Features
Nimisha Priya: The Indian nurse from Kerala on death row in Yemen
Nimisha Priya, barely 19, left the southern Indian state of Kerala for Yemen in 2008 with big dreams.
She had found work as a nurse in a government-run hospital in the capital Saan’a and told her mother, a poorly-paid domestic helper, that their days of hardships would be over soon.
Fifteen years later, that dream has turned into a nightmare for Nimisha and her family. The 34-year-old is on death row for murdering a local man, Talal Abdo Madhi. She’s counting out her days in Sana’a central jail in the capital of the war-torn country.
On 13 November, Yemen’s Supreme Judicial Council rejected her appeal, clearing the decks for her execution. But as Yemen follows Sharia law, the court gave her one last option of escaping death – she can secure a pardon from the victim’s family by paying diyah or “blood money”. Now, her family and campaigners are racing against time, hoping to pull a miracle and get that pardon that would allow her to live.
‘Take my life instead’
Prema Kumari, Nimisha’s 57-year-old mother, breaks down repeatedly as she describes her daughter’s ordeal.
“I will go to Yemen and seek their forgiveness. I will apologise to them, I’ll tell them, take my life but please spare my daughter,” says Prema Kumari who lives in the southern Indian city of Kochi. “Nimisha has a young daughter who needs her mother.”
But travelling to Yemen is not easy. A 2017 Indian government ban on citizens travelling to Yemen remains and those needing to travel need special permission.
A lobby group called Save Nimisha Priya International Action Council has filed a petition in the Delhi high court, seeking permission for Nimisha’s mother and her 11-year-old daughter Mishal to travel to Sana’a. It said two council members would accompany them.
But last Friday, Indian authorities rejected the request, saying they didn’t have a diplomatic presence in Yemen to ensure their safety.

The government’s assessment is based on the political condition in Yemen. Saan’a is controlled by Houthi rebels who have been locked in a prolonged civil war with Yemen’s official government , which is based in-exile in Saudi Arabia. India does not recognise Houthis so a trip to Yemen for Indian citizens is bound to be fraught with dangers – they will have to fly to Aden and then travel for 12-14 hours to Sana’a by road.
The Save Nimisha council has once again approached the Delhi high court, renewing its request to allow her mother and daughter to travel to Yemen. And with each passing day, Prema Kumari’s desperation is growing. “I don’t want my daughter to die in a foreign land,” she says.
“What happened to Nimisha is very unfortunate, she doesn’t deserve it,” says Babu John, social activist and member of the Save Nimisha council. He adds that Nimisha was looking at a bright future but got stranded in Yemen when the civil war broke out.
Nimisha, her mother says, was good at studies and the local church supported her school education and paid for her nursing diploma course. But she was ineligible for a nursing job in Kerala because she hadn’t cleared her school leaving exams before doing the diploma.
The job in Yemen was meant to be her ticket out of crippling poverty.
In 2011, she returned home to marry Tomy Thomas in a match arranged by her family. The couple returned to Yemen, where he found work as an electrician’s assistant, but the pay was paltry. After December 2012, when their daughter was born, they struggled to make a living and in 2014, Thomas returned along with the child to Kochi where he now drives a tuk-tuk.


Nimisha decided to quit her low-paying job and start her own clinic in 2014. But the law in Yemen mandated her to have a local as a partner and that’s where Mahdi came into the picture. He ran a textile store nearby and his wife had given birth in the clinic where Nimisha worked. In January 2015, when Nimisha came home for her daughter’s baptism, Mahdi came along for a holiday.
Nimisha and her husband borrowed money from friends and family, together raising 5m rupees ($60,000; £47,000), and a month later, Nimisha returned to Yemen to start her clinic. She also started the paperwork so her husband and daughter could join her in Yemen, but in March, a civil war broke out there and they couldn’t travel.
Over the next two months, India evacuated 4,600 citizens and nearly 1,000 foreign nationals from Yemen. Nimisha was among a few hundreds who did not leave. “We had invested so much money in the clinic and she couldn’t just get up and leave,” Thomas says.
On his phone, he shows me photographs of the 14-bed clinic – the signboard of the Al Aman Medical Clinic, spanking new blue chairs in the reception area, a man in a white coat posing next to brand new lab equipment, a new Sony TV mounted on a wall in the waiting room, and Mahdi sitting in the pharmacy.
The clinic, Thomas says, soon started doing well, but Nimisha also started to complain about Mahdi.
