Features
New political direction and its impact on Economy
(Excerpted from the Merril J. Fernando autobiography)
No memoir straddling the period of the 1950s would be complete without a reference to the changes in our society, arising from the overthrow of the United National Party (UNP) Government in 1956, in power for two consecutive terms since Independence. The political, social, and cultural changes set in motion by the election victory of the coalition forces led by S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, comprising the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP), permanently re-configured the political and the socio-economic landscape of the country.
That victory also ended the single party dominance which the UNP had enjoyed, for eight years of parliamentary rule since Independence, paving the way for the many subsequent instances of a major party assuming power, in combination with one or more smaller parties. The implementation of S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike’s pre-election assurances of language reforms and the nationalisation of large private enterprises, the latter comprising largely of British vested interests, soon brought about a new political and economic order, based on left-of-centre dogma conflated with strong anti-imperialist sentiment.
It resulted in the nationalisation of many successful businesses such as banks, insurance companies, and public transport. I recall that the many strikes that took place during this period, never before experienced in the country, had a crippling impact on imports and exports. The port workers strike of 1959 hit all industrialists equally.
Old-timers in the industry will no doubt recall the part played in easing tea exports by the Trincomalee Tea Administration (TTA), established in 1957/’58, specifically as a counter to the disruptions to tea exports by frequent work stoppages at the Colombo Port. I think that period also marked the beginning of State capitulation to trade union pressure, for increases in wages and salaries as well as the enrichment of other conditions, without corresponding returns through improvements in output.
The SWRD regime, meek in the face of worker agitation, very unwisely established the precedent for the State subsidization of unproductivity, emulated as and when dictated by political expediency by every government which followed. Unlike the MEP regime of SWRD, the preceding UNP governments, whilst consolidating post-independence parliamentary democracy, also exerted stronger control over both the economy and the administration, as well as on civil society.
However, despite the administrative and fiscal stability that the UNP governments ushered in after Independence, there was a strong groundswell of nationalist sentiment against the second UNP regime under Sir John Kotelawala, and that momentum was reflected in the comprehensive defeat of the UNP in 1956. My clear recollection is that whilst the ‘Five Great Forces’ – Sangha, Veda, Guru, Govi, and Kamkaru – arraigned behind SWRD, were expected to offer a serious challenge to the ruling party, very few would have envisaged the complete rout of the UNP that was the election result.
Whilst the foreign policy of the MEP regime was ostensibly neutralist, there was a visible leaning to the left, with the establishment of the first formal diplomatic relations with both the USSR and China, soon after SWRD assumed the premiership. The contrast with the foreign policies of the previous UNP governments was sharply outlined, on account of the latter’s clear alignment with British interests in the South East Asian region in particular. Unarguably, the opening of government to government relations with the Soviet Union and China, eventually resulted in long-term benefits, especially for the tea trade in the case of Russia.
In fairness to SWRD, it may be said that he turned the country away from heavy dependence on Western or pro-Western power blocs and steered it along a more non-aligned direction, expressed more clearly in the foreign policy implementation of the later regime of his widow, Sirimavo Bandaranaike.
SWRD and the plantation economy
With regard to the plantation sector, which reflected British dominance more aggressively than any other segment of industry, there had been vigorous left wing agitation for some time for its nationalization. However, during his relatively short period in office, there was no indication that SWRD was prepared to immediately enforce such a move although, on account of the political thinking of the SWRD regime, influenced by its Marxist coalition partners, that apprehension was ever present.
For the time being though, the plantations and allied commercial interests, which were then the largest foreign exchange earners for the country, remained mainly in the hands of the British and a few local entrepreneurs. However, the increase on tax on business profit from 25% to 30% and the enhanced export duties placed additional burdens on an industrial sector already under severe internal pressure on account of intermittent strikes and other interruptions to production. In my view, the most glaring weaknesses of the SWRD administration were its tolerance of industrial indiscipline and the management of the economy.
