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PORN STAR STORMY DANIELS TESTIFIES ABOUT THE “MOST DISGUSTING 90 SECONDS OF HER LIFE”

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Trump hush money trial completes fourth week of testimony

by V. K.Chandrasoma

Stating the obvious, Trump and incumbent President Biden are still the nominees of their Parties for the 2024 presidency. The mystery that defies logic is that Biden, the incumbent president, having brought back sanity to a White House disgraced by the former president, is unable to put any distance in the national polls between himself and Trump.This is the most pathetic choice for the presidency the American voters have ever faced in history. The election of Trump will mean the end of Democracy. Period. The election of Biden will result in a backlash of violence by Trump’s white supremacist domestic terrorists, especially if he is convicted and imprisoned. Violence which may approach the intensity of a second Civil War.

It may be pertinent to look back on the history of the US presidency in living memory, to reassure ourselves that America was not always like this. The White House had never before plummeted to the fascist depths reminiscent of the Third Reich of Nazi Germany in the 1930s.US presidents after WW II, Democratic and Republican, have been much like a curate’s eggs: some good and bad at the same time, others having distinct good and bad parts. But every single one of them, from Roosevelt to Biden, even Nixon, revered the sanctity of the Constitution of the United States and the dignity of the Oval Office. Bar Trump.

President Roosevelt guided the nation well on the path to social and economic justice with his New Deal after World War II. The beginnings of the social safety net in America which Republicans contemptuously decry today as “Commie” ideology, while enjoying its benefits. Benefits that still fall far short of the social and economic safety net enjoyed by the citizens of all other developed countries.FDR was succeeded on his death by President Harry Truman, who in 1945 had to make the most heartbreaking decision any president would face: to authorize the dropping of atomic bombs on the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 6 and 9, 1945, killing more than 100,000 men, women and children.

Japan surrendered on August 14, 1945, officially ending a war in which 70 – 85 million people had perished. The alternative to this seemingly inhumane decision was to sacrifice millions more lives in the invasion of Japan, which would not have surrendered under any other circumstances.

Eisenhower, a Republican, continued FDR’s “socialist” New Deal programs, expanded social security, prioritized taxes where the wealthy paid taxes up to 90%, which made for a thriving middle class. He played a major role in the construction of the nation’s freeway network. Every Republican president who came after him pales by comparison.

Then came Kennedy, a war hero and the most charismatic president in the nation’s history, who with his style, soaring oratory and a beautiful wife brought a new glamour to the White House, renamed during his administration after Camelot, the legendary court of King Arthur in 12th century England. Kennedy is mainly remembered for his unflinching courage during the Cuban Missile Crisis, when he stared down Khrushchev to remove nuclear missiles from Cuba, and for his determination to conquer space, when he famously said, “We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard”.
Kennedy was extremely popular with the ladies; his numerous extra-marital affairs, notably with sex bomb Marilyn Monroe, were legendary. He is supposed to have told British Prime Minister, Harold MacMillan, in 1961, “if I did not slip the presidential sausage to a woman once every three days, I would get a splitting headache”. Much to the horror of that strait-laced gentleman, whose experience of stiff organs certainly did not include political sausages, confined as they probably were to the traditional British stiff upper lip.

Vice-President Lyndon B. Johnson succeeded to the presidency on Kennedy’s assassination in 1963. Like President Biden, he was a fine president, a decent man. He presided over the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act, amongst other progressive legislation. But in the end, he was undone for his role in escalating the Vietnam War, which prompted him not to seek re-election in 1968.
Biden is continuing to fail in traditional national polls, mainly because of his unqualified support of Israel. Prime Minister Netanyahu’s disproportionate revenge against the atrocities committed by the terrorist organization of Hamas on October 7, is fast being transformed into a genocide against the civilian Palestinian population of Gaza. So far, 35,000 innocent Palestinian civilians have been killed and two million displaced, on the verge of starvation, since October 7. The violence shows no signs of abatement.
Biden has, at last, probably too late, censured Netanyahu and threatened to stop the flow of arms until Israel agrees to a negotiated ceasefire. A threat which is falling on deaf ears. Netanyahu has vowed “to fight tooth and nail” and continue to wave the shroud of the Holocaust to sanitize the Zionist intention of an ironical twist to Hitler’s Final Solution – the genocide of the Palestinian people and the establishment of the sovereign state of Israel.
Since 1948, the world has done nothing while the Jews have, with American support, illegally, violently and with impunity annexed Palestinian land, purely on the basis of a Biblical statement made 3,000 years ago, that Palestine is the homeland of the Jewish people. The Divine Title Deed, notarized by the Christian God Himself.