According to the petition in the Delhi high court – which the BBC has seen – Mahdi “stole a photograph of Nimisha’s wedding when he visited their home in Kochi and he later manipulated it to claim he was married to Nimisha”.
It says that “he physically tortured her and took away all the revenue collection from the clinic” and that their “relationship deteriorated when Nimisha questioned him about embezzlement of funds”.
On several occasions, “he threatened her with a gun” and “seized her passport to prevent her from leaving”. And when she complained to the police, “instead of taking any action against him, they locked her up for six days”, it adds.
The murder – and the arrest
Thomas first learnt about the murder in 2017 through TV news channels.
“The headline was – Malayali [Kerala] nurse Nimisha Priya arrested for murdering husband, chopping up his body in Yemen,” he says. Nimisha was arrested from close to Yemen’s border with Saudi Arabia – more than a month after Mahdi’s chopped up body was found in a water tank.
“How could this man be her husband when she was married to me?” he asks while showing me their wedding album.


Tomy Thomas says when she called him from prison a few days after her arrest, they both cried. “She said she had done all this for me and our child. She could have taken the easy way and lived with Mahdi, but she didn’t want to do that. My love and affection for her has grown after this ordeal.”
KR Subhash Chandran, a migrant rights activist and Supreme Court lawyer who is representing Nimisha’s mother and the council in the Delhi high court, says “Nimisha did not really intend to kill Mahdi” and that “she too is a victim”.
“Mahdi had confiscated her passport and she was trying to get it back from him. So, she tried to sedate him, but she overdosed him and he died,” he says.
The exploitation of semi-skilled and unskilled Indian workers in Gulf countries is well documented. Activists say many countries in the region practice Kafala – which means the employer keeps a worker’s passport and documents. International Labour Organization says it’s slavery by another name and opens migrant works to all sorts of abuse.
Most victims of Kafala, Chandran says, are Indian women who go to the Middle East to work as domestic workers, trying to escape poverty at home.
He is now also calling for “a retrial so Nimisha has a chance to defend herself”.
“She did not receive a proper legal trial. The court appointed a junior lawyer to represent her but she couldn’t communicate with him because she doesn’t know any Arabic. She wasn’t given an interpreter and she had no idea what documents she was signing,” he says.
Yemeni authorities have not commented on the case in Delhi.


Deepa Joseph, lawyer and social activist and vice-chair of the Save Nimisha council, says the Indian government’s support is key to saving Nimisha. “The only option is to seek forgiveness from Mahdi’s family and negotiate blood money with them.”
A well-known business tycoon from Kerala has already pledged 10m rupees ($112,000 ;£95,000) to the cause. And the council is confident that Kerala residents at home and in the diaspora would contribute to make up any shortfall.
“I have full hope that Nimisha can be saved. I think the victim’s family will accept the blood money,” Ms Joseph says. “She may have committed a serious crime but I want to save her for her mother and her daughter.”
Prema Kumari is now hoping to travel to Yemen and speak to Mahdi’s family.
When Mr Thomas spoke to his wife just days before Yemen’s Supreme Council rejected her appeal, Nimisha sounded hopeful. “Keep your strength and pray for me,” she’d told him. But when he spoke to her after the court decision, she sounded “depressed”.
“I tried to console her by saying that efforts were being made to save her life, but she didn’t sound convinced. How can I remain hopeful? she asked me,” he said.
(BBC)
Features
From stabilisation to transformation without delay
At a symposium on reconciliation organised by the National Peace Council last week, more than 250 religious clergy, civic activists and political representatives from different communities gathered to discuss the country’s future. Speaking at the event, Minister Bimal Rathnayake explained the government’s approach to national reconciliation. He said the government viewed the country’s recovery in terms of a three stage process. The first stage was stabilisation, the second was development and the third was transformation. Reconciliation, he implied, would come in that final stage. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the same symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, strengthens that hope.
When the present NPP government took office in 2024, the country was emerging from one of the gravest crises in its post Independence history. The economic collapse of 2022 had led to shortages of fuel, food, medicines and electricity. Inflation soared, foreign reserves disappeared and long queues became part of daily life. The political upheaval that followed culminated in the resignation of former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa after mass public protests under the banner of the Aragalaya movement. The country was then governed by a leadership that spoke the language of reform and reconciliation but was widely perceived as lacking a direct popular mandate.
