Features
Sir John Kotelawala (1897- 1980): How he grew in DS’s shadow and became an effective leader
(Excerpted from Selected Journalism by HAJ Hulugalle)
Twenty-five years ago, I was unexpectedly called to the editorial chair of the “Ceylon Daily News”, to succeed a brilliant journalist whose pen today is as lively an instrument as ever. From that position of advantage I was able, for nearly 18 years, to watch the evolution of what was at first a Crown Colony into an independent nation.
And now, from this ancient city of Rome, which has given to the world a noble heritage of spirit and mind, I can look back over a quarter of a century of immeasurable change in Ceylon and think of the many remarkable men who achieved her freedom. It was in those same years that a dashing, care-free and athletic cadet of the landed gentry grew in political stature to become the resolute statesman, known and respected throughout the world. His fame was not attained by sudden flight and few of his early boon companions, their “hours filled with riots, banquets, sports”, would have prophesied the flowering of a career which by any standards must be deemed exceptional. And yet, history records such transformations. Shakespeare said of Henry V:
“The strawberry grows underneath the nettle,
And wholesome berries thrive and ripen best, Neighbour’d by fruit of baser quality.
And so the Prince obscured his contemplation, Under the veil of wildness; which, no doubt,
Grew like the summer grass, fastest by night, Unseen, yet crescive in his faculty.”
As a youthful journalist I trailed Mr. D. R. Wijewardene, as great a patriot as he was a publicist, into the inner councils of the pioneers of the reform movement where it was an unforgettable experience to observe the methods and manners of men like Ponnambalam Arunachalam, James Pieris, E. J. Samerawickreme, D. B. Jayatilaka, H. J. C. Pereira, F. R. Senanayake, W. A. de Silva, E. W. Perera and others of the same vintage.
Stephen Senanayake was among them, but somewhat overawed by that galaxy of legal talent. His day came later and he was indeed the boldest and doughtiest warrior of them all. Even before Ceylon obtained partial self-government under the Donoughmore Constitution, “D.S.” was the driving force in the Legislative Council which was then led by the gentle and amiable Sir Arthur Fletcher. By a combination of shrewdness in the Finance Committee, which sat in secret, and buccaneering conduct in the Council itself, he dominated the scene though he held no office and was only Member for Negombo.
And in those years young John Lionel Kotelawala was his protege and became increasingly his handyman. He possessed in abundance some of the qualities which the older man lacked. He had sophistication. He had been to Cambridge, he had danced and dined at the best clubs, he spoke French fluently, his character was moulded in the hard school of adversity and, above all he had youthful zest and, what is now called, brashness. What is not less important perhaps is that the younger man had an unsuspected capacity for taking thought of the mundane things so necessary for success, such as physical fitness and financial stability.
When that great lawyer, Sir John Simon, was once asked what were the ingredients of success in his profession, he replied readily that they were, firstly, a sound digestion and, secondly, a good clerk. There is no doubt that a double dose of energy, usually the result of a good digestion, is necessary in any outstanding leader, though of course it is not the only requisite.
From the time “J.L.K.” entered the State Council he wielded an increasing influence on the life and work of Mr. D.S. Senanayake. When “D.S.” left for England he arranged for Lionel to be in charge of his portfolio as Minister of Agriculture. He could not trust anyone else with the blue-prints of his great colonisation schemes and it fell to the acting Minister to cut the first sod in the new colony. The partnership continued until the death of the Father of the Nation.
“D.S.” was a great originator but scarcely a great organizer. He knew next to nothing of the logistics of a political campaign. He organized an election as the old kings organized the building of a tank or the dedication of a shrine. He was sustained, and sometimes compromised, by his local chiefs and retainers. Lionel Kotelawala had the good sense to become a soldier as a young man.
In the mess room he cultivated good human relations, in the barrack square he learned the value of precision and, on manoeuvres, he studied the strategy and tactics of a campaign. These assets he carried into politics and he became the invaluable and indispensable chief of staff.