Richard Nixon, who lost the presidency to JFK by a whisker in 1960, won the White House in 1968 and 1972 by landslides. He counted many achievements during his presidency, including ending the Vietnam War and negotiating a detente with the Peoples Republic of China.However, his presidency will always be held in disgrace because of Watergate, a cover-up of a break-in at the Democratic National Committee headquarters in the Watergate office building in the nation’s capital. Compared to the treasonous felonies of sedition and espionage that implicate the contemptible Trump, Watergate is a mere peccadillo.
Nixon’s vice-president, Gerald Ford, succeeded him on his resignation.

Ford’s only “achievement” during his brief presidency was his pardon of Nixon for crimes committed during Watergate.Ford was succeeded by Democrat Jimmy Carter. A disciplined and compassionate president, Carter championed human rights, bolstered Social Security, added nearly eight million jobs and sought to improve the environment. He helped to bring amity between Israel and Egypt with the famous Camp David Agreement of 1978. He also established full diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China. Carter was a fine president but a principled, therefore terrible, politician. He was outmaneuvered by the Great Communicator, Ronald Reagan after one term, in 1980.

Carter won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002, which he should have received in 1978, “for his decades of untiring efforts to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social welfare”.

Since 1984, Jimmy Carter (now 99 years-old) and his wife, Rosalynn, have been personally involved in building and renovating homes with Habitat for Humanity. He is still actively involved in the project, since his devoted wife of 77 years died in November 2023. She was 96 years old.

Reagan was a worse president than he was a mediocre Hollywood actor. Credited with having ended the Cold War, Reagan’s signature achievement was his infamous policy of trickle-down economics, which cut the maximum tax rate of corporations and the wealthy from 65% to 40%, that began the process of marginalizing a thriving middle class.The two presidencies of the Bushes, George H.W. and George W. served as disastrous bookends for the prosperous eight-year presidency of Bill Clinton.

The older Bush started the Gulf War against Iraq. The younger Bush tried to outdo daddy, and waged an illegal war against Iraq, also doomed to failure, with enormous costs to lives, property and reputation. Both left their presidencies in financial and environmental crises, which were rescued by their successors, Presidents Clinton and Obama, in 1992 and 2008, respectively.
Clinton’s two terms resulted in the longest economic expansion in American history, added 22 million new jobs, the largest expansion of education opportunity since the GI bill, among many other stellar achievements. His administration ended in a surplus of $230 billion.

Clinton also had a fondness for the ladies, though he was an altar boy compared to JFK. His presidency was marred by a consensual affair with an intern, for which “crime” he was impeached. He was, like JFK, a man of great charisma, and never had to pay to have sex with porn stars. The two-term administration of President Barack Obama rescued a nation on the brink of recession, and in eight years, transformed it to a prosperous country with 72 weeks of continuous economic growth, well on the path to social and economic justice. A president who had adorned the mantle of the Leader of the Free World with universal respect and admiration, achieved in the face of Republican obstruction at every progressive turn. A scandal-free presidency that ranks among the greatest in history.

Four short years later, from 2016 to 2020, the USA became a different country. One which had lost the confidence of its allies and consorted with its adversaries; sacrificed the threat of climate change at the altar of pollution and corporate greed; cost the avoidable deaths of hundreds of thousands of Americans to the pandemic in a failed and cynical effort to safeguard the economy; forsook the financial plight of the neediest for the benefit of its billionaires and corporations; and, most importantly, polarized the nation and rekindled racial and religious tensions to the cusp of a second Civil War.