Sri Lanka’s past experience suggests that stabilisation and transformation cannot be treated as entirely separate stages. Postponing reconciliation until some future moment risks repeating the failures of the past. If transformation is endlessly delayed until a supposedly perfect moment arrives, there will always be new crises and new reasons for postponement. Minister Rathnayake’s contention that the government’s immediate priority has necessarily been stabilisation flows from the government’s awareness of the precarious situation the country is. Over the past two years, the government has succeeded to a significant extent in restoring economic and political stability. Inflation has reduced, shortages have ended and public institutions have regained a degree of functionality.
Guaranteed Changes
On the other hand, the country’s development continues to face challenges due to adverse global conditions, including disruptions caused by conflict in the Middle East and extreme weather events that have affected tourism, trade and the cost of living. The danger is that reconciliation may be indefinitely postponed in the name of stabilisation. This danger can be reduced if the government works proactively with the opposition and civil society to commence practical measures of transformation now rather than later. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, has strengthened the sense that bipartisan engagement on reconciliation may now be possible.
The urgency of transformation came through strongly in the presentations made by representatives of the Sri Lanka Tamil and Malaiyaha Tamil communities. ITAK parliamentarian S.Shritharan spoke of the frustration caused by unresolved post war issues in the north and east. He referred to disputes regarding land occupied during the war years, including controversies linked to Buddhist temples and state sponsored settlement activity in areas claimed by local communities. He also pointed to the continuing large scale presence of the security forces in the north and east nearly two decades after the end of the war. These grievances have remained central to Tamil political discourse since the end of the armed conflict in 2009. Families displaced by war continue to seek the return of ancestral lands. Civil society organisations in the north have repeatedly called for greater civilian control over local administration and a reduction in military involvement in civilian life.
Academic research and practical work on the ground have shown that reconciliation cannot be separated from questions of dignity, equality and justice. Former minister Mano Ganesan, leader of the Democratic People’s Front, focused on the longstanding problems faced by the Malaiyaha Tamil community. He spoke passionately about continuing housing shortages, landlessness and economic marginalisation, issues that have persisted since Independence. He also highlighted the devastating impact of recent extreme weather events on estate communities that remain socially and economically vulnerable. The condition of the Malaiyaha Tamil community remains one of the enduring social justice issues in Sri Lanka.
After Independence in 1948, a large proportion of them were denied citizenship and voting rights through legislation that rendered them stateless. Though citizenship rights were eventually restored, the social and economic consequences of exclusion continue to be felt generations later.
Many families still lack secure housing and land ownership despite their immense contribution to the country’s plantation economy. Minister Rathnayake’s responses to both these concerns were politically significant. He argued that recent political developments, including the declining influence of narrow ethnic politics across communities, indicated a major shift in public attitudes. According to him, the political ground has changed in ways that make it increasingly difficult for politicians who rely primarily on ethnic division and communal insecurity to retain public support.
Inter-Connected
There is evidence to support the assessment about the changing political grounding which sees future prospects in the resolution of long standing problems. . The economic collapse of 2022 affected all communities alike and generated a new politics centred on governance, anti corruption, accountability and economic justice. The Aragalaya protests brought together Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims in a common demand for political change. Although ethnic grievances have not disappeared, the crisis created space for a broader understanding that the country’s future depends on cooperation rather than division. Opposition Leader Premadasa’s comments at the symposium reflected this changing political climate. He emphasised that national reconciliation could not be separated from economic justice and the need to address disparities between regions and social classes.v He also mentioned the need for civil society organisations to take this message to the community. This wider understanding of reconciliation is important because ethnic inequality and economic inequality have often reinforced each other in Sri Lanka’s history.
Academic studies have identified the denial of citizenship rights after Independence as a historic injustice that set back the Malaiyaha community for decades. The challenge now is to ensure that transformation becomes part of the stabilisation and development process itself. Practical first steps are both possible and necessary. The release of civilian lands still under state control, greater devolution of administrative authority, reduction of military involvement in civilian affairs, language equality in public administration and accelerated housing and land ownership programmes in the plantation sector are all measures that can begin immediately without waiting for a final stage of transformation.
The government’s recent commitment that provincial council elections will finally be held this year is therefore significant. These elections have been repeatedly postponed by successive governments. Holding them would not solve the ethnic conflict by itself. But it would signal a willingness to restore democratic institutions and share power in a meaningful way.
Sri Lanka has repeatedly postponed difficult reforms in the hope that a more convenient political moment would eventually arrive. But opportunities are invariably created and fought for instead of being provided as a gift by a benevolent government.
