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One Country, One Law. What is it? Why now?

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Not consorting with fools,

consorting with the wise,

paying homage to those worthy of homage:

This is the highest protection.

Maha Mangala Sutta

by Rajan Philips

The gazette announcement that Ven. Galagodaaththe Gnanasara Thera will be heading a new Presidential Task Force to study “the implementation of the concept, One country; One law, and prepare a draft Act for the said purpose,” was more befuddling than it was shocking or infuriating. “It defies comprehension,” said The Island editorial on Thursday. Many also found the announcement somewhat hilarious while mindful of its ominous implications. The hilarity stems from this government’s seemingly unlimited capacity to be ridiculously irrational in political tactics, even as it is utterly incompetent on matters of policy. Comprehending the government’s actions is not the problem. Fathoming how far the consequences of those actions will go and how damaging they will be to the public good is the challenge.

With another three years to go before next pair of elections, it is virtually impossible to change the government. That is why I have been trying to suggest – changing the ways of the government, as a rational alternative. How can anyone suggest anything rational when the President seemingly out of the blues appoints Gnanasara Thera to head a presidential task force? That is why the gazette announcement has been generating more cynical laughter than outright condemnation.

When news about the newest task force broke out, a politically astute former Peradeniya Engineering Professor chimed in that regardless of ‘one country, one law,’ Sri Lanka is being dragged from a state of ‘one country, no law,’ to a new situation of ‘no country, no law.’ Another Engineering alumnus, paraphrased the old Colvin gem to coin a new one: ‘one law, two states’; two laws, one state.’ Then he cited the first stanza from Maha Mangala Sutta, where the Buddha counsels whom to consort with and whom to pay homage for “the highest protection.” There are higher mortals than I in Sri Lanka to say if Gnanasara Thera or his twelve Task Force followers are not the fools, but the wise, and worthy of homage by the President of Sri Lanka to secure for the state of Sri Lanka ” the highest protection.”

Easter Echoes

But it is not the protection of the state that is at issue now. It was the issue that was orchestrated to loom large between the Easter Sunday bombings in April 2019 and the presidential election seven months later, in November 2019. The echoes of Easter Sunday are still reverberating and that may be one of the reasons, if not the only reason, why Gnanasara Thera has been given a presidential platform at this time. To mount a counter pulpit to that of Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith.

Over the last two weeks Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith, his clergy and his laity have become vociferously critical of the government’s failure to meaningfully respond to their calls for accountability for the breakdown of security on Easter Sunday in 2019, on the one hand, and for justice for the victims of the Easter attacks, on the other. A Presidential Commission of Inquiry appointed by former President Sirisena has produced a report running into six volumes including a whole chapter on recommendations. One of the recommendations is apparently to consider punitive legal action against the former President himself for negligence of duty and his failure to act on prior intelligence information about Easter bombings.

People have gone over this before. But they will keep going over it again, and again, so long as the government remains inactive and unresponsive. The Government’s inaction has been fuelling speculations about who knew what, who did what, and who failed to do what – before and on the day of the bombings. Rather than being transparent with information, the government has been trying to rain down the speculations. And it hasn’t worked.

To make matters worse, President Rajapaksa is reported to have told Cardinal Malcom Ranjith that he (the President) would become very unpopular if he were to act on the recommendations of the Presidential Commission. Herein might lie some clue to presidential thinking. Indicting people makes the President unpopular. So, he pardoned Duminda Silva to become popular. And the President’s popularity might be getting a real boost from his spineless Attorney General who is redefining his job as one of withdrawing indictments rather than arraigning criminals and trespassers.

With nothing working to stop the Catholics from making too much noise, the government has started letting loose the CID on them. Priests and activists are summoned by the CID to explain their public statements on the Easter tragedy. A Catholic Priest, Fr. Cyril Gamini Fernando, and a lay activist, Chirantha Amerasinghe, have become special targets after speaking out. The case of Fr. Fernando is unsurprisingly curious. He has been summoned by the CID on a personal complaint lodged by the Director General of State Intelligence Services. Fr. Fernando has asked for time and has pointed out if the Director General has anything to complain he should go to court instead of seeking police assistance. A smart and very legitimate move.

Ten years ago, Fr. Fernando may have been hauled up in a van and even ‘disappeared.’ Priests in the north have ‘been disappeared.’ Now, it might be just a little too difficult to bring back the old methods. Not with expatriate Sri Lankan Catholics joining the local clamour. And not with the Permanent People’s Tribunal beginning its hearings in The Hague on the case of the murder of Jamal Khashoggi, the slain Saudi journalist, and the murder of Sri Lanka’s Lasantha Wickrematunge. Stand implicated in the two cases are the Saudi Crown Prince and Sri Lanka’s former Defence Secretary.

