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Secret arrangements with General Kobbekaduwa and relations with President Premadasa

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General Kobbekaduwa

President Premadasa told me “you can always find the time to do what you want to do”

Even with every effort made, there was always the threat of a breakdown (of food distribution during JVP terror of 1988-89). Once things break down they always take some time to restore. In the meantime, panic could set in, leading to a run on whatever stocks that were available. The next step is a collapse of law and order. What would happen after that was too frightening to contemplate. In these difficult circumstances, I started a secret dialogue with General Denzil Kobbekaduwa.

He was functioning in the Joint Operations Command (JOC) in Colombo. I had met him previously on some occasions, and he was a good friend of some close relations of my wife. Denzil knew of my connections. What I discussed with him was the possibility of using the Y8 and Y 12 aircraft on a virtual round the clock flour lift from the Prima Mill in Trincomalee in case of further deterioration of the security situation and a break down in road and rail transport.

Already, it was extremely difficult to persuade lorry drivers to transport flour from Trincomalee. All the flour had to come from this one point. As far as flour went, all our eggs were now in one basket, and the JVP was taking aim at this basket. It became evident during our discussions, that given capacities, flying time, and turn around time of the aircraft, it was not possible to make a major impact. But if the worst happened, Colombo could be catered for on the basis of a strict ration, and Colombo was the seat of government.

It was vitally necessary to secure the food supply in Colombo. A city, particularly the capital city had to be fed. Those living in the countryside had other options. Denzil and I worked out certain contingency plans. When we spoke to each other, even on the secure line, we spoke in parables, which only he and I could have understood. I got hold of Mr. Rodrigo, my Deputy Food Controller (Supplies) and a couple of other trusted officers and worked out a rationing scheme.

We kept with us always a reasonable buffer stock of security paper in order to print Food Stamps, and this could have been used in an emergency in order to print ration coupons for flour. I did not however, divulge even to these officers the contingency plans that I had discussed with General Kobbekaduwa. Not even the Minister knew. There was good reason for this. Information was leaking out from Ministries and Departments. The JVP had sympathizers all over. A leak of these plans either as an act of sabotage or through indiscretion could have led to catastrophic consequences, in case the situation worsened.

As a result only two people knew of the plan, General Kobbekaduwa and myself. At this stage no one else needed to know. Happily, we managed to prevent a total break down of food supplies and the Presidential election was held, not without difficulty on December 19, 1988. The Prime Minister, Mr. R. Premadasa of the United National Party just got over the 50 percent hurdle, obtaining 50.8%. His principal opponent Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike obtained 44.9%. The election itself was marred by violence and charges of fraud.

The early Premadasa administration leading up to general elections

With the advent of President Premadasa, there weren’t any major changes in the personnel or the machinery of government. It appeared that he did not want to make any major changes until the General Election was held. He still had to cope with the JVP insurrection and other security connected matters. He along with Ministers Gamani Jayasuriya and Lalith Athulathmudali, in particular, were unhappy at the Jayewardene-Rajiv Gandhi accord that was signed in Colombo during the latter part of 1988. This agreement, leading to the induction of Indian troops to the North and East of Sri Lanka, and the confining to barracks of Sri Lankan troops met with serious opposition from considerable sections of the country and led to the further aggravation of the JVP insurgency. The state of feeling was manifested most dramatically and almost tragically, when a sailor in the honour guard to Prime

Minister Rajiv Gandhi who was on a hurried visit to Colombo, swung at him with his rifle, whilst he was inspecting the guard of honour, fortunately resulting in only a glancing blow to the shoulder. Had it landed on the Prime Minister’s head, the consequences Would have been unimaginable. The JVP was now able to appear in the role of nationalists fighting against a foreign incursion.

Resignation of Minister Gamani Jayasuriya

Minister Gamani Jayasuriya took it the hardest. One Saturday morning after the signing of the Indo-Lanka Agreement, he telephoned and got me down to his Nimalka Gardens residence. He said he was going to resign and wanted me to draft the letter of resignation to be sent to President Jayewardene.

I tried to dissuade him from resigning. Ministers of his calibre were hard to come by, and his departure would have been a grave loss to the country. As a Minister, he acted with responsibility and propriety.