Notwithstanding his clearly opportunistic conciliation of nationalist sentiment, which propelled him to victory, S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike was still pragmatic enough to realize that a sudden disruption of the plantation economy and the closely-interconnected ancillary interests, then the primary source of Ceylon’s foreign exchange earnings, would have completely destabilized the country’s economy.
However, at the Planters’ Association AGM of 1957 chaired by Senator Thomas Amarasuriya (the first Ceylonese to be elected Chairman of the PA), to which Prime Minister Bandaranaike was an invitee, the latter had, in his speech, indicated clearly to the plantation representatives that nationalization of plantations was a key component of his Government’s strategy, though that would be the last measure in the Government’s nationalization programme.
Having said that, SWRD had also given the assurance that adequate notice would be given to the interests likely to be affected. The establishment, in 1958, of the State Plantations Corporation, was also an early warning of the thinking of the regime that plantation ownership and management would no longer be a private, colonial preserve.
In the meantime, the restrictions imposed on expatriates working in the country forced many of them to leave. Among them were experienced planters and tea tasters, many of whom relocated to African tea-growing countries, both in the South and the East of that continent, and helped to develop the industry in those locations with expertise acquired in Ceylon. Others took up employment in the plantation industry in South East Asian countries. Those countries which benefited from the tea experience of our country are our strongest competitors today.
Quite apart from all the above factors, the fear of nationalization itself had a negative impact on the development of plantations, especially those owned by British companies. The older generation of plantation managers and others associated closely with the industry will recall that those estates, owned mostly by ‘Sterling Companies’ as they were known, comprised the cream of our plantations.
Land reforms and conseqences
The biggest impact of the new political direction was finally felt when it paved the way for the Land Reform Policy enactment of 1972, implemented during the tenure of SWRD’s widow, Sirimavo Bandaranaike, as Prime Minister. In its initial stage it vested over half a million acres, about two-thirds of that extent in tea, rubber, and coconut, with the Land Reform Commission (LRC).
Whilst some of the land thus acquired belonged to British plantation companies, the major proportion was locally owned. Although one of the stated objectives of this exercise was the redistribution of land amongst the landless, only a fraction of the acquired land eventually found its way in to the hands of the Sinhala peasantry.
The actual physical transfer of ownership took place in 1975/’76, with acquired plantation land being divided between the Sri Lanka State Plantations Corporation (SLSPC) and the Janatha Estates Development Board (JEDB). The newly-formed Up-Country Cooperative Estates Development Board (Usawasama) also received land for management and re-distribution. So did various village cooperative societies and councils.
Though the latter two categories had minimal competence in large-scale plantation cultivation and land and crop management, the leading politicians of the day, with bland confidence, made public statements that such acquired land would be intensely cultivated and productivity increased. Another noble proposition was the cultivation of food crops.
There is no quantifiable evidence of the results of such initiatives, if indeed they ever did take place. In reality, the damage to the well-regulated plantation industry, caused by the deeply-flawed implementation of a broad initiative, configured ostensibly for national benefit, was irreparable. In my view, despite the re-privatization of plantations in 1992, it is unlikely that the industry will ever fully recover from the detrimental changes resulting from such politically-motivated restructuring.
A time-tested management structure built on the experience of over a century, with its accumulated wisdom and knowledge, was replaced by a politically-oriented State administration, hastily cobbled together, literally overnight. The equally-hurried and insensitive implementation of the `Sinhala Only’ policy and other related reforms introduced in 1956, marginalizing minority communities, led to sporadic ethnic conflicts, commencing with the 1958 Sinhala-Tamil confrontation, igniting a long-simmering inter-community discontent and culminating in a 26-year civil war.
The latter, for its duration, hamstrung all development activities, public and private. Despite the conclusion of the conflict over a decade ago, the country yet remains divided along ethnic and religious lines and mired in internal disaffection and controversy, affecting every aspect of national progress.