My first official contact with the Prime Minister was when, as the new Government Information Officer, I was invited to attend a Press Conference in his office in the Public Works Department building. When I arrived I found that business had started some considerable time before, and I felt like the man in a Bateman cartoon who came to dinner wearing brown boots with his dress clothes.
Everyone in the room stared at me with looks of disapproval. They seemed to say that the “Boss” did not like unpunctuality and it was not good form to come late to his Press Conferences. I was let down by my watch or by a bad memory – I do not remember which – and I had even thought I would be too early for the appointment. But of course excuses were useless; one was in time or one was not; and it was not only bad manners but inefficiency to keep waiting a man who values his time. That was how I felt about it.
This love of discipline and order is surely of inestimable value in guiding the affairs of a people who are by nature easy-going and lackadaisical. But it is not a discipline untempered with human feeling. A mother’s tenderness must always leave its mark. The “P.M.” can judge himself as rigorously as he would others. He will say blunt and even embarrassing things but never from a sense of superiority or with the intention to wound. And one of his charming qualities is that of turning a joke against himself.
It is seldom that a strong trunk grows under a giant oak and it speaks much for the sturdy personality of John Lionel Kotelawala that he rose to his full stature under the shadow of so great a man as our first Prime Minister. The secret lies perhaps in the fact that in their characters there were as many points of difference as there were of similarity. In courage, energy, geniality, knowledge of men and love of country, they were alike. But the resilience which comes of a boyish spirit and the zest for enjoying life, “D.S.” lacked.
He could not easily throw off the cares of office and give himself to the needs of the moment. The late Mr. David Lloyd George once said that his buoyancy was due to the fact that he had the knack of concentrating on one thing at a time. When he brushed his hair, he only thought of his hair and not of the Cabinet meeting he was due to attend a few minutes later. He could fall asleep whenever he felt the need for it.
“D.S” was a wise man but not a witty one. He could rarely make an interesting speech and had no feeling for a good phrase. He could not, for instance, say, as Sir John did when he raised his glass at the banquet given in his honour in the great Medici Palace, Villa Madama, in Rome: “On behalf of Ceylon, I salute Italy, the Light of Europe” a sentiment which brought a glow to the faces of the select company which graced that noble room and which seemed to elicit an approving nod from the Medici princes whose portraits hung on the walls, As a raconteur Sir John has few equals, even among the Prime Ministers of the world. Ask him to tell the story of how “D.S.” was mistaken for a lawyer and argued and won a case.
I have just returned from West Africa where I met statesmen who had seen Sir John in various parts of the world, in Bandung, Washington, Bonn and elsewhere. The impact of his personality seems to have made a lasting impression on these men.
It is not necessary to be in agreement with his politics to recognize qualities of leadership. One sees in Europe and, indeed, everywhere in the world, that peace and good government are the products of resolute leadership. Democracy means nothing if it does not bring to the surface men who are unafraid of difficulties and who grow in stature and humanity in proportion to the responsibilities placed on them. The power to inspire as well as give loyalty, the capacity to command as well as accept the will of the people, the gift of judging men as well as the significance of events, these are qualities which make a good executive. And what is a Prime Minister but the chief executive of the nation?
As an executive, the Prime Minister ranks high, a fact which comes to mind forcibly when one watches the desperate efforts made by under-developed countries to cut through red tape and get the jobs done. Countries which have enjoyed independence for over a hundred years would be glad to have the schools, highways, hospitals, townships, water schemes and harbour and telecommunication facilities which Ceylon has acquired during his tenure of office as Minister.
In my journalistic career, one of the things which gave me the greatest satisfaction was the successful issue of the campaign which the “Daily News” carried on for a residential University. We fought against the most formidable odds. It was often a desperate struggle with the result quivering in the balance. When the legislative hurdles were surmounted, the War came and lack of enthusiasm on the part of the authorities concerned bogged down the whole scheme.