He was not prepared to look at every problem from a narrow party angle. He often brought in a national perspective, even though this was not popular among his own MPs. I suggested that lie remain within the government and fight for what he thought was right. He would not agree. He told me that the Cabinet was not consulted on the signing of the accord. They were merely informed at the very last moment. Mr. Jayasuriya said that everything was done in secrecy, and in fact what occurred, was contrary to the trends of discussions held in Cabinet previously. He was not prepared to serve in such a Cabinet.

He also felt that under these circumstances, he could not even serve as an M.P. He wished to resign both from the Cabinet as well as his Parliamentary seat. Mr. Jayasuriya was both upset and disillusioned. He had firmly made up his mind. There was nothing left to be done except draft his letter of resignation. He approved my draft which was free of any recrimination and which included thanks to the President for his friendship as well as the trust placed in him. The letter in simple language made it clear that Mr. Jayasuriya’s action was not in any way personal, but based on principles he could not relinquish.

Given the background and the difficult situation in the country, President Premadasa left well alone and concentrated on the General Elections. In the meantime, he was formally inaugurated as President on Monday January 2, 1989 at the Dalada Maligawa in Kandy. Secretaries were present along with other invited guests and a large crowd. On Jan. 3 Minister Rajakaruna (who succeeded Mr. Jayasuriya) resigned as Minister of Food and Mr. Lalith Athulathmudali was appointed as interim Minister until the elections.

There were no changes made by the new Minister. He reviewed the situation and approved the existing direction of work. The General Election was fixed for February 15. On the 14th, I was invited to sit in at a meeting the President had scheduled with the American Ambassador to discuss food aid, particularly wheat for the Prima Mill. After the meeting, as I got up to go, he said “Sit down, I want to talk to you.”

When I sat, for the next 25 minutes, he discussed with me the issue of subjects and functions to be allocated to Ministries. He was interested in a greater rationalization. He indicated for instance that he was thinking of forming a bigger Ministry by combining Food and Co-operatives with Agriculture, Livestock Development and Milk Production, the last two areas currently being with Minister Thondaman. He wished to have my views. I referred to the pros and cons, one of the cons being the issue of managing a very large Ministry. He listened carefully, but did not comment, and a short while later I took my leave of him.

Mr. Premadasa’s relations with me

At this juncture, I must relate Mr. Premadasa’s relations with me up to this point. We had not met on more than a couple of occasions, and that too by accident. But he used to occasionally telephone me about something or other, and as is customary with me I did what I could, if I could and gave detailed reasons if I couldn’t. He must have appreciated some quality in me, because whilst he was in opposition he sent me a couple of his books written in Sinhala with a personal hand-written notation on the first page bearing the words “To dear Dharmasiri, from R. Premadasa.”

I still have these books with me. At the same time I was also somewhat mystified because I had not really done anything of any magnitude to elicit such a response. Then, when he was Prime Minister under the JR Jayewardene government, I had another interesting experience. I had to attend a wedding of the daughter of a colleague of mine in service at what was then called the Ramada Renaissance Hotel, now named Trans-Asia. I walked in a bit late since I had to drop in at another wedding earlier.

When I entered the hall it looked full, and I was slowly walking intent on finding a seat when I heard my name being called. It was Secretary to the President Mr. Menikdiwela. He was seated with a group of Ministers and Parliamentarians, and was beckoning to me and showing a vacant seat there. Normally as a matter of long practice, as well as temperament, I avoid sitting with politicians. I don’t feel comfortable sitting with them. I am naturally more comfortable, sitting with public servants, and I always look to sit among them at such a gathering.

But on this occasion, I could not ignore Mr. Menikdiwela’s kind gesture, and sat in the vacant seat, with the intention of spotting another seat as soon as possible, and taking my leave from there. Within about five minutes of my being there, there was a bit of a hubbub, and we saw Prime Minister Premadasa coming in. He was making straight for where we were. There was no vacant seat, and with relief, I offered him my chair and was about to go, when he said “No, no, stay, we not only want Ministers, we want Secretaries also.”

One of the Parliamentarians offered him his seat, and now I found myself seated next to the Prime Minister. After an exchange of pleasantries round the table, he began to converse with me. He asked my views on various matters such as the work of my own Ministry; the working of the Secretaries Committee; the issue of Co-ordination between Ministries; the matter of avoidable waste; the question of clarity of policies and so on.