The actual events briefly alluded to above have been written about, discussed, and analyzed exhaustively in the decades since. Their long term adverse consequences are also now visible, as clear evidence of the imprudence of the thinking which set those processes in motion. Therefore, I do not think it necessary for me to debate those issues in any greater depth in this narrative, except to say that the truth of the old adage, ‘the road to ruin is paved with good intentions,’ has been proven time and time again.
During the SWRD period, I developed a close friendship with the late Sarath Wijesinghe, a very successful proprietary planter, businessman, and reputed politician. He was Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Finance in the SWRD Cabinet whilst also being a member of the Senate. He subsequently served as the Minister of Nationalised Services, Minister of Labour, and the President of the Senate.
Despite his wide-ranging successes and wealth, and the high-profile positions he held in both Government and the private sector, he was a simple and approachable man. He was also Strikes Commissioner, appointed by Prime Minister SWRD, during a period of wide-spread union agitation in the country. Later I became involved with him in neutralizing union action launched by a very strong trade union controlling the export trade.
Three export companies were blockaded by striking workers. We were able to bring in workers from outstations, who were assembled at Independence Square by dawn and then transported to the three companies. Though there were violent responses from the striking workers, nobody was injured and the strikes were settled by the morning of the third day.
Overall, the SWRD period of governance was signposted by frequent strikes and civil commotions, which had a crippling impact on industry, especially the tea sector. With its almost total reliance on the export of bulk, ease of transport and shipping were a vital necessity and they were the dimensions affected most by the intermittent disruptions.
On 17 February, the Indian Navy posted a cheerful message on X.
“Welcome!” it wrote, greeting the Iranian warship Iris Dena as it steamed into the port of Visakhapatnam to join an international naval gathering.
Photographs showed sailors in crisp whites and a grey frigate gliding in the sea harbour on a clear day. The hashtags spoke of “Bridges of Friendship” and “United Through Oceans”.
Two weeks later the ship, carrying 130 sailors, lay at the bottom of the Indian Ocean. It had been torpedoed by a US submarine off Sri Lanka’s southern coast on 4 March.
Commissioned in 2021, the Dena was a relatively new vessel – a Moudge-class frigate of Iran’s Southern Fleet, which patrols the Strait of Hormuz and the Gulf of Oman.
According to US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth, the vessel “thought it was safe in international waters” but instead “died a quiet death”. Rescue teams from Sri Lanka have recovered at least 87 bodies. Only 32 sailors survived.
The sinking marks a dramatic widening of the war between America, Israel and Iran. And, though it occurred in international waters of the Indian Ocean and outside India’s jurisdiction, it is an awkward moment for Delhi.
“The war has come to our doorsteps. That is not a good thing,” says retired Vice Admiral Arun Kumar Singh.
For some strategists, the episode carries broader implications for India’s regional standing.
Indian strategic affairs expert Brahma Chellaney wrote on X that the US torpedoing of the Iranian warship in India’s “maritime neighbourhood” was “more than a battlefield episode” – calling it a “strategic embarrassment” for Delhi.
“By sinking a vessel returning from an Indian-hosted multilateral exercise, Washington effectively turned India’s maritime neighbourhood into a war zone, raising uncomfortable questions about India’s authority in its own backyard,” Chellaney wrote.
Just days before its destruction, the Dena had been a diplomatic guest of the Indian Navy.
The ship had travelled to Visakhapatnam, a sun-washed port city on India’s east coast, to participate in the International Fleet Review 2026 and Exercise Milan, a large multilateral naval exercise meant to showcase India’s growing maritime leadership.
Seventy-four countries and 18 warships took part in the events, which Delhi described as a demonstration of its ambition to become the Indian Ocean’s “preferedsecurity partner”.
Visiting ships at such multilateral exercises usually do not carry a full combat load of live munitions, unless scheduled for a live-fire drill, according to Chellaney. Even during the sea phase, when drills and live firing take place, ships carry only tightly controlled ammunition limited to the specific exercises.
Singh, an invitee to the event, recalls seeing the warship and its Iranian sailors in Visakhapatnam just days before its fate changed.
“I saw the boys marching in front of me,” he says of the Iranian naval contingent during the parade along the seafront, just 10m away. “All young people. I feel very sad.”