This brief history of American administrations since WWII till 2016 shows the depths to which Trump has dragged the values of the presidency.Trump’s hush money trial resumed on Thursday, with the salacious evidence of Stormy Daniels, the porn star who, on Tuesday, described her sexual encounter with Trump as “the most disgusting 90 seconds of her life”. She was constrained by presiding Judge Meachan not to reveal the juicier parts of the encounter, like a description on Trump’s genitalia, which Stormy had hilariously likened to a little mushroom at previous TV interviews. One that would produce a tedious “mushroom cloud” that would cause no fear to the nation’s adversaries, much less an exultation of gratitude to the Almighty from the ladies.

Stormy Daniels continued her testimony on Thursday. In cross-examination, the defense counsel attempted to throw mud at Stormy with references to her “dialog with the dead while living in a haunted house”, while badgering her with her past sexual fiascos. A defiant Stormy refused to be intimidated by these combative tactics and more than held her own. The day ended with the same defense I reported last week – that Donald Trump paid $130,000 to a porn star as an incentive for not going public with the “fact” that he didn’t have sex with her.

Perhaps Stormy Daniels referred to the most damaging point to Trump’s defense: the fact that his lawyers dare not have him testify at the trial, fully aware that he would commit perjury before he completed his first sentence.
Or as Stormy tweeted, “Real men respond to testimony (against them) by being sworn in and taking the stand in court. Oh …. Wait. Never mind”.

The next prosecution witness will be Donald Trump’s erstwhile “fixer”, Michael Cohen, who has already spent a three-year prison sentence for his part as the architect of this hush-money scheme. Having taken the fall for Trump, he certainly has no love for him, and his testimony against Trump next week should be both interesting and hopefully, disastrously conclusive.

The extraordinarily archaic rules of the Electoral College make it almost impossible for a Third-Party candidate to successfully vie for the presidency. However, the main Third-Party candidate for 2024, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., son of RFK and nephew of JFK, added some improbable though rueful humor to the current presidential race. The New York Times revealed last Wednesday that a neurologist, after reviewing a brain scan in 2010 of the then 56-year-old Kennedy,

had told him that his health issues could have been “caused by a worm that got into my brain, ate a portion of it and died”. Of starvation?Kennedy said he would be prepared “to eat five more brain worms and still outclass Trump and Biden at a presidential debate”, joking, in golfing parlance, that he would “beat them both with a six-worm handicap!”

 

 



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People’s mandate and judicial legitimacy

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BASL public forum held last Saturday

Sri Lanka is witnessing the dismantling of the culture of impunity that dominated public life for decades. This is happening through the courts, police investigations and legal process. It is not an easy task and requires strong leadership as it is generating strong resistance. The ongoing revelations about the nexus between politicians, including those at the highest levels, and criminal networks show that the government’s electoral mandate with regard to corruption and crime is now being translated into action through the legal system. The vote of the people at the last national elections was for a corruption free country and an end to the climate of impunity that had prevailed for decades. They voted for a system change that would replace impunity with accountability under the rule of law. They expected those who had looted the country and brought it to the point of bankruptcy to be held accountable through the due process of law.

The cases that are being investigated by the police, in tandem with the Attorney General’s Department, and adjudicated by the judiciary are based on hard evidence. Much of the evidence that is now receiving publicity had been available several years ago and had even entered the legal process. In the past those cases failed to reach fruition. Investigations lost momentum, prosecutions failed to marshal the available evidence and many cases were dismissed, some on technical grounds. Between 2019 and 2024, a total of 102 cases were withdrawn from the courts by the government authorities. The public knew, or strongly believed, that corruption and serious crimes had taken place. The inability to establish wrongdoing before a court of law and hold those responsible accountable created a climate in which political power appeared to provide protection from legal accountability.