Vistas of Despair

It is against this broader backdrop that the setting up a new Presidential Commission headed by Gnanasara Thera ‘defies comprehension.’ But it makes sense when the appointment Gnanasara Thera is seen as a counter challenge to Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith. Whether or not it is the calculation of either the President or his congenitally ill-advised advisers, the new Task Force will give an official platform to Gnanasara Thera. And it will not be long before the two religious pulpits confront each other at the country’s political centre. Sparks are going to fly. It is not a question of who among the two is going to get burnt more, but how many others will be unnecessarily caught in the fire.

The government may be overlooking another detail. Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith is not the old ‘Latin Bishop’ of the 1960s, but a Catholic prelate who is also a consummate exponent of the culture and nationalism of the Sinhalese. He cannot be dismissed as the missionary of an alien faith and he can articulate the essences of Sinhala culture far more eloquently and pleasingly than anyone in the government or anyone in the President’s new task force, including Gnanasara Thera. If that is the game that gets to be played by the new task force, it will be revealing to see how the national audience shapes up in responding to the Catholic Cardinal and the President’s new Task Force Head.

Apart from being a counter pulpit to the Cardinal, what else are Gnanasara Thera and his twelve Task Force apostles going to achieve by undertaking the “study of the implementation of the concept, One country; One law, and prepare a draft Act for the said purpose.” The concept of the dog, as the old saying goes, doesn’t bark, let alone bite. So how is the concept of one country, one law, going to be implemented – to make it bark, and even bite? We can stay tuned for the Task Force’s monthly reports and its magnum opus by February 28, 2022.

In the meantime, the onus is on all the other task carriers and the more enlightened supporters of President Rajapaksa to help us make sense of his latest precipitous action. The onus is specially on the Committee of Experts incubating the new constitution. How are they going to find common ground, or even reconcile, between their labour for constitutional law and Gnanasara Thera’s one law voyage to discover nothing? Will one telescope into another? Or will it be for the President to set up another t-force or committee to integrate the two outcomes?

Just days before being thoroughly blindsided by the President’s task force gazette announcement, Foreign Minister GL Pieris took it upon himself to announce that the Experts Committee work on the constitution has been completed and that it will be presented to parliament in January 2022. That effectively rules out the possibility of the committee’s experts taking a second look at their own role and potentially withdrawing themselves from the committee. They have all the reason to do so after the announcement of the One Country-One Law Task Force. The constitutional experts cannot be unaware of the spate of resignations by other principled experts and professionals from their high-post placements in public service. Nor can they be unaware that history will smile on them very approvingly if they were to join the high-post professionals and resign. The country will be spared of an unnecessary new constitution.

There was a string of resignation announcements last week – by the heads of the State Pharmaceutical Corporation, Consumer Affairs Authority, and the Paddy Marketing Board. Whether they are fleeing a sinking ship or escaping from ethical torture makes no difference to the obviousness of the government’s desperation. The announcement of the One Country-One Law Task Force is a clear symptom of desperation. There are no more vistas of splendour. Only vistas of desperation. And a shipload of (un)organic manure from China.



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From stabilisation to transformation without delay

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At a symposium on reconciliation organised by the National Peace Council last week, more than 250 religious clergy, civic activists and political representatives from different communities gathered to discuss the country’s future. Speaking at the event, Minister Bimal Rathnayake explained the government’s approach to national reconciliation. He said the government viewed the country’s recovery in terms of a three stage process. The first stage was stabilisation, the second was development and the third was transformation. Reconciliation, he implied, would come in that final stage. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the same symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, strengthens that hope.

When the present NPP government took office in 2024, the country was emerging from one of the gravest crises in its post Independence history. The economic collapse of 2022 had led to shortages of fuel, food, medicines and electricity. Inflation soared, foreign reserves disappeared and long queues became part of daily life. The political upheaval that followed culminated in the resignation of former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa after mass public protests under the banner of the Aragalaya movement. The country was then governed by a leadership that spoke the language of reform and reconciliation but was widely perceived as lacking a direct popular mandate.

Sri Lanka’s past experience suggests that stabilisation and transformation cannot be treated as entirely separate stages. Postponing reconciliation until some future moment risks repeating the failures of the past. If transformation is endlessly delayed until a supposedly perfect moment arrives, there will always be new crises and new reasons for postponement. Minister Rathnayake’s contention that the government’s immediate priority has necessarily been stabilisation flows from the government’s awareness of the precarious situation the country is. Over the past two years, the government has succeeded to a significant extent in restoring economic and political stability. Inflation has reduced, shortages have ended and public institutions have regained a degree of functionality.