He says on 21 February, the assembled ships – including the Iranian vessel – sailed out for the sea phase of Exercise Milan, scheduled to run until 25 February.
“What happened next is less clear: the ship may have returned to port or peeled away after exercises. Either way, the waters where it was later sunk – off Galle in Sri Lanka – lie only two to three days’ sailing from India’s east coast,” Singh says. What the ship was doing in the 10-12 days in between is not clear.
Singh, who has commanded submarines, believes the sequence leading up to the attack was probably straightforward.
The US, he notes, tracks vessels across the world’s oceans. “They would have known exactly when the ship left and where it was heading,” he says. A fourth of America’s submarine fleet of 65-70 is at sea at any given time, according to analysts.
According to the Indian Navy, the Iranian warship had been operating about 20 nautical miles west of Galle – roughly 23 miles (37km) – in waters that fall under Sri Lanka’s designated search-and-rescue zone.
The attack, Singh says, appears to have involved a single Mark-48 torpedo, a heavyweight weapon carrying about 650 pounds of high explosive, capable of snapping a ship in two. Video footage suggests the submarine may have fired from 3-4km away, around 05:30 local time.
The aftermath was grim and swift.
The warship reportedly sank within two to three minutes, leaving little time for rescue. “It’s a miracle they managed to send an SOS,” Singh says, which was picked up by the Sri Lanka Maritime Rescue Coordination Centre in Colombo.
According to the Indian Navy, a distress call from the Iranian warship was picked up by Colombo in the early hours of 4 March, triggering a regional search-and-rescue effort.
The navy said in a statement that Sri Lanka’s navy began rescue operations first, while India moved to assist later.
The Indian Navy deployed a long-range maritime patrol aircraft to support the search and kept another aircraft with air-droppable life rafts on standby.
A naval vessel already operating nearby reached the area by late afternoon. Another ship, which sailed from the southern Indian port city of Kochi to join the effort, continues to comb the waters for survivors and debris.
Under the Second Geneva Convention, countries at war are required to take “all possible measures” to rescue wounded or shipwrecked sailors after a naval attack. In practice, however, this duty applies only if a rescue can be attempted without putting the attacking vessel in serious danger.
Singh says submarines are rarely able to help.
“Submarines don’t surface,” he says. “If you surface and give up your position, someone else can sink you.”
Singh suspects the speed of the sinking – and possibly sparse shipping in the area at the time – meant few nearby vessels could respond. “A ship breaking up that fast leaves almost no chance,” he says.
In a shooting war, Singh says, the legal position is blunt.
Fighting between the United States and Iran had been under way since 28 February, with claims that 17 Iranian naval vessels had already been destroyed.
“When a shooting war is on, any ship of a belligerent country becomes fair game,” he says.
Many questions remain. Why was the Iranian warship still in waters near Sri Lanka nearly two weeks after leaving India’s naval exercise? Was it heading home, or on another mission? And how long had the US submarine been tracking it before firing?
For Delhi, the episode is diplomatically awkward.
India has drawn closer to Washington on defence while maintaining long-standing political and economic ties with Tehran – a balancing act the war has made harder.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has called broadly for “dialogue and diplomacy” to resolve conflicts, but has neither addressed the sinking of the Iranian vessel directly nor criticised the American strike.
Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi described the attack as “an atrocity at sea” and stressed that the frigate had been “a guest of India’s Navy”. Meanwhile Sri Lanka has taken control of another Iranian naval vessel off its coast after an engine failure forced it to seek port, a day after the US attack.
The episode has nonetheless sparked debate within India’s strategic community.
Kanwal Sibal, a veteran diplomat, argued that India’s responsibility may not be legal, but it is moral.
“The Iranian ship would not have been where it was had India not invited it to the Milan exercise,” he wrote on X. “A word of condolence at the loss of lives of those who were our invitees would be in order.”
Others like Chellaney have framed the issue in more strategic terms.