A countrywide study titled Factors Guiding Voter Preference in Elections in Sri Lanka was commissioned by the National Peace Council prior to the 2024 elections under the European Union funded project Active Citizens for Elections and Democracy and conducted by researchers Dr Mahesh Senanayake and Ms Crishni Silva of the University of Colombo. It found overwhelming public support for accountability and good governance. While 93 percent of respondents identified resolving the economic crisis as their foremost electoral concern, an equally striking 83 percent said they prioritised candidates committed to fighting corruption. The mandate given to the government can, therefore, be interpreted to mean to restore integrity to public life and end the long standing culture of impunity.

Different Approach

Today, it can be seen that the police, the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption, the Attorney General’s Department and the judiciary are approaching matters of impunity in respect of corruption and crime in a manner that is markedly different from the past. Several persons who formerly occupied high office have now been subjected to due legal process and, in a number of cases, convicted after judicial scrutiny at different levels of the court system. This is an important difference from earlier years when cases involving politically prominent persons frequently failed to proceed or collapsed before reaching their conclusion. The strength of the present accountability process lies not only in the convictions that have been secured but also in the growing public confidence that no one is above the law. It is in this context that reports of a government proposal to extend by two years the retirement age of judges of the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal have generated support from those who wish to see the present accountability process continue and opposition from those who see it as an attempt to influence the judiciary.

Many countries have increased judicial retirement ages in recognition of longer life expectancy and the value of retaining experienced judges. This has not only been limited to the judiciary but also the academia and the public service. However, the controversy in Sri Lanka is due to the context and as the proposal for an extension of the period of service of judges of the superior courts comes at a time when the courts are hearing politically significant corruption and criminal cases. The Bar Association of Sri Lanka has taken the lead in questioning the proposed constitutional amendment. The BASL has stated that it “notes with grave concern” reports that the government is considering increasing the retirement age of judges of the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal. It has warned that extending the tenure of sitting judges at this point of time is likely to be viewed by the public as an attempt to interfere with the independence of the judiciary.

The main issue raised by the BASL is therefore one of preserving public confidence in the administration of justice. A discussion organised by the BASL also highlighted that this issue has implications beyond Sri Lanka. Representatives of the Commonwealth Lawyers Association and LAWASIA acknowledged that many countries have increased the retirement age of judges in recognition of greater life expectancy and the value of retaining experienced judges. Their concern was not with increasing the retirement age itself but with changing the tenure of sitting judges while politically significant corruption cases are before the courts. In such circumstances, even well intentioned reform could create a public perception that the judiciary is being influenced to take forward the government’s mandate in a partisan manner.

Maintain Confidence

The challenge before the government is to preserve two equally important objectives. The first is to continue implementing the people’s mandate to hold the corrupt and those responsible for grave crimes accountable before the law. The second is to ensure that nothing is done which could diminish public confidence in the independence and impartiality of the judiciary that is entrusted with carrying out that responsibility. The strength of the present accountability process lies in the confidence it has generated among the public that investigations, prosecutions and judicial decisions are being made according to law as in the convictions that have been secured. Sri Lanka has come a long way from the days when politically sensitive cases rarely reached a successful conclusion. It would be unfortunate if doubts regarding the independence of the judiciary were to overshadow what has otherwise been a significant institutional achievement.

In the face of the concerns expressed by the BASL, opposition political parties and international legal organisations, it would be prudent for the government to widen the discussion on the proposed amendment. If there is a compelling case to increase the retirement age of judges of the superior courts, that case should be placed before the public and parliament and debated openly. Such a constitutional amendment should not rest solely on the government’s parliamentary majority, even if it has the numbers to secure its passage. Simply utilising the numbers that the government on its own to make changes to the constitution will not increase its legitimacy or credibility. Those values will be strengthened if they were preceded by public consultation and supported across party lines in Parliament. Bipartisan political support can be expected from those in the opposition, of whom there are many, who have shown an inclination to practice responsible politics in the national interest.