Then it was that Mr. D.R. Wijewardene discovered the true calibre of the then Minister of Works. He went to him and inspired him to action. Today we have what, in the opinion of those best qualified to judge, is the most beautiful University in the world. It is true that beauty alone does not make a University great. We cannot judge, but it is there. It is there for present and future generations to make it what it should be. The time factor is inexorable. The lawns of Oxford are so smooth because they have been watered and mown for many centuries. Future generations will, nevertheless, bless the man who had the vision and wisdom to be guided aright to build for generations to come and not for the next 10 or 20 years only.
Features
Immediate industrial reforms critical for Sri Lanka’s future
Sri Lanka’s industrial sector has historically been an engine of growth, employment, and exports. Yet today, many industries face structural challenges, outdated practices, and intense global competition. Immediate and comprehensive policy reforms are, therefore, both urgent and essential—not only to revive growth but also to secure the future prosperity of the country.
Strengthening economic growth and diversification
Industries contribute significantly to GDP and export earnings. They create value-added products, reduce import dependency, and improve trade balances. Sri Lanka’s economy remains overly reliant on a few traditional sectors, such as garments and tea. Industrial reforms can encourage diversification into higher-value manufacturing, technology-driven production, and knowledge-based industries, increasing resilience against global shocks.
Job creation and social stability
The industrial sector is a major source of formal employment, particularly for youth and women. Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) provide both direct and indirect jobs. Without reforms, job creation is limited, pushing young people to seek opportunities abroad, which drains talent and exacerbates social and economic inequality. By modernising industries and supporting SME growth, the country can create high-quality, sustainable employment, reduce migration pressures, and promote social stability.
Competitiveness and export expansion
Sri Lanka faces stiff competition from countries such as Vietnam, Bangladesh, and India in textiles, garments, and other manufacturing exports. Many local industries struggle with outdated technology, high production costs, and weak supply chains. Urgent reforms—such as improving industrial infrastructure, incentivising technology adoption, and simplifying trade regulations—are critical to enhancing competitiveness, retaining market share, and expanding exports.
Attracting domestic and foreign investment
Investors require clarity, stability, and efficient regulatory processes. Complex licensing, bureaucratic delays, and inconsistent policies deter both domestic and foreign investment. By implementing transparent and predictable industrial policies, the government can attract capital, encourage innovation, and accelerate industrial modernisation. Investment is not just about funding production—it is also about transferring technology and upgrading skills, which is essential for long-term industrial development.
Promoting innovation and technological upgrading
Many Sri Lankan industries continue to rely on outdated production methods and low-value processes, limiting productivity, efficiency, and global competitiveness. Comprehensive industrial reforms can incentivise research and development, digitalisation, automation, and adoption of green technologies, enabling local industries to move up the value chain and produce higher-value goods. This is particularly urgent as global competitors are rapidly implementing Industry 4.0 standards, including AI-driven production, smart logistics, and sustainable manufacturing. Without modernisation, Sri Lanka risks not only losing export opportunities but also falling permanently behind in technological capabilities, undermining long-term industrial growth and economic resilience.
Strengthening supply chains and local linkages
Effective industrial reform can improve integration between agriculture, services, and manufacturing. For example, better industrial policies can ensure that local raw materials are efficiently used, logistics systems are modernised, and SMEs are integrated into global supply chains. This creates multiplier effects across the economy, stimulating productivity, innovation, and competitiveness beyond the industrial sector itself.
Environmental sustainability and resilience
Global trends demand green and sustainable industrial practices. Sri Lanka cannot afford to ignore climate-friendly production methods, energy efficiency, or waste management. Reforms that promote sustainable manufacturing, circular economy principles, and renewable energy adoption will future-proof industries, improve international market access, and ensure compliance with global trade standards.
Institutional capacity and governance
Industrial reforms are not just about incentives; they require strong institutions capable of policy design, monitoring, and enforcement. Weak governance, policy inconsistency, and politicisation have historically undermined industrial development in Sri Lanka. Strengthening industrial institutions, simplifying bureaucracy, and ensuring accountability are essential components of meaningful reform.