He described the strike as a blow to India’s maritime diplomacy. The torpedoing of the frigate in “India’s maritime backyard”, he argued, punctured Delhi’s carefully cultivated image as a “preferred security partner” in the Indian Ocean.
“In one torpedo strike, American hard power has punctured India’s carefully cultivated soft power,” says Chellaney.
As the debate gathered pace in strategic circles, India’s official response remained cautious.
External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar said on X that he had held a telephone conversation with Araghchi, and also posted a photograph of a meeting with Iran’s Deputy Foreign Minister Saeed Khatibzadeh at a foreign policy summit in Delhi.
For military historian Srinath Raghavan, the legal position is clear: once the Iranian vessel left India’s shores, Delhi had no formal responsibility.
The strategic message, however, is harder to ignore.
“First, the spreading geography of this war. Second, India’s limited ability to manage its fallout,” says Raghavan.
“Indeed, the US Navy has fired a shot across the bow aimed at all regional players, including India.”
[BBC]
“All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others” ––George Orwell, Animal Farm
When I wrote in this column an essay on 4th February 2026 titled, the ‘Beginning of Another ‘White Supremacist’ World Order?’, my focus was on the hypocrisy of Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney’s Davos address on 20 January 2026 to the World Economic Forum. It was embraced like the gospel by liberal types and the naïve international relations ‘experts’ in our country and elsewhere. My suspicion of Carney’s words stemmed from the consistent role played by countries like Canada and others which he called ‘middle powers’ or ‘intermediate powers’ in the world order he critiqued in Davos. He wanted such countries, particularly Canada, “to live the truth?” which meant “naming reality” as it exists; “acting consistently” towards all in the world; “applying the same standards to allies and rivals” and “building what we claim to believe in, rather than waiting for the old order to be restored.” These are some memorable pieces of Carney’s mantra.
Yet unsurprisingly, it only took the Trump-Netanyahu illegal war against Iran to prove the hollowness in Carney’s words. If he placed any premium on his own words, he should have at least voiced his concern against the continuing atrocities in the Middle East unilaterally initiated by the US and Israel. But his concern is only about Iran’s seemingly indiscriminate attacks across the region targeting US and Israeli installations and even civilian locations in countries allied with the Us-Israel coalition.
Issuing a statement on 3 March 2026 from Sydney he noted, “Canada has long seen Iran as the principal source of instability and terror in the Middle East” and “despite more than two decades of negotiations and diplomatic efforts, Iran has not dismantled its nuclear programme, nor halted its enrichment activities.” A sensible observer would note how the same statement would also apply to Israel. In fact, Israel has been the bigger force of instability in the Middle East surpassing Iran. After all, it has exiled an entire population of people — the Palestinians — from their country to absolute statelessness has not halted its genocide of the same people unfortunate enough to find themselves in Gaza after their homeland was taken over to create Israel in 1948 and their properties to build illegal Jewish settlements in more recent times. And then there is the matter of nuclear weapons. Israel has never been hounded to stop its nuclear programme unlike Iran. There is, in the world order Carney criticixed and the one in his fantasy, a fundamental difference between a ‘Jewish bomb’ and a ‘Muslim bomb’ in the ‘clash of civilisations’ as imagined by Samuel P. Huntington and put into practice by the likes of Messers Trump, Netanyahu, and Carney. That is, the Jewish bomb is legitimate, and the Muslim one is not, which to me evokes the commandments in the dystopian novella Animal Farm.
But Carney, in his new rhetoric closely echoing those of the leaders of Germany, UK and France, did not completely forget his Davos words too. He noted, in the same statement, “we take this position with regret, because the current conflict is another example of the failure of the international order.” But in reality, it is not the failure of the current international order, but its reinforcement by the likes of Mr Carney, reiterating why it will not change.