The people voted not only to change a government but to change a system. They expected those who abused public trust to be held accountable through institutions that commanded public confidence. That expectation is beginning to be fulfilled. It should not be placed at risk by constitutional change that lacks broad public acceptance. If the government believes there is a compelling case to extend the retirement age of the judges of the superior courts, it should first make that case to the people and seek bipartisan support in Parliament with those in the opposition who are also sincere about anti-corruption and good governance. The challenge is to protect the independence of the judiciary while ensuring that no one is above the law. Overcoming this challenge is the surest way to make Sri Lanka’s transition from a culture of impunity to one of accountability a lasting one.

by Jehan Perera

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Intelligence-led governance: the strategic path to a sovereign nation

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In an increasingly volatile and interconnected world, the strength of a nation is no longer determined solely by the size of its military, the abundance of its natural resources, or the growth of its economy.

In an increasingly volatile and interconnected world, the strength of a nation is no longer determined solely by the size of its military, the abundance of its natural resources, or the growth of its economy. The true measure of national strength lies in the resilience of its institutions, the confidence of its people, the effectiveness of its governance, and its ability to anticipate and respond to emerging challenges before they become national crises.

The twenty-first century has introduced a security landscape that is far more complex than ever before. Nations today confront not only conventional military threats but also terrorism, organised crime, cyber-attacks, economic instability, disinformation, climate change, pandemics, energy insecurity, irregular migration, financial crimes, and geopolitical competition. These challenges are interconnected and demand integrated responses rather than isolated solutions.

To navigate this evolving environment successfully, every nation requires a shared strategic vision supported by strong institutions working in harmony. At the centre of this vision should be a modern, professional, and intelligence-led system of governance that enables informed decision-making, protects democratic values, and promotes sustainable national development.

A Shared Strategic Vision

Every successful nation should aspire towards a common national vision:

A Sovereign Nation Happy People Peaceful Society Prosperous Economy A Respected Global Partner

These are not independent aspirations but interconnected national outcomes. Achieving them requires every State institution to work collectively under a common strategic framework rather than as isolated entities pursuing individual objectives.

A sovereign nation is one that possesses not only secure borders but also strong institutions, economic resilience, social cohesion, and the confidence to make independent national decisions. Sovereignty today extends beyond territorial integrity to include economic security, cyber resilience, energy security, food security, environmental sustainability, and protection against external influence.

Good Governance: The Cornerstone

The foundation of every successful nation is good governance.

Transparency, accountability, integrity, professionalism, and efficient public administration create an environment where citizens trust their institutions and investors have confidence in the country’s future. Corruption, political interference, inefficiency, and weak institutions undermine national resilience and weaken sovereignty from within.

Good governance is not merely an administrative principle; it is a national security imperative.

When public institutions function efficiently, public services improve, economic opportunities expand, and social grievances diminish. This reduces vulnerabilities that extremist groups, organised criminals, and foreign actors often exploit.

The Rule of Law and Judicial Independence

An independent judiciary is one of the strongest pillars of democracy.

Justice must be administered impartially and without fear or favour. Citizens must have confidence that the law applies equally to everyone, regardless of social status or political influence.

Judicial independence strengthens public confidence, attracts foreign investment, and reinforces national stability. Investors are more likely to invest in countries where contracts are enforceable, disputes are resolved fairly, and property rights are protected.

Likewise, professional law enforcement agencies play a vital role in safeguarding public order. Intelligence-led policing, supported by modern investigative techniques, community engagement, and technological innovation, enables law enforcement to prevent crime rather than merely react to it.

Human Rights: A Strategic Asset

There is often a misconception that national security and human rights exist in opposition. In reality, they reinforce one another.

Respect for human dignity, equality before the law, freedom of expression, religious freedom, and constitutional rights strengthens national unity and social cohesion. Citizens who trust their institutions are more willing to cooperate with authorities, report suspicious activities, and participate in community safety initiatives.

Communities become the first line of defence against extremism, organised crime, and social unrest when mutual trust exists between citizens and the State.

Human rights should therefore be viewed not as obstacles to security but as essential components of sustainable national security.

Intelligence: The Strategic Nerve Centre

At the heart of modern governance lies an effective national intelligence network.

Traditionally, intelligence was associated primarily with military operations and counter-terrorism. Today, its responsibilities extend much further.