The present moment, shaped by the economic crisis and public demand for accountable government, offers a rare opportunity to move simultaneously towards stability, development and reconciliation. Provincial council elections can be the first meaningful step. But they must not be the last.
by Jehan Perera
Features
Researchers to shape new environmental policy framework
In a significant move aimed at steering Sri Lanka’s environmental governance towards a more science-based and evidence-driven path, the Ministry of Environment has initiated a new collaborative mechanism to integrate leading researchers into national policy formulation and conservation planning.
The initiative was discussed at a high-level meeting chaired by Dr. Dammika Patabendi at the Ministry of Environment on Tuesday, where top environmental scientists, wildlife experts and researchers were invited to contribute towards what officials described as a “strategic transition” in the country’s environmental management framework.
The discussions focused on strengthening the scientific basis of environmental conservation programmes and national policy decisions while creating a more research-friendly environment for academics and field scientists engaged in biodiversity and ecological studies.
Particular attention was paid to long-standing concerns raised by researchers regarding procedural and operational difficulties encountered when conducting studies in collaboration with the Department of Wildlife Conservation and the Forest Department.
Minister Patabendi stressed the need for environmental policies to be guided by credible scientific data rather than ad hoc administrative decisions, ministry sources said.
Among the key proposals discussed was the establishment of a streamlined mechanism that would reduce bureaucratic obstacles faced by researchers in obtaining approvals, accessing field sites and sharing scientific findings with state institutions.
The Minister highlighted the importance of building stronger partnerships between policymakers and the scientific community at a time when Sri Lanka is grappling with escalating environmental challenges including deforestation, biodiversity loss, human-elephant conflict, climate-related disasters and ecosystem degradation.
Environmentalists attending the meeting had also highlighted the urgent necessity of incorporating empirical research into national decision-making processes to ensure long-term ecological sustainability and better resource management.
The meeting brought together several of Sri Lanka’s leading environmental researchers and academics including Rohan Pethiyagoda, Saminda Fernando, Sewwandi Jayakody, Samantha Gunasekara, Dinidu Devapura, Himesh Jayasinghe, Manoj Prasanna, Mendis Wickramasinghe and Suranjan Karunarathna.
Director General of Wildlife Conservation Ranjan Marasinghe also participated in the deliberations.
Officials said the proposed framework is expected to pave the way for a more transparent, data-oriented and scientifically credible environmental governance structure capable of addressing emerging conservation challenges more effectively.
The government expects the new mechanism to support the implementation of practical and scientifically robust programmes aimed at safeguarding Sri Lanka’s ecological future while enhancing cooperation between state agencies and the country’s growing community of environmental researchers.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
Back home … for a special occasion
Niluk Uswaththa, of Seven Notes fame, based in Dubai, surprised many when he and his wife Apeksha, turned up in Colombo, last week … unannounced.
Yes, they had a purpose in their surprise visit … to wish Apeksha’s mum for her birthday, which was on Monday, 18th May, and what a surprise it turned out to be!
In an exclusive chit-chat with The Island, Niluk said that the scene in Dubai is improving and Seven Notes do have work coming their way.
Since the members of Seven Notes are all employed (doing day jobs), they operate only on Saturdays and Sundays.

Niluk: Didn’t come prepared to perform, but obliged
friends in Galle
In fact, to get to Colombo for the birthday surprise (on Monday, 18th May), the band had to skip their 17th May, Sunday gig.
“Although it’s a short vacation, my wife and I are enjoying the setup here,” said Niluk, adding that they spent two days in Galle and that their next destination is Anuradhapura.”
Niluk didn’t come prepared to perform, but he obliged the crowd present, at a friend’s birthday celebrations, in Galle, singing and playing guitar.
They are scheduled to leave for their home, in Dubai, in the first week of June.
Seven Notes is an outfit made up of Sri Lankans and the band has been around for almost nine years.
Niluk came into their scene nearly seven years ago.
“When I went to Dubai, I had offers coming my way but it was Seven Notes that impressed me because of their acoustic style.”
The Dubai’s entertainment scene is showing clear signs of bouncing back and even levelling up in the next few months.

Niluk and Apeksha: Enjoying their short vacation
After a slowdown earlier this year due to regional tensions, shows and festivals are back on the calendar, and organisers say late 2026 could be the busiest concert season in years.
Time Out Dubai says “the 2026 concert calendar is filling up nicely” and “the city is ready to party once again” after some reschedules.
Dubai Summer Surprises in July brings retail activations, comedy nights, and indoor art exhibitions.
Organisers point to a backlog of postponed events that are being rescheduled for late 2026 and early 2027.
Yes, Dubai is calm on the surface but on alert. Life is mostly normal in the city, but there’s a “balancing act” as people watch for escalation.
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