Coming back to the US-Israel attack on Iran, anyone even remotely versatile in the craft of warfare should have known, sooner or later, the rapidly expanding theatre of devastation in the Middle East was likely to happen for two obvious reasons. One, Iran had warned of this outcome if attacked as it considered those countries hosting US and Israeli bases or facilities as enemies. This is military common sense. Two, this was also likely because it is the only option available for a country under attack when faced with superior technology, firepower and the silence of much of the world. I cannot but feel deep shame about the lukewarm and generic statements urging restraint issued by our political leaders notwithstanding the support of Iran to our country in many times of difficulty at the hands of this very same world order.
When I say this, I am not naïvely embracing Iran as a shining example of democracy. I am cognizant of the Iranian regime’s maltreatment of some of its own citizens, stifling of dissent within the country and its proxy support for armed groups in the region. But in real terms, this is no different from similar actions of Israel and the US. The difference is, the actions of these countries, particularly of the US, have been far more devastating for the world than anything Iran has done or could do. US’s misadventures in Vietnam, Iraq, Syria, and Afghanistan come to mind — to take only a handful of examples.
But it is no longer about Carney and the hollowness of his liberal verbal diarrhoea in Davos. What is of concern now is twofold. One is the unravelling fiction of what he called the ‘new world order’ in which he located countries like Canada at the helm. And the second is the reality of continuing to live in the same old world order where countries like Canada and other middle and intermediate powers will continue to do the bidding of powerful aggressors like the US and Israel as they have done since the 20th century.
Yet, one must certainly thank Trump and Mr Natenyahu for one thing. That is, they have effectively exposed the myth of what used to be euphemistically called the ‘western civilisation.’ Despite its euphemism, the notion and its reality were omnipresent and omnipotent, because of the devastating long term and lingering consequences of its tools of operation, which were initially colonialism and later postcolonial and neocolonial forms of control to which all of us continue to be subjected.
One thing that was clearly lacking in the long and devastating history of the ‘western civilisation’ in so far as it affected the lives of people like us is its lack of ‘civilisation’ and civility at all times. Therefore, Trump and Mr Netanyahu must be credited for exposing this reality in no uncertain terms.
But what does illegal and unprovoked military action and the absence so far of accountability mean in real terms? It simply means that rules no longer matter. If Israel and the US can bomb and murder heads of state of a sovereign country, its citizens including children, cause massive destruction claiming a non-existent imminent threat violating both domestic and international law, it opens a wide playing field for the powerful and the greedy. Hypothetically, in this free-for-all, China can invade India through Arunachal Pradesh and occupy that Indian state which it calls Zangnan simply because it has been claiming the territory of itself for a very long time and also simply because it can. India can invade and occupy Sri Lanka, if it so wishes because this can so easily be done and also because it is part of the extended neighbourhood of the Ramayana and India’s ‘Akhand Bharat’ political logic. Sri Lanka can perhaps invade and occupy the Maldives if it wants a free and perennial supply of Maldive Fish. Incidentally, the Sri Lankan Tamil guerrilla group, People’s Liberation Organization of Tamil Eelam nearly succeeded in doing so 1988.
Sarcasm aside, even more dangerous is the very real possibility of this situation opening the doors for small, violent and mobile militant groups to target citizens of these aggressor countries and their allies as we saw in the late 1960s and 1970s. This will occur because in this kind of situation, many people would likely believe this form of asymmetric warfare is the only avenue of resistance open to them. It is precisely under similar conditions that the many Palestinian armed factions and Lebanese militia groups emerged in the first place. If this happens, the victims will not be the fathers and the vociferous supporters of the present aggression but all of us including those who had nothing to do with the atrocities or even opposed it in their weak and inaudible voices.
If I may go back to Carney’s Davos words, what would “to live the truth?”, “naming reality”, “acting consistently” and “applying the same standards to allies and rivals” mean in the emerging situation in the Middle East? Would this kind of hypocrisy, hyperbole, choreographed silence and selective accusations only end if a US invasion of Greenland, an integral part of the ‘White Supremacist’ World Order’ takes place? By then, however, all of us would have been well-trained in the art of feeling numb. By that time, we too would have forgotten yet another important line in Animal Farm: “No animal shall kill any other animal without cause.”