Responding to global technological and trade shifts
The industrial landscape is rapidly changing due to digitalisation, automation, AI, and new global trade patterns. Sri Lanka must adapt quickly to benefit from global industrial trends rather than risk falling behind regional competitors. Immediate reform will allow industries to adopt modern production systems, integrate with global value chains, and improve export competitiveness.
Conclusion
Industrial policy reforms in Sri Lanka are urgent because delays threaten employment, competitiveness, and investment. They are important because a modern, resilient industrial sector is crucial for economic growth, export expansion, technological advancement, social stability, and environmental sustainability. Strategic, forward-looking reforms will not only save existing industries but also position Sri Lanka for a prosperous, resilient, and inclusive future.
(The writer is a former senior public servant and policy specialist.)
BY Chinthaka Samarawickrama Lokuhetti
Features
How to insult friends and intimidate people!
US President Donald Trump is insulting friends and intimidating others. Perhaps. Following his rare feat of securing a non-consecutive second term, one would have expected Trump to be magnanimous, humble and strive to leave an imprint in world history as a statesman. However, considering the unfolding events, it is more likely that he will be leaving an imprint but for totally different reasons!
From the time of his re-election, Trump has apparently been determined to let the world know who the ‘boss’ is and wanted to Make America Great Again (MAGA) by economic measures that were detrimental even to his neighbours and friends, totally disregarding the impact it may have on the world economy. Some of his actions were risky and may well have backfired. Businessmen are accustomed to taking risks and he appears to behave as a businessman rather than as a politician. There was hardly any significant resistance to his arbitrary tariff increases except from China. He craved for the Nobel Peace Prize, claiming to have ended and prevented wars and, and unashamedly posed for a picture when the Nobel Peace Prize was ‘presented’ to him by the winner! To add insult to injury, Trump demonstrated his ignorance by blaming the Norwegian Prime Minister for having overlooked him for the Nobel Peace Prize. He should surely have known, before the Norwegian PM pointed out, that the awardee was chosen by a non-governmental committee.
Trump’s erratic behaviour reached its climax in Davos. He came to Davos determined to railroad the European leaders into accepting his bid to acquire Greenland and seemed to do so by hurling insults left, right and centre! Even before he started the trip to Davos, Trump had already imposed a 10% tariff on imports from seven European countries including the UK, increasing to 25% from the beginning of February, until he was able to acquire Greenland. In a rambling speech, lasting over an hour, he referred to Greenland as Iceland on four different occasions.
Exaggerating the part played by the US in World War II Trump proclaimed “Without us right now, you’d all be speaking German and a little Japanese”. After making a hideous claim that the US had handed Greenland to Denmark, after World War II, Trump said, “We want a piece of ice for world protection, and they won’t give it. You can say yes and we will be very appreciative. Or you can say no and we will remember”. A veiled threat, perhaps!
However, the remark that irked the UK most was his reference to the war in Afghanistan. He repeated the claim, made to Fox News, that NATO had sent ‘some troops’. but that they ‘had stayed a little back, a little off the front line’. On top of politicians, infuriated families of over 500 soldiers who sacrificed their lives in the front-lines in Afghanistan, started protesting which forced the British PM Keir Starmer to abandon the hitherto used tactic of flattery to win over Trump, to state that Trump’s remarks were “insulting and frankly appalling.” After a call from Starmer, Trump posted a praise on his Truth Social platform that UK troops are “among the greatest of all warriors”!
The resistance to Trump’s attempts at reverting to ‘unconstrained power of Great Powers’, which was replaced by the ‘rule-based-order’ after World War II, was spearheaded from an unlikely quarter. It was by Mark Carney, financier turned politician, PM of Canada. He was the Governor of the Bank of England, during the disastrous David Cameron administration, and left the post with hardly any impact but seems to have become a good politician. He apparently has hit Trump where it hurts most, as in his speech, Trump stated that Canada was living on USA and warned Carney about his language!