“I want your frank opinion,” he said. I gave it. He fully endorsed some of my critical comments, saying “quite right.” On some others he had a different point of view, seeing it from his perspective. I replied that often, where you stand, depends very much on where you sit. It was altogether a frank and open discussion. I for my part, inquired whether he still could find the time to write. He said “Yes.” I asked him, whether he needed some inspiration to begin writing, or whether he could just sit down whenever he had time, and begin writing. He said that he could write anytime he wished.

I then asked him the question, “But when do you find the time?” To this he said something important. “Dharmasiri,” he said “If you really want to do some thing, you will always find the time. Saying there’s no time is just an excuse.” I thought this a valid point. But I still wondered whether he could really turn himself on and write whenever he wished to. I thought writing required a regular and settled period, during a quiet time such as the early hours of the morning or late night. I really thought that Mr. Premadasa was exaggerating his abilities. I discovered later that I had reached this conclusion through ignorance.

Later, when I assumed duties in the Ministry of Education, I saw for myself some educationists writing articles and even chapters of books whilst waiting to be called in for a meeting. Dr. Ananda Guruge of the Civil Service, later a distinguished educationist, international civil servant and prolific writer, told me in a conversation that sometimes, he had written whole chapters of books at airports when waiting to board planes or when planes were delayed.

But above all, I have now experienced the truth of this myself. I have been able to write several paragraphs or pages of this book at all sorts of times, morning, day and night, whenever a little free time permitted. I found that without any waste of time, I could proceed immediately from the point I left off last. It is for the reader to judge as to whether this had led to unevenness or other defects. The point however is, that there was no other way to write this book.

This book was written whilst I was still handling many different responsibilities in different sectors, which also took away the better part of even two or three Saturdays every month, as well as the odd Sunday or public holiday. My retirement has therefore turned out to be only a departure from some activities and responsibilities. Indeed, my problem since retirement has not been what to do, but how to avoid doing those many things being offered, without giving offence or hurting feelings.

(Excerpted from In Pursuit of Governance, autobiography of MDD Peiris)



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Samarawickrama’s rise gives Sri Lanka a second pillar

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Harshitha Samarawickrama's advance as a T20 batter has opened up a new frontier in Sri Lanka's batting performance [Cricinfo]

Harshitha Samarawickrema was 14 when Sri Lankan women’s cricket first pricked the national consciousness. She had already been playing cricket for her school, Gothami Balika Vidyalaya, but had largely pursued cricket merely for the sake of playing a sport, and also because she had enjoyed watching the men’s team play. But watching Sri Lanka defeat England in a thriller at the 2013 World Cup stirred up a deeper yearning.

“I’d watched all of the matches at that World Cup actually – that was the first time those kind of matches were telecast,” Samarawickrama said once. “That’s when I decided I was going to play and win matches for Sri Lanka one day.”

That victory against England was a new dawn for Sri Lanka’s women for two reasons. First up it was the highest-profile victory on their ledger until then, marking an unexpected high point in a World Cup in which little was generally expected of the team. But it also marked the rocket-powered arrival of Chamari Athapaththu, who top-scored with 62 to help set up the chase.

Thirteen years later, Samarawickrama has not only fulfilled her promise to herself, she has also helped Sri Lanka bring to life the promise of that 2013 campaign. Athapaththu, who has since has become the superstar around which Sri Lanka’s cricket orbits, has never known a more consistent batting collaborator than Samarawickrama. In T20Is, the pair have put on 1,202 runs together – easily the best for Sri Lanka. Though both are lefties who revel in pressure, that’s about where the similarities end – Athapaththu having grown up idolising the big-hitting of Sanath Jayasuriya, while Samarawickrama had been a disciple of the Kumar Sangakkara school of left-handed batting. (Samarawickrama still tries to replicate that famous bent-kneed cover drive, though she invariably sprinkles a little of of her own flair to the endeavour.) Oppositions have found this combination difficult to contend with, Athapaththu commanding through the legside and brutal on errors of length, while Samarawickrama flits around the crease and carves boundaries through cover and point.

It has been clear for years now that Sri Lanka’s chances in pretty much any match depend primarily on Athapaththu runs. But Samarawickrama’s advance as a T20 batter has now opened up a new frontier in the team’s batting performance. Ideally, what Sri Lanka want is not merely big runs from their captain, but a strong partnership between Athapaththu and Samarawickrama. In victories, the Athapaththu-Samarawickrama stand averages 41.38.