Guaranteed Changes

On the other hand, the country’s development continues to face challenges due to adverse global conditions, including disruptions caused by conflict in the Middle East and extreme weather events that have affected tourism, trade and the cost of living. The danger is that reconciliation may be indefinitely postponed in the name of stabilisation. This danger can be reduced if the government works proactively with the opposition and civil society to commence practical measures of transformation now rather than later. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, has strengthened the sense that bipartisan engagement on reconciliation may now be possible.

The urgency of transformation came through strongly in the presentations made by representatives of the Sri Lanka Tamil and Malaiyaha Tamil communities. ITAK parliamentarian S.Shritharan spoke of the frustration caused by unresolved post war issues in the north and east. He referred to disputes regarding land occupied during the war years, including controversies linked to Buddhist temples and state sponsored settlement activity in areas claimed by local communities. He also pointed to the continuing large scale presence of the security forces in the north and east nearly two decades after the end of the war. These grievances have remained central to Tamil political discourse since the end of the armed conflict in 2009. Families displaced by war continue to seek the return of ancestral lands. Civil society organisations in the north have repeatedly called for greater civilian control over local administration and a reduction in military involvement in civilian life.

Academic research and practical work on the ground have shown that reconciliation cannot be separated from questions of dignity, equality and justice. Former minister Mano Ganesan, leader of the Democratic People’s Front, focused on the longstanding problems faced by the Malaiyaha Tamil community. He spoke passionately about continuing housing shortages, landlessness and economic marginalisation, issues that have persisted since Independence. He also highlighted the devastating impact of recent extreme weather events on estate communities that remain socially and economically vulnerable. The condition of the Malaiyaha Tamil community remains one of the enduring social justice issues in Sri Lanka.

After Independence in 1948, a large proportion of them were denied citizenship and voting rights through legislation that rendered them stateless. Though citizenship rights were eventually restored, the social and economic consequences of exclusion continue to be felt generations later.

Many families still lack secure housing and land ownership despite their immense contribution to the country’s plantation economy. Minister Rathnayake’s responses to both these concerns were politically significant. He argued that recent political developments, including the declining influence of narrow ethnic politics across communities, indicated a major shift in public attitudes. According to him, the political ground has changed in ways that make it increasingly difficult for politicians who rely primarily on ethnic division and communal insecurity to retain public support.

Inter-Connected

There is evidence to support the assessment about the changing political grounding which sees future prospects in the resolution of long standing problems. . The economic collapse of 2022 affected all communities alike and generated a new politics centred on governance, anti corruption, accountability and economic justice. The Aragalaya protests brought together Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims in a common demand for political change. Although ethnic grievances have not disappeared, the crisis created space for a broader understanding that the country’s future depends on cooperation rather than division. Opposition Leader Premadasa’s comments at the symposium reflected this changing political climate. He emphasised that national reconciliation could not be separated from economic justice and the need to address disparities between regions and social classes.v He also mentioned the need for civil society organisations to take this message to the community. This wider understanding of reconciliation is important because ethnic inequality and economic inequality have often reinforced each other in Sri Lanka’s history.

Academic studies have identified the denial of citizenship rights after Independence as a historic injustice that set back the Malaiyaha community for decades. The challenge now is to ensure that transformation becomes part of the stabilisation and development process itself. Practical first steps are both possible and necessary. The release of civilian lands still under state control, greater devolution of administrative authority, reduction of military involvement in civilian affairs, language equality in public administration and accelerated housing and land ownership programmes in the plantation sector are all measures that can begin immediately without waiting for a final stage of transformation.

The government’s recent commitment that provincial council elections will finally be held this year is therefore significant. These elections have been repeatedly postponed by successive governments. Holding them would not solve the ethnic conflict by itself. But it would signal a willingness to restore democratic institutions and share power in a meaningful way.

Sri Lanka has repeatedly postponed difficult reforms in the hope that a more convenient political moment would eventually arrive. But opportunities are invariably created and fought for instead of being provided as a gift by a benevolent government.

The present moment, shaped by the economic crisis and public demand for accountable government, offers a rare opportunity to move simultaneously towards stability, development and reconciliation. Provincial council elections can be the first meaningful step. But they must not be the last.

by Jehan Perera

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Researchers to shape new environmental policy framework

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Some of the researchers at the meeting

In a significant move aimed at steering Sri Lanka’s environmental governance towards a more science-based and evidence-driven path, the Ministry of Environment has initiated a new collaborative mechanism to integrate leading researchers into national policy formulation and conservation planning.