Mark Carney’s warning that this was a moment of “rupture” with the established rules-based international order giving way to a new world of Great Power politics and his rallying cry that “the middle powers” needed to act together, need to be taken seriously. What would the world come to, unless there is universal condemnation of actions like the forcible extraction of the Venezuelan President which, unfortunately, did not happen maybe because of the fear of Trump heaping more tariffs etc? What started in Venezuela can end up anywhere. Who appointed the US to be the policeman of the world?
With words, Trump gave false hope to protesters rebelling against the theocracy in Iran but started showing naval strength only after the regime crushed the rebellion by killing, according to some estimates, up to 25,000 protesters. If he decides to attack, Iran is bound to retaliate, triggering another war. In fact, Trump was crass enough to state that he no longer cares for peace as he was snubbed by the Nobel Peace committee! Trump is terrorising his own people as is happening in Minnesota but that is a different story.
Already the signs of unity, opposing Trump’s irrationalities, are visible. Almost all NATO members opposing Trump’s plans resulted in his withdrawal from Greenland acquisition plans. To save face, he gave the bogus excuse that he had reached an ever-lasting settlement! Rather than flattery, Trump’s idiosyncrasies need to be countered without fear, as well illustrated by the stance the British PM was forced to take on the Afghan war issue. For the sake of world peace, let us hope that Trump will be on the retreat from now.
Mark Carney’s pivotal speech received a well-deserved and rare standing ovation in Davos. One can only hope that he will practice what he preached to the world, when it comes to internal politics of his country. It is no secret that vote-bank politics is playing a significant role in Canadian politics. I do hope he will be able to curtail the actions of remnants of terrorist groups operating freely in Canada.
by Dr Upul Wijayawardhana
Features
Trump is a product of greed-laden American decadence
One wonders why the people of the US, who have built the most technologically and economically advanced country, ever elected Donald Trump as their President, not once, but twice. His mistakes and blunders in his first term are too numerous to mention, but a few of the most damaging to the working people are as follows:
Trump brought in tax cuts that overwhelmingly favour the wealthy over the average worker. The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA) signed into law, at the end of 2017, provides a permanent cut in the corporate income tax rate that will overwhelmingly benefit capital owners and the top one percent. His new laws took billions out of workers’ pockets by weakening or abandoning regulations that protect their pay. In 2017 the Trump administration hurt workers’ pay in many ways, including acts to dismantle two key regulations that protect the pay of low- to middle-income workers. These failures to protect workers’ pay could cost workers an estimated $7 billion per year. In 2017, the Trump administration—in a virtually unprecedented move—switched sides in a case before the US Supreme Court and fought on the side of corporate interests and against workers.
Trump’s policies on climate change could ruin the global plans to cut down emissions and reduce warming, which has already affected the US equally badly as anywhere else in the world. Trump ridiculed the idea of man-made climate change, and repeatedly referred to his energy policy under the mantra “drill, baby, drill”. He said he would increase oil drilling on public lands and offer tax breaks to oil, gas, and coal producers, and stated his goal for the United States to have the lowest cost of electricity and energy of any country in the world. Trump also promised to roll back electric vehicle initiatives, proposed once again the United States withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, and rescind several environmental regulations. The implementation of Trump’s plans would add around 4 billion tons of carbon dioxide to the atmosphere by 2030, also having effects on the international level. If the policies do not change further, it would add 15 billion tons by 2040 and 27 billion by 2050. Although the exact calculation is difficult, researchers stated: “Regardless of the precise impact, a second Trump term that successfully dismantles Biden’s climate legacy would likely end any global hopes of keeping global warming below 1.5C.” ( Evans, et al, 2024). Despite all these anti-social policies Trump was voted into power for a second term.
Arguments suggesting the USA is a decadent society, defined as a wealthy civilisation in a state of stagnation, exhaustion, and decline, are increasingly common among commentators. Evidence cited includes political gridlock, economic stagnation since the 1970s, demographic decline, and a shift toward a “cultural doom loop” of repeating past ideas (Douthat, 2024, New York Times).
