to floods and landslides had long been identified, residents were not relocated, and construction and urbanisation continued unchecked.

Sri Lanka was the first country in Asia to adopt neoliberal economic policies. With the “Open Economy” reforms of 1977, a capitalist ideology equating human well-being with quantitative growth and material consumption became widespread. Development efforts were rushed, poorly supervised, and frequently approved without proper environmental assessment.

Privatisation and corporate deregulation weakened state oversight. The recent economic crisis and shrinking budgets further eroded environmental and social protections, including the maintenance of drainage networks, reservoirs, and early-warning systems. These forces have converged to make Sri Lanka a victim of a dual climate threat: gradual environmental collapse and sudden-onset disasters.

Sri Lanka: A Climate Victim

Sri Lanka’s carbon emissions remain relatively small but are rising. The impact of climate change on the island, however, is immense. Annual mean air temperature has increased significantly in recent decades (by 0.016 °C annually between 1961 and 1990). Sea-level rise has caused severe coastal erosion—0.30–0.35 meters per year—affecting nearly 55% of the shoreline. The 2004 tsunami demonstrated the extreme vulnerability of low-lying coastal plains to rising seas.

The Cyclone Ditwah catastrophe was neither wholly new nor surprising. In 2015, the Geneva-based Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC) identified Sri Lanka as the South Asian country with the highest relative risk of disaster-related displacement: “For every million inhabitants, 15,000 are at risk of being displaced every year.”

IDMC also noted that in 2017 the country experienced seven disaster events—mainly floods and landslides—resulting in 135,000 new displacements and that Sri Lanka “is also at risk for slow-onset impacts such as soil degradation, saltwater intrusion, water scarcity, and crop failure”.

Sri Lanka ranked sixth among countries most affected by extreme weather events in 2018 (Germanwatch) and second in 2019 (Global Climate Risk Index). Given these warnings, Cyclone Ditwah should not have been a surprise. Scientists have repeatedly cautioned that warmer oceans fuel stronger cyclones and warmer air holds more moisture, leading to extreme rainfall. As the Ceylon Today editorial of December 1, 2025 also observed:

“…our monsoons are no longer predictable. Cyclones form faster, hit harder, and linger longer. Rainfall becomes erratic, intense, and destructive. This is not a coincidence; it is a pattern.”

Without urgent action, even more extreme weather events will threaten Sri Lanka’s habitability and physical survival.

A Global Crisis

Extreme weather events—droughts, wildfires, cyclones, and floods—are becoming the global norm. Up to 1.2 billion people could become “climate refugees” by 2050. Global warming is disrupting weather patterns, destabilising ecosystems, and posing severe risks to life on Earth. Indonesia and Thailand were struck by the rare and devastating Tropical Cyclone Senyar in late November 2025, occurring simultaneously with Cyclone Ditwah’s landfall in Sri Lanka.

More than 75% of global greenhouse gas emissions—and nearly 90% of carbon emissions—come from burning coal, oil, and gas, which supply about 80% of the world’s energy. Countries in the Global South, like Sri Lanka, which contribute least to greenhouse gas emissions, are among the most vulnerable to climate devastation. Yet wealthy nations and multilateral institutions, including the World Bank, continue to subsidise fossil fuel exploration and production. Global climate policymaking—including COP 30 in Belém, Brazil, in 2025—has been criticised as ineffectual and dominated by fossil fuel interests.

If the climate is not stabilised, long-term planetary forces beyond human control may be unleashed. Technology and markets are not inherently the problem; rather, the issue lies in the intentions guiding them. The techno-market worldview, which promotes the belief that well-being increases through limitless growth and consumption, has contributed to severe economic inequality and more frequent extreme weather events. The climate crisis, in turn, reflects a profound mismatch between the exponential expansion of a profit-driven global economy and the far slower evolution of human consciousness needed to uphold morality, compassion, generosity and wisdom.

Sri Lanka’s 2025–26 budget, adopted on November 14, 2025—just as Cyclone Ditwah loomed—promised subsidised land and electricity for companies establishing AI data centers in the country.

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake told Parliament: “Don’t come questioning us on why we are giving land this cheap; we have to make these sacrifices.”

Yet Sri Lanka is a highly water-stressed nation, and a growing body of international research shows that AI data centers consume massive amounts of water and electricity, contributing significantly to greenhouse gas emissions.

The failure of the narrow, competitive techno-market approach underscores the need for an ecological and collective framework capable of addressing the deeper roots of this existential crisis—both for Sri Lanka and the world.

A landslide in Sri Lanka (AFP picture)

Ecological and Human Protection

Ecological consciousness demands

recognition that humanity is part of the Earth, not separate from it. Policies to address climate change must be grounded in this understanding, rather than in worldviews that prize infinite growth and technological dominance. Nature has primacy over human-created systems: the natural world does not depend on humanity, while humanity cannot survive without soil, water, air, sunlight, and the Earth’s essential life-support systems.

Although a climate victim today, Sri Lanka is also home to an ancient ecological civilization dating back to the arrival of the Buddhist monk Mahinda Thera in the 3rd century BCE. Upon meeting King Devanampiyatissa, who was out hunting in Mihintale, Mahinda Thera delivered one of the earliest recorded teachings on ecological interdependence and the duty of rulers to protect nature:

“O great King, the birds of the air and the beasts of the forest have as much right to live and move about in any part of this land as thou. The land belongs to the people and all living beings; thou art only its guardian.”