More tellingly, a good Samarawickrama innings has become as reliable a predictor of a strong Sri Lanka showing as a good Athapaththu innings. In T20I wins, Athapaththu averages 40.18 and strikes at 131, in comparison to 17.94 and a strike rate of 94 in losses. Samarawickrama’s corresponding numbers are even more stark. In Sri Lanka victories, Samarawickrama averages 44.08 with a strike rate of 109. In losses those numbers are 16.94 and 87. Other Sri Lanka batters have leveled up in recent years too – Kavisha Dilhari, Nilakshika Silva and Hasini Perera having become more frequent contributors, while 20-year-old Vishmi Gunaratne has also showed promise. But 11 years into her international career, Samarawickrama now has a serious body of work.

Samarawickrama had been modest in the shortest format in 2025, but she arrives at the Women’s T20 World Cup 2026 having had a good six months. Against Bangladesh in April, Samarawickrama had cracked 61 off 35, then 49 off 29, in back-to-back matches that Sri Lanka won (Samarawickrama was top-scorer on both occasions). This was in addition to having put up good numbers in the ODI series that preceded the T20Is. Her 36 not out off 34 in a comfortable warm-up win against Netherlands suggests she is still riding on that form.

This is the first T20 World Cup in which serious runs are expected of Samarawickrama, and if history is much to go by, she is not the sort to be daunted by occasion. Samarawickrama’s finest moments as a Sri Lanka cricketer had come in their most-celebrated win of all, in the Asia Cup final of 2024, against India. Typically, that chase of 166 in Dambulla had been propelled by an 87-run Athapaththu-Samarawickrama stand, but when Athapaththu was dismissed, Samarawickrama ensured she remained at the crease until the winning moments, hitting 69 not out off 51, ultimately collecting the Player-of-the-Match award.

If 2013 was a new dawn inspiring a fresh generation of Sri Lanka cricketers, 2024 was the year in which the team hammered its stake into the ground, breaking through into an entirely new galaxy of recognition and acclaim at home. Frequently batting in the shadow of Athapaththu, but always charting her own path, Samarawickrama has grown into a leader.

[Cricinfo]

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US’ anti-migrant stance set to intensify tensions in Western camp

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Migrant boats land on Western beaches. Credit: PA

The announcement by the US authorities of an anti-migrant stance during a recent commemoration in France of the epochal D-Day Landings of June 6, 1944, ought to strike impartial observers as a supreme irony. Whereas what should have been expected was a vibrant celebration of the beginning of the process of Western Europe freeing itself decisively from Nazi or fascist control during the crucial stages of World War Two, this was not to be.

What the world heard instead was a call to contemporary Western Europe to arm itself against a seemingly rising and threatening migrant presence in the region. In other words, the migrant must be despised and ‘shown the door’.

Instead of a commemoration that rejoiced in the flourishing of liberal democracy and its values what one got was a strong affirmation of fascism and racial chauvinism. US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth vented his spleen against the migrant or foreigner presence in Europe reportedly thus: ‘Sadly today different European beaches are stormed by different dangerous ideologies.’ To ‘beaches in Spain and Italy and Greece and Bulgaria, boats and men arrive. When will European capitals do something about that invasion?’

While at the outbreak of World War Two it was Nazi Germany that was doing the invading and bringing some principal European countries under its suzerainty, this time around we are being given to understand that it’s migrants to the West who are seeking to colonize the latter. It goes without saying that such inflammatory rhetoric would have the deleterious effect of keeping racial tensions alive in the West and jeopardize all possibilities of the countries concerned cementing and maintaining social stability.

The Trump administration gives the impression of taking a leaf from the politically underdeveloped regions of the South to keep the US polity stable and united. In South Asia, for instance, we are not short of ambitious demagogues who use what is referred to as the ‘race card’ to gather unto themselves a following and thereby further their political fortunes. By seeking to stir and sustain anti-migrant hysteria, the Trump administration is also essentially replicating Nazi Germany’s policy of anti-Semitism. That is, fascism is very much alive in the US under President Trump.