First, we will look at the economic aspect of the matter though the moral and spiritual degradation may be more important, for it is the latter that often causes the former . The reasons for the economic decline, characterised by increase in inequality, dates back to the seventies. Between 1973 and 2000, the average income of the bottom 90 percent of US taxpayers fell by seven percent. Incomes of the top one percent rose by 148 percent, the top 0.1 percent by 343 percent, and the top 0.01 percent rose by 599 percent. The redistribution of income and wealth was detrimental to most Americans.
If the income distribution had remained unchanged from the mid-1970s, by 2018, the median income would be 58 percent higher ($21,000 more a year). The decline in profits was halted, but at the expense of working families. Stagnant wages, massive debt and ever longer working hours became their fate.
Since 1973, the US has experienced slower growth, lower productivity, and a diminished share of global manufacturing, notes the (American Enterprise Institute). Despite the low growth, the rich have doubled their wealth. In our opinion this is due to the “unleash of a culture of greed” that Joseph Stiglitz spoke about.
Nobel Prize winning economist Joseph Stiglitz has frequently argued that the United States has unleashed a culture of greed, selfishness, and deregulation, which he blames for extreme inequality, financial crises, and environmental destruction.
Income stagnation is not the only quality of life indicator that suffered. In 1980, life expectancy in the US was about average for an affluent nation. By the 2020s, it dropped to the lowest among wealthy countries, even behind China or Chile, largely due to the stagnation of life expectancy for working-class people. With regard to quality of life the US has fallen to 41st in global, UN-aligned, sustainable development rankings, highlighting issues with infrastructure and social systems, (The Conversation). The political system is described as trapped in a “stale system” with high polarisation, resulting in inaction rather than progress, (Douthat, New York Times).
It is often the moral and spiritual degradation that causes an overall decline in all aspects of life, including the US economy. Statistics on crime, drug and alcohol addiction, suicide rate and mental health issues in the US, which are the indicators for moral and spiritual status of a society, are not very complimentary. The Crime Index in the US is 49 while it is 23 in China and 32 in Russia. Drug abuse rate is 16.8% in the US and alcohol addiction is 18%. Mental illness in adults is as common as 23%. Only about 31% follow a religion. Erich Fromm in his book, titled “Sane Society,” refers to these facts to make a case that the US and also other countries in the West are not sane societies.
Let us now look at Joseph Stiglitz’s thoughts on greed which is the single most important factor in the aetiology of moral degradation in the US society. Stiglitz has directly linked corporate greed and the pursuit of immediate, short-term profits to accelerating climate change and economic failure for the majority of Americans. He argues that “free” (unregulated) markets in the US have not led to growth, but rather to the exploitation of workers and consumers, allowing the top 1% to siphon wealth from the rest of society. Stiglitz argues that neoliberalism, which he calls “ersatz capitalism,” has fostered a moral system where banks are “too big to fail, but too big to be held accountable,” rewarding greedy, risky behaviour. He contends that US economic policies have been designed to favour the wealthy, creating a “rigged” economy where the middle class is shrinking. In essence, Stiglitz argues that the US has allowed a “neoliberal experiment” to turn capitalism into a system focused on greed, which is harming the economy, the environment, and the social fabric.
Big oil companies spent a stunning $445m throughout the last election cycle to influence Donald Trump and Congress, a new analysis has found. These investments are “likely to pay dividends”, the report says, with Republicans holding control of the White House, House and Senate – as well as some key states. Trump unleashed dozens of pro-fossil fuel executive actions on his first day in office and is expected to pursue a vast array of others with cooperation from Congress (The Guardian, Jan 2025).
Trump himself has accumulated wealth just as much as the rest of billionaires, and his poor voters are becoming poorer. He is greedy for wealth and power. He is carving up the world and is striving to annex as much of it as possible at the expense of sovereignty of other countries, the US allies, and international law.
Greed is an inherent human character which when unfettered could result in psychopathic monsters like Hitler. A new world order will have to take into serious consideration this factor of greed and evolve a system that does not depend on greed as the driver of its economy.
by N. A. de S. Amaratunga
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