Sexual education is a vital component of holistic education, contributing to physical health, emotional well-being, gender equality, and social responsibility. Despite its importance, sexual education remains a sensitive and often controversial subject in many societies, particularly in culturally conservative contexts. In Sri Lanka, discussions around sexuality are frequently avoided in formal and informal settings, leaving young people to rely on peers, social media, or misinformation. This silence creates serious social, health, and psychological consequences. By examining the Sri Lankan context alongside international examples, the importance of comprehensive and age-appropriate sexual education becomes clear.
Understanding Sexual Education
Sexual education goes beyond biological explanations of reproduction. Comprehensive sexual education includes knowledge about human anatomy, puberty, consent, relationships, emotional health, gender identity, sexual orientation, reproductive rights, contraception, prevention of sexually transmitted infections (STIs), and personal safety. Importantly, it also promotes values such as respect, responsibility, dignity, and mutual understanding. When delivered appropriately, sexual education empowers individuals to make informed decisions rather than encouraging early or risky sexual behavior.
The Sri Lankan Context: Silence and Its Consequences
In Sri Lanka, sexual education is included in school curricula mainly through subjects such as Health Science and Life Competencies, however the content is often limited and taught with hesitation. Many teachers feel uncomfortable discussing sexual topics openly due to cultural norms, religious sensitivities, and fear of parental backlash. As a result, lessons are rushed, skipped, or delivered in a purely biological manner without addressing emotional, social, or ethical dimensions.
This lack of open education has led to several social challenges. Teenage pregnancies, although less visible, remain a significant issue, particularly in rural and estate sectors. Young girls who become pregnant often face school dropouts, social stigma, and limited future opportunities. Many of these pregnancies occur due to lack of knowledge about contraception, consent, and bodily autonomy.
Another serious concern in Sri Lanka is child sexual abuse. Numerous reports indicate that many children do not recognize abusive behaviour or lack the confidence and language to report it. Proper sexual education, especially lessons on body boundaries and consent, can help children identify inappropriate behavior and seek help early. In the Sri Lankan context, where respect for elders often discourages questioning authority, this knowledge is especially crucial.
Furthermore, misinformation about menstruation, nocturnal emissions, and bodily changes during puberty causes anxiety and shame among adolescents. Many Sri Lankan girls experience menarche without prior knowledge, leading to fear and confusion. Similarly, boys often receive no guidance about emotional or physical changes, reinforcing unhealthy notions of masculinity and silence around mental health.
Cultural Resistance and Misconceptions
Opposition to sexual education in Sri Lanka often stems from the belief that it promotes immoral behaviour or encourages premarital sex. However, international research consistently shows the opposite: young people who receive comprehensive sexual education tend to delay sexual initiation and engage in safer behaviours. The resistance is therefore rooted more in cultural fear than empirical evidence.
Religious and cultural values are important, but they need not conflict with sexual education. In fact, sexual education can be framed within moral discussions about responsibility, respect, family values, and care for others principles shared across Sri Lanka’s major religious traditions. Ignoring sexuality does not protect cultural values; rather, it leaves young people vulnerable.
International Evidence: Lessons from Other Countries
Several countries demonstrate how effective sexual education contributes to positive social outcomes.
In the Netherlands, sexual education begins at an early age and is age-appropriate, focusing on respect, relationships, and communication rather than explicit sexual activity. As a result, the Netherlands has one of the lowest rates of teenage pregnancy and STIs in the world. Young people are encouraged to discuss feelings, boundaries, and consent openly, both in schools and at home.
Similarly, Sweden introduced compulsory sexual education as early as the 1950s. Swedish programs emphasise gender equality, reproductive rights, and sexual health. This long-term commitment has contributed to high levels of sexual health awareness, low maternal mortality among young mothers, and strong societal acceptance of gender diversity. Sexual education in Sweden is also closely linked to public health services, ensuring access to counseling and contraception.