Such efforts at churning racial hysteria at this juncture in the US should not come as a surprise. For all intents and purposes, the Trump administration is nowhere near achieving its aims in West Asia, for instance, in the short term. It has failed to bring Iran down to its knees, as it hoped to do, but is adopting the expedient of keeping the world guessing and confused on what it is doing in the region, since it cannot withdraw from the theatre in a hurry without losing face.

While perhaps working out an escape strategy the Trump administration it seems, is hoping to maintain its following at home intact and silent by playing on their racial biases and insecurities. Hence, the anti-foreigner campaign.

Simultaneously, the Trump administration will need to keep a close eye on how economic pressures on the domestic front are panning out. Anti-administration sentiments first break to the surface at meal tables. On this score, the news cannot be good because the average US family’s spending power ought to be shrinking on account of rising energy and oil prices. Consequently, it would not be a bad idea to keep the attention of the US consumer diverted by adeptly playing ‘the race card’; once again, lessons from intellectually bankrupt Southern politicians are coming in handy.

To be sure such comparisons many politicians in vibrantly democratic countries would find quite unflattering. But the stark truth is that racism cannot be tolerated in civilized societies and those politicians who resort to it risk being branded as racists of the first degree. In fact they could be seen as being on par with the likes of German dictator Adolph Hitler and his close collaborators.

However, on the question of migrant policy the Trump administration would likely be at polar opposites with the most vibrant of liberal democracies of the West. This will be the case with the UK, France and Italy for instance. The latter continue to keep their doors open to legal migrants and they are likely to view a virtual blanket ban on migrants as reprehensible.

Moreover, in the foremost democracies of the West debates are vibrantly ongoing on the need to keep racism or any hint of it completely outlawed in the public plane. There is the case of the UK, for instance, where the authorities continue to emphatically pinpoint their adherence to the principle of anti-racism in the conduct of public affairs.

One proof of the above was the parliamentary debate relating to the killing of 18-year-old Henry Nowak in Southampton. Police handling of the victim came in for sharp scrutiny by particularly the opposition in the House of Commons but there seemed to be a consensus over the main political divide that the matter should not be politicized.

Moreover, the UK authorities stressed in the House the government’s strict adherence to the policy of non-racism. It was also pointed out that British institutions set up to manage racism at the national, county and neighbourhood levels, for example, were very much intact. In fact, Sri Lanka could gain considerably by studying and implementing locally, legislation modeled on the relevant UK laws if it is in earnest when it speaks of ‘reconciliation’.

Accordingly, it is highly unlikely that Western Europe would ‘cave in’, so to speak, to US pressure on issues related to migration. The liberal democracies of Western Europe in particular would remain for the foreseeable future migrant-welcoming, multi-ethnic and plural democracies.

Nor is it likely that Western Europe would be passively receptive to US demands that it drastically increases its defense spending to meet the latter’s aims. Within the Western fold the EU is remaining committed to backing Ukraine, for instance, in its ongoing armed resistance to the Russian invasion and it is not giving any indication of being deferent to US pressure.

However, although tensions would continue to bristle within US-Western Europe relations on the above and numerous other matters of contention it would be far too premature to announce a parting of company between the two sections of the West. In that sense, the post-World War Two order remains essentially intact. There are still many things in common between the two, particular on the economic plane, that will ensure the continuance of the partnership.

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A decade among Yala’s ghosts of gold

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YM75 "James" surveys his territory from a tree-top vantage point, demonstrating the leopard's commanding presence in the landscape.

The first rays of dawn creep over the ancient rocks of Yala. The Indian Ocean glimmers in the distance, and the wilderness slowly awakens. Somewhere amid the scrub jungle, a pair of amber eyes scans the landscape.

For wildlife conservationist and leopard researcher Milinda Wattegedara, moments such as these have defined more than a decade of dedication to one of Sri Lanka’s most iconic creatures—the Sri Lankan leopard.

What began as fascination evolved into a remarkable conservation journey that has transformed the understanding of Yala’s leopard population and placed Sri Lanka firmly on the global wildlife research map.

“Long before I ever lifted a camera, leopards had already captured my imagination,” says Wattegedara. “What fascinated me was not merely their beauty but the complexity of their lives—their hunting strategies, movements, reproductive behaviour and their remarkable ability to adapt to changing environments.”