Modern intelligence supports political leadership by providing timely, accurate, objective, and actionable information that enables informed decision-making. It anticipates threats, identifies opportunities, and supports strategic planning across all sectors of government.

An effective intelligence system should be:

*  Predictive rather than reactive.

*  Preventive rather than investigative alone.

*  Integrated rather than fragmented.

*  Technology-driven rather than paper-based.

*  People-centred rather than institution-centred.

Artificial intelligence, big data analytics, cyber intelligence, financial intelligence, geospatial intelligence, satellite imagery, behavioural analysis, digital forensics, and open-source intelligence are transforming the intelligence profession worldwide.

Countries that fail to modernise their intelligence capabilities risk strategic surprise and reduced competitiveness in an increasingly data-driven world.

Intelligence Beyond National Security

Modern intelligence should no longer be confined to counter-terrorism or espionage.

Its role should extend to supporting national development through the protection of critical infrastructure, monitoring economic trends, securing supply chains, safeguarding maritime interests, protecting natural resources, and assessing climate-related risks.

Intelligence should assist policymakers in areas such as:

*  Economic planning

*  Public health preparedness

*  Disaster risk reduction

*  Cybersecurity

*  Energy security

*  Food security

*  Environmental protection

*  Artificial intelligence governance

*  Foreign policy

*  Investment protection

An intelligence-led government anticipates future challenges instead of merely responding after crises emerge.

Whole-of-Government Cooperation

One of the greatest weaknesses in many developing nations is institutional fragmentation.

Government agencies often collect valuable information independently but fail to share it effectively. This creates duplication, delays, and missed opportunities.

A National Intelligence Fusion Centre should integrate information from intelligence services, police, armed forces, immigration, customs, financial intelligence units, cyber security agencies, disaster management authorities, health services, and environmental agencies.

Such integration provides decision-makers with a comprehensive national picture and significantly improves crisis management and strategic planning.

Economic Prosperity Through Security

Economic development depends fundamentally upon stability.

Foreign investors seek countries where governance is predictable, corruption is controlled, contracts are enforceable, infrastructure is secure, and political stability is maintained.

An effective intelligence system quietly protects these conditions by identifying threats to investment, monitoring organised crime, preventing financial fraud, protecting critical infrastructure, and safeguarding strategic industries.

Security and economic development are therefore mutually reinforcing.

Investment creates employment.

Employment reduces poverty.

Reduced poverty strengthens social stability.

Social stability reinforces national security.

International Partnerships

No nation can successfully confront modern threats alone.

Transnational organised crime, cybercrime, narcotics trafficking, terrorism, money laundering, illegal migration, and environmental crimes operate across borders.

Regional and global intelligence cooperation has therefore become indispensable.

Information sharing, joint investigations, coordinated maritime surveillance, and collaborative cyber defence significantly enhance national capabilities while strengthening diplomatic relationships.

Strong intelligence supports effective diplomacy.

Effective diplomacy enhances trade, investment, tourism, education, and technological cooperation.

Ultimately, international confidence contributes directly to national prosperity.

The Relationship Between National Stakeholders

National success depends upon collaboration among all stakeholders.

Government provides leadership and policy direction.

The judiciary safeguards justice.

Law enforcement protects public safety.

The intelligence community provides foresight and early warning.

Civil society strengthens social cohesion.

Educational institutions develop future leaders.

The private sector generates investment and innovation.

International partners facilitate trade, cooperation, and knowledge sharing.

Citizens themselves remain the most important stakeholders.

When these institutions operate with mutual trust, shared objectives, and effective coordination, they create a resilient State capable of responding confidently to both domestic and international challenges.

The Strategic Path Forward

Every nation requires a long-term vision rather than short-term political agendas.

That vision should place national interest above partisan interests and institutional collaboration above bureaucratic competition.