A stone inscription at Mihintale records that the king forbade the killing of animals and the destruction of trees. The Mihintale Wildlife Sanctuary is believed to be the world’s first.

Sri Lanka’s ancient dry-zone irrigation system—maintained over more than a millennium—stands as a marvel of sustainable development. Its network of interconnected reservoirs, canals, and sluices captured monsoon waters, irrigated fields, controlled floods, and even served as a defensive barrier. Floods occurred, but historical records show no disasters comparable in scale, severity, or frequency to those of today. Ancient rulers, including the legendary reservoir-builder King Parākramabāhu, and generations of rice farmers managed their environment with remarkable discipline and ecological wisdom.

The primacy of nature became especially evident when widespread power outages and the collapse of communication networks during Cyclone Ditwah forced people to rely on one another for survival. The disaster ignited spontaneous acts of compassion and solidarity across all communities—men and women, rich and poor, Buddhists, Christians, Muslims, and Hindus. Local and international efforts mobilized to rescue, shelter, feed, and emotionally support those affected. These actions demonstrated a profound human instinct for care and cooperation, often filling vacuums left by formal emergency systems.

Yet spontaneous solidarity alone is insufficient. Sri Lanka urgently needs policies on sustainable development, environmental protection, and climate resilience. These include strict, science-based regulation of construction; protection of forests and wetlands; proper maintenance of reservoirs; and climate-resilient infrastructure. Schools should teach environmental literacy that builds unity and solidarity, rather than controversial and divisive curriculum changes like the planned removal of history and introduction of contested modules on gender and sexuality.

If the IMF and international creditors—especially BlackRock, Sri Lanka’s largest sovereign bondholder, valued at USD 13 trillion—are genuinely concerned about the country’s suffering, could they not cancel at least some of Sri Lanka’s sovereign debt and support its rebuilding efforts? Addressing the climate emergency and the broader existential crisis facing Sri Lanka and the world ultimately requires an evolution in human consciousness guided by morality, compassion, generosity and wisdom. (Courtesy: IPS NEWS)

Dr Asoka Bandarage is the author of Colonialism in Sri Lanka: The Political Economy of the Kandyan Highlands, 1833-1886 (Mouton) Women, Population and Global Crisis: A Politico-Economic Analysis (Zed Books), The Separatist Conflict in Sri Lanka: Terrorism, Ethnicity, Political Economy, ( Routledge), Sustainability and Well-Being: The Middle Path to Environment, Society and the Economy (Palgrave MacMillan) Crisis in Sri Lanka and the World: Colonial and Neoliberal Origins, Ecological and Collective Alternatives (De Gruyter) and numerous other publications. She serves on the Advisory Boards of the Interfaith Moral Action on Climate and Critical Asian Studies.

Features

Cliff and Hank recreate golden era of ‘The Young Ones’

Published

6 hours ago

2025/12/11

Sahan Weerasooriya

Cliff Richard and Hank Marvin’s reunion concert at the Riverside Theatre in Perth, Australia, on 01 November, 2025, was a night to remember.

The duo, who first performed together in the 1950s as part of The Shadows, brought the house down with their classic hits and effortless chemistry.

The concert, part of Cliff’s ‘Can’t Stop Me Now’ tour, featured iconic songs like ‘Summer Holiday’, ‘The Young Ones’, ‘Bachelor Boy’, ‘Living Doll’ and a powerful rendition of ‘Mistletoe and Wine.’

Cliff, 85, and Hank, with his signature red Fender Stratocaster, proved that their music and friendship are timeless.

According to reports, the moment the lights dimmed and the first chords of ‘Move It’ rang out, the crowd knew they were in for something extraordinary.

Backed by a full band, and surrounded by dazzling visuals, Cliff strode onto the stage in immaculate form – energetic and confident – and when Hank Marvin joined him mid-set, guitar in hand, the audience erupted in applause that shook the hall.

Together they launched into ‘The Young Ones’, their timeless 1961 hit which brought the crowd to its feet, with many in attendance moved to tears.

The audience was treated to a journey through time, with vintage film clips and state-of-the-art visuals adding to the nostalgic atmosphere.

Highlights of the evening included Cliff’s powerful vocals, Hank’s distinctive guitar riffs, and their playful banter on stage.

Cliff posing for The Island photographer … February,
2007

Cliff paused between songs to reflect on their shared journey saying:

“It’s been a lifetime of songs, memories, and friendship. Hank and I started this adventure when we were just boys — and look at us now, still up here making noise!”

As the final chords of ‘Congratulations’ filled the theatre, the crowd rose for a thunderous standing ovation that lasted several minutes.

Cliff waved, Hank gave a humble bow, and, together, they left the stage, arm-in-arm, to the refrain of “We’re the young ones — and we always will be.”

Reviews of the show were glowing, with fans and critics alike praising the duo’s energy, camaraderie, and enduring talent.

Overall, the Cliff Richard and Hank Marvin reunion concert was a truly special experience, celebrating the music and friendship that has captivated audiences for decades.

When Cliff Richard visited Sri Lanka, in February, 2007, I was invited to meet him, in his suite, at a hotel, in Colombo, and I presented him with my music page, which carried his story, and he was impressed.

In return, he personally autographed a souvenir for me … that was Cliff Richard, a truly wonderful human being.