That fascination led to the birth of the Yala Leopard Diary in 2013, an ambitious long-term project dedicated to documenting individual leopards and unraveling the mysteries surrounding their lives.

For many visitors, a leopard sighting is a fleeting thrill. For Wattegedara and his team, every encounter is a chapter in an ongoing scientific story.

“Each photograph was never the end of an encounter,” he explains. “It was the beginning of deeper questions. How did a particular leopard use the landscape? How did its behaviour change with the seasons? What environmental pressures shaped its decisions?”

These questions drove years of meticulous fieldwork. Every sighting was carefully recorded with details including location, habitat, behaviour, date and time. Photographs were analysed to identify individual animals through unique spot patterns, allowing researchers to distinguish one leopard from another with remarkable accuracy.

What followed was groundbreaking.

YF77 “Shelly” pauses in quiet observation, embodying the alertness
and grace that define Yala’s leopard population.

From 2013 to 2026, the Yala Leopard Diary identified an astonishing 189 individual leopards within the Yala Block 1. The research revealed a leopard density of approximately 0.524 leopards per square kilometre, making Yala one of the highest leopard-density landscapes ever recorded anywhere in the world.

Such findings have elevated Yala’s status among global wildlife researchers.

Nestled between the Indian Ocean and a mosaic of habitats, ranging from rocky outcrops to dense scrub forests, Yala offers an ecological stage unlike any other.

Here, leopards are photographed silhouetted against ocean horizons, perched atop ancient granite formations, resting on tree branches and stalking prey across sunlit grasslands.

The images tell stories of extraordinary lives.

There is Haminee, a devoted mother navigating the challenges of raising cubs in a competitive landscape. There is Lucas, one of Yala’s most frequently documented males, striding confidently across the Gonalabba Plains with the vast ocean forming an unforgettable backdrop.

There is Ruki demonstrating the species’ incredible strength by hoisting prey onto branches, and Shelly, quietly surveying her surroundings in a moment of feline vigilance.

Together, these individuals have become familiar characters in a living wilderness drama.

YM31 “Ruki” secures prey on a branch, illustrating the remarkable strength and coordination of the Sri Lankan leopard.

Recognising the immense value of long-term documentation, Wattegedara joined forces with fellow researchers Dushyantha Silva, Raveendra Siriwardana and Mevan Piyasena to establish the Yala Leopard Centre in 2020.

Located at the Palatupana entrance to the Yala National Park, the centre is believed to be the world’s first information facility dedicated exclusively to leopards.

“The centre serves as a repository of knowledge, accumulated through years of observation and research,” Wattegedara says. “Our goal is to connect visitors with the science behind conservation and foster a deeper appreciation of these magnificent animals.”

The project’s impact extends far beyond Sri Lanka’s borders.

Research arising from the Yala Leopard Diary has been published in internationally recognised scientific journals. One study introduced an innovative framework for identifying individual leopards, while another documented an extraordinary and previously unrecorded case of a leopard cub being consecutively adopted by two different adult females—first a relative and later an unrelated leopardess.

The discovery attracted international scientific attention and highlighted the complexity of leopard social behaviour.

Yet for Wattegedara, the most important lesson remains one of humility.

“One conclusion has become increasingly clear,” he reflects. “Our understanding of these leopards remains far from complete. We are only beginning to understand how they live, adapt and persist in one of Sri Lanka’s most dynamic protected landscapes.”

YF15 “Hope” descends Rukvila Rock at dawn, showcasing the agility and adaptability of Yala’s leopards.

His words underscore an essential conservation truth: the more we learn about nature, the more mysteries emerge.

As Sri Lanka navigates growing environmental challenges, the Yala Leopard Diary stands as a shining example of what sustained observation, scientific curiosity and public engagement can achieve.

Beyond the stunning photographs and remarkable sightings lies something even more valuable—a growing body of knowledge capable of informing future conservation decisions and ensuring that future generations inherit a wilderness where leopards continue to roam free.

For more than a decade, Wattegedara and his colleagues have followed the tracks of Yala’s elusive predators through dust, rain and scorching heat.

Their work has revealed that every leopard has a story, every sighting has significance and every photograph can contribute to conservation.

And perhaps, most importantly, it has reminded us that the golden ghosts of Yala still have many secrets left to share.

By Ifham Nizam

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