The pathway is straightforward:

Good Governance Independent Judiciary Professional Law Enforcement Protection of Human Rights Effective National Intelligence Network Political Stability Investor Confidence Economic Growth Foreign Direct Investment Peaceful Society Happy People A Sovereign Nation

This strategic chain demonstrates that sovereignty is not achieved through military strength alone. It is the cumulative outcome of good governance, justice, intelligence, economic resilience, and public confidence.

The future belongs to nations that can anticipate change, adapt rapidly, and make informed strategic decisions. Intelligence must therefore evolve from being viewed solely as a security function to becoming a central pillar of national governance and development.

A modern intelligence network should serve as the strategic nervous system of the State—connecting governance with justice, justice with security, security with economic prosperity, and prosperity with international respect.

A sovereign nation is ultimately one where institutions are trusted, citizens are protected, rights are respected, opportunities are created, and decisions are guided by knowledge rather than assumption. When all stakeholders work in harmony under a shared strategic vision, the result is a nation that is secure, prosperous, peaceful, and respected on the global stage.

The challenge before every developing nation is therefore not simply to strengthen its security apparatus but to embrace Intelligence-Led Governance as a national philosophy—one that integrates good governance, rule of law, human rights, innovation, and strategic foresight into a unified framework for sustainable national development. Such a vision will not only safeguard sovereignty but also ensure that future generations inherit a nation defined by stability, prosperity, and enduring peace

By Mahil Dole, SSP (Rtd.)

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The perfect victim: How institutions respond

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Nils Christie

It has been almost two months since the judgement of Abeyasinghe v Tilakaratne and others by the Supreme Court. Since then, I have often been asked a simple question, which I, too, have asked myself. “Has anything actually changed?” My answer is both yes and no. Judgements can uphold the law, direct institutions and clarify principles. But they cannot, by themselves, change cultures.

I shall take the liberty of writing this piece because, in the weeks following the judgment, I have found myself reflecting less on the outcome of the case and more on what it reveals about our institutions. Yet institutions do not change simply because a court has spoken. They change only when they are willing to question long-held assumptions, reflect honestly on their procedures and practices, learn from their shortcomings and act decisively to foster a culture that places accountability at its centre.

The myth of the perfect victim

One such assumption is about the conduct of the Ideal or Perfect victim. The concept of the “ideal victim” was first articulated by the Norwegian criminologist Nils Christie in 1986. Interestingly, Christie was not concerned with identifying those most likely to become victims of crime. Instead, his question was who is most readily recognised and accepted by society as a “real” victim? Society is often more willing to extend sympathy and credibility to victims who fit a particular stereotype. According to Christie, the “ideal victim” is someone perceived to be weak and vulnerable, engaged in a respectable activity, in a place where they have every right to be, harmed by someone clearly viewed as “big” or “bad,” and, importantly, a stranger rather than someone they know. These characteristics continue to influence how victims are perceived today. Although we may not consciously apply such criteria, they often shape our instinctive judgments about who deserves to be believed.

In the context of sexual violence within universities, the assumptions surrounding the ideal victim quickly begin to unravel. Power relationships within universities are often complex, and professional relationships may have existed before the misconduct. The alleged perpetrator may not be a stranger but a lecturer, supervisor, colleague, or fellow student. The complainant may continue interacting with the alleged perpetrator because academic progression or employment leaves little choice. When a victim does not fit the mould of the “perfect victim,” attention shifts away from the conduct of the alleged perpetrator and towards the conduct of the complainant.

What should be kept in mind is that victims respond to trauma differently. Some report immediately; many do not. Some become emotional; others appear composed. Some resign from their workplace, while others continue to work because they have no realistic alternative or because they wish to confront the violence head on. Some preserve every piece of evidence; others delete messages simply because they cannot bear to see them again. Yet these perfectly human responses are often interpreted as reasons to doubt credibility.

Universities provide a particularly complex setting for this phenomenon. Most complainants do not initially seek justice. More often, they simply want the harassment to stop so that they can continue their education or employment in an environment where they feel safe. Sometimes victims make anonymous complaints, not because they wish to avoid accountability, but because anonymity provides the only sense of security they have. During preliminary inquiries/ fact finding processes, confidentiality can often be maintained. However, if the matter proceeds to a formal disciplinary process, complainants are usually required to reveal their identities. It is at this point that many decide not to proceed further, not because the harassment did not occur, but because the personal cost of pursuing justice becomes overwhelming.