In many developing contexts, international organisations have supported sexual education as a tool for social development. UNESCO promotes Comprehensive Sexuality Education (CSE) globally, emphasising that it equips young people with knowledge, skills, attitudes, and values that enable them to protect their health and dignity. Studies supported by UNESCO show that CSE reduces risky behaviours, improves academic outcomes, and supports gender equality.
In countries such as Rwanda and South Africa, sexual education has been integrated with HIV/AIDS prevention programs. These initiatives demonstrate that sexual education is not a luxury of developed nations but a necessity for public health and social stability.
Comparing Sri Lanka with International Models
When compared with international examples, Sri Lanka’s challenges are not due to lack of capacity but lack of open dialogue and political will. Sri Lanka has a strong education system, high literacy rates, and an extensive public health network. These strengths provide an excellent foundation for implementing comprehensive sexual education that is culturally sensitive yet scientifically accurate.
Unlike the Netherlands or Sweden, Sri Lanka may not adopt early-age sexuality discussions in the same manner, but age-appropriate education during late primary and secondary school is both feasible and necessary. Topics such as puberty, menstruation, consent, online safety, and respectful relationships can be introduced gradually without violating cultural norms.
Sexual Education in the Digital Era
The urgency of sexual education has increased in the digital age. Sri Lankan adolescents are exposed to sexual content through social media, films, and online platforms, often without guidance. Pornography frequently becomes a primary source of sexual knowledge, leading to unrealistic expectations, objectification, and distorted ideas about consent and relationships.
Sexual education can counter these influences by developing critical thinking, media literacy, and ethical understanding. Teaching young people how to navigate digital relationships, cyber harassment, and online exploitation is now an essential component of sexual education.
Gender Equality and Social Change
Sexual education also plays a crucial role in promoting gender equality. In Sri Lanka, traditional gender roles often limit open discussion about female sexuality while excusing male dominance. Comprehensive sexual education challenges these norms by emphasizing mutual respect, shared responsibility, and equality in relationships.
Educating boys about consent and emotional expression helps reduce gender-based violence, while educating girls about bodily autonomy strengthens empowerment. In the long term, this contributes to healthier families and more equitable social structures.
The Way Forward for Sri Lanka
For sexual education to be effective in Sri Lanka, several steps are necessary. Teachers must receive proper training to handle the subject confidently and sensitively. Parents should be engaged through awareness programs to reduce fear and misconceptions. Curriculum developers must ensure that content is age-appropriate, culturally grounded, and scientifically accurate.
Importantly, sexual education should not be treated as a one-time lesson but as a continuous process integrated into broader life skills education. Collaboration between schools, healthcare providers, religious leaders, and community organisations can help normalise discussions around sexual health while respecting cultural values.
Finally , sexual education is not merely about sex; it is about health, dignity, safety, and responsible citizenship. The Sri Lankan experience demonstrates how silence and taboo can lead to misinformation, vulnerability, and social harm. International examples from the Netherlands, Sweden, and global initiatives supported by UNESCO clearly show that comprehensive sexual education leads to positive individual and societal outcomes.
For Sri Lanka, embracing sexual education does not mean abandoning cultural values. Rather, it means equipping young people with knowledge and ethical understanding to navigate modern social realities responsibly. In an era of rapid social and technological change, sexual education is not optional it is essential for building a healthy, informed, and compassionate society.
by Milinda Mayadunna ✍️
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Sunday Island Headlines – 21 March
Sunday Island – 21st February – Headlines
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Features6 days agoBrilliant Navy officer no more
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News2 days agoUniversity of Wolverhampton confirms Ranil was officially invited
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Opinion6 days agoSri Lanka – world’s worst facilities for cricket fans
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News3 days agoLegal experts decry move to demolish STC dining hall
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Features6 days agoA life in colour and song: Rajika Gamage’s new bird guide captures Sri Lanka’s avian soul
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Business3 days agoCabinet nod for the removal of Cess tax imposed on imported good
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News2 days agoFemale lawyer given 12 years RI for preparing forged deeds for Borella land
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Features7 days agoOverseas visits to drum up foreign assistance for Sri Lanka