The initiative was discussed at a high-level meeting chaired by Dr. Dammika Patabendi at the Ministry of Environment on Tuesday, where top environmental scientists, wildlife experts and researchers were invited to contribute towards what officials described as a “strategic transition” in the country’s environmental management framework.

The discussions focused on strengthening the scientific basis of environmental conservation programmes and national policy decisions while creating a more research-friendly environment for academics and field scientists engaged in biodiversity and ecological studies.

Particular attention was paid to long-standing concerns raised by researchers regarding procedural and operational difficulties encountered when conducting studies in collaboration with the Department of Wildlife Conservation and the Forest Department.

Minister Patabendi stressed the need for environmental policies to be guided by credible scientific data rather than ad hoc administrative decisions, ministry sources said.

Among the key proposals discussed was the establishment of a streamlined mechanism that would reduce bureaucratic obstacles faced by researchers in obtaining approvals, accessing field sites and sharing scientific findings with state institutions.

The Minister highlighted the importance of building stronger partnerships between policymakers and the scientific community at a time when Sri Lanka is grappling with escalating environmental challenges including deforestation, biodiversity loss, human-elephant conflict, climate-related disasters and ecosystem degradation.

Environmentalists attending the meeting had also highlighted the urgent necessity of incorporating empirical research into national decision-making processes to ensure long-term ecological sustainability and better resource management.

The meeting brought together several of Sri Lanka’s leading environmental researchers and academics including Rohan Pethiyagoda, Saminda Fernando, Sewwandi Jayakody, Samantha Gunasekara, Dinidu Devapura, Himesh Jayasinghe, Manoj Prasanna, Mendis Wickramasinghe and Suranjan Karunarathna.

Director General of Wildlife Conservation Ranjan Marasinghe also participated in the deliberations.

Officials said the proposed framework is expected to pave the way for a more transparent, data-oriented and scientifically credible environmental governance structure capable of addressing emerging conservation challenges more effectively.

The government expects the new mechanism to support the implementation of practical and scientifically robust programmes aimed at safeguarding Sri Lanka’s ecological future while enhancing cooperation between state agencies and the country’s growing community of environmental researchers.

 

By Ifham Nizam

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Back home … for a special occasion

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Seven Notes: Sri Lankans based in Dubai – with Niluk (second from left)

Niluk Uswaththa, of Seven Notes fame, based in Dubai, surprised many when he and his wife Apeksha, turned up in Colombo, last week … unannounced.

Yes, they had a purpose in their surprise visit … to wish Apeksha’s mum for her birthday, which was on Monday, 18th May, and what a surprise it turned out to be!

In an exclusive chit-chat with The Island, Niluk said that the scene in Dubai is improving and Seven Notes do have work coming their way.

Since the members of Seven Notes are all employed (doing day jobs), they operate only on Saturdays and Sundays.

Niluk: Didn’t come prepared to perform, but obliged
friends in Galle

In fact, to get to Colombo for the birthday surprise (on Monday, 18th May), the band had to skip their 17th May, Sunday gig.

“Although it’s a short vacation, my wife and I are enjoying the setup here,” said Niluk, adding that they spent two days in Galle and that their next destination is Anuradhapura.”

Niluk didn’t come prepared to perform, but he obliged the crowd present, at a friend’s birthday celebrations, in Galle, singing and playing guitar.

They are scheduled to leave for their home, in Dubai, in the first week of June.

Seven Notes is an outfit made up of Sri Lankans and the band has been around for almost nine years.

Niluk came into their scene nearly seven years ago.

“When I went to Dubai, I had offers coming my way but it was Seven Notes that impressed me because of their acoustic style.”

The Dubai’s entertainment scene is showing clear signs of bouncing back and even levelling up in the next few months.

Niluk and Apeksha: Enjoying their short vacation

After a slowdown earlier this year due to regional tensions, shows and festivals are back on the calendar, and organisers say late 2026 could be the busiest concert season in years.

Time Out Dubai says “the 2026 concert calendar is filling up nicely” and “the city is ready to party once again” after some reschedules.

Dubai Summer Surprises in July brings retail activations, comedy nights, and indoor art exhibitions.

Organisers point to a backlog of postponed events that are being rescheduled for late 2026 and early 2027.

Yes, Dubai is calm on the surface but on alert. Life is mostly normal in the city, but there’s a “balancing act” as people watch for escalation.

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