Perhaps this should prompt us to ask a different question. Instead of asking why anonymous complaints exist or why complainants don’t come forward (sooner), should we not ask why so many complainants feel unsafe engaging with the institutional process?

The subject of scrutiny

When survivors do come forward, they frequently encounter another familiar phenomenon, victim blaming.

“Why didn’t you complain earlier?”

“Why didn’t you go to the police?”

“If you were sexually harassed, why are you still working there?”

“Why did you continue interacting with him?”

“The reason this happened is because you showed positivity towards him.”

“There is no smoke without fire.”

Although these questions appear different, they have something in common. They all examine the behaviour of the complainant. Very few begin by asking why the alleged perpetrator behaved in the way described. The familiar proverb, “There is no smoke without fire,” is often used to suggest that the complainant must have done something to invite the misconduct. Yet perhaps we have misunderstood where the fire lies. The fire is not the complainant’s behaviour. The fire is the conduct of the alleged perpetrator. The complaint is the smoke that finally becomes visible.

These responses also reveal another contradiction. If a victim complains immediately, some might question their motives. If they delay, the delay becomes the issue. If they resign, they may be described as unstable or unable to cope. If they remain in employment, their continued presence is taken as evidence that the misconduct could not have been serious or that it never had happened. If they show emotion, they risk being dismissed as irrational. If they remain composed, they may be accused of exaggerating. In truth, there is often no version of events in which a complainant can satisfy every expectation placed upon them. If our systems only work for the “perfect victim,” then they were never truly designed for victims at all.

The silence that speaks

The recent judgment also prompted me to reflect on another aspect of institutional culture, silence. Within academia, even discussing judgments concerning one’s own institution may be framed as bringing the institution into disrepute. Such framing places academics in an impossible position. Those who speak are sometimes portrayed as being disloyal or as failing to respect the institution they serve. Yet genuine respect for an institution should not require silence in the face of injustice. Universities are places that encourage academic freedom, critical inquiry, evidence-based reasoning, and intellectual debate. They should, therefore, be places where uncomfortable conversations are not avoided but embraced.

The relative silence surrounding the judgment in academia raises important questions. Does silence reflect satisfaction that justice has been served? Does it reflect concern about damaging the reputation of one’s university? Does it reflect uncertainty about whether difficult institutional conversations are welcome? Or does it reflect a real or perceived fear of professional consequences for speaking openly? These are questions that deserve thoughtful reflection.

Post judgement reflections

At the same time, my experience in the weeks following the judgment has also been one of hope. Individuals who have experienced different forms of abuse have quietly come forward to share their own stories with me. Some have sought legal advice. Others have simply wanted someone to listen. Their experiences remind me that judgments do more than resolve disputes between parties. They send messages to those who have remained silent, that seeking justice remains possible. Perhaps that is one answer to the question I posed at the beginning of this article. Has anything actually changed? For some victims, I believe the answer is yes. A judgement can restore hope and encourage those who had previously felt that their voices would never be heard.

Yet judgments alone cannot erase trauma, restore lost years, or undo the personal and professional consequences that many victims endure. Courts can interpret the law, but they cannot, by themselves, transform institutional culture. Culture changes only when institutions and university communities are willing to learn from judgments rather than merely comply with them. It changes when realities of power imbalances are recognised, when credibility is assessed through evidence rather than stereotypes, and when the question “Why did the victim not come forward sooner?” is replaced with “What conditions made it so difficult for the victim to come forward?” Ultimately, the true value of a judgement lies not only in the orders it makes, but also in the conversations it inspires and the institutional self-reflection it demands. Whether anything truly changes will not depend on the judgement itself, but on whether institutions have the courage to learn from them.

(Udari Abeyasinghe is attached to the Faculty of Dental Sciences at the University of Peradeniya)

Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.

by Udari Abeyasinghe

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