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National mourning for Q. E II? Ranil’s rupture with the republic

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By DR. DAYAN JAYATILLEKA

The unelected President of Sri Lanka has declared that the Sri Lankan, flag on all public buildings, will be lowered to half-mast as a mark of respect for Queen Elizabeth II of Britain who died at the age of 96. The President intends to declare a day, or days, of National Mourning, which will be notified later.

“President Ranil Wickremesinghe, on the passing of Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II, has given directives to lower the national flag in all public buildings half-staff, the President’s Media Division (PMD) says.

The period of national mourning is expected to be announced subsequently, the PMD said further in a tweet.”

This is a travesty. It is a particularly grotesque travesty as Sri Lanka sees the 75th anniversary of its Independence on the horizon. It is quite appropriate for the President to send his condolences and, if possible, to attend the funeral. But to lower the national flag on state buildings? And to declare a day, or days, of National Mourning? He just has to be kidding.

In the first place, Queen Elizabeth is not our queen. In the second place, Sri Lanka is a Republic, which is the exact antipode of a monarchy. Since the Sri Lankan state is a republic, there is no call whatsoever for state buildings to lower the Sri Lankan national flag to half-mast in honour of the British Queen, or any monarch anywhere.

The Queen was and King Charles will be the sovereign of the United Kingdom. Monarchy anywhere and everywhere at any time in history, acknowledged the monarch as the sovereign. When the monarchy receded in history but was retained ceremonially, the monarch was not so much acknowledged but conceded to be the country’s sovereign. Whichever the case, the monarch was coterminous, even synonymous, with ‘the sovereign’.

In stark contradistinction, in a republic the people are sovereign. A republic is defined by the fact that sovereignty arises from and ultimately resides in the people: ‘res publica’. This is explicitly clear in every republican Constitution from that of the USA (“We the People”) to Sri Lanka.

Why should Sri Lanka, as a state, lower its National Flag and observe days of National Mourning on the occasion of the death of a foreign monarch? Why should it do so especially when the monarch in question is the sovereign of the country from which Sri Lanka wrested its Independence, the 75th anniversary of which it is about to celebrate?

Whatever sentiments we may have for the departed Queen Elizabeth, mourning is a private and at best a social matter. Except for the usual condolences, it is decidedly not a matter for the Sri Lankan State and nation.

Mine is not a private sentiment of a left-leaning political scientist. The question of the relationship or lack thereof, between Sri Lanka and the British monarchy was made explicitly clear at great length in 1972 during the promulgation of the first Republican Constitution of Sri Lanka.

To pull back a bit, in his Five Lectures, the JVP’s founder-leader Rohana Wijeweera pointed to the fact that Ceylon was still ruled by the Queen of the former colonial power, Britain, a fact which for him, was proof of the incomplete character of our Independence. Wijeweera in turn had been influenced by and built on the criticism leveled by the traditional left in 1948, that what we had obtained was an inauthentic Independence and had merely graduated from a colony to a neo-colony.

In the aftermath of the April 1971 Insurrection, it was noticed that the insurrectionists had to be tried for the offense of armed rebellion against ‘the Queen’, which was the law on the statute books. In his submissions during the Criminal Justice Commission trial, Wijeweera pointed that out. The grotesque anomaly was immediately noted by society at large and that realization accelerated the decision to convert to a republican form of state.

The very form in which Sri Lanka converted to a republic signaled the end of its political relationship with the British monarchy. The Constitutional process chose not to proceed by way of the previous Constitution, despite its many merits, as that was a product of colonialism, ruled by a monarchy to boot.

The 1972 Constitution chose to consciously rupture with the previous, pre-independence Constitution. It was a dual rupture: from a colonial product to a product of an independent country, and from the Constitutional acceptance of the British monarch as the head of State, the sovereign, of our state, to that of the sovereignty of the whole people of this island. Hence, an ‘autochthonous’ and Republican Constitution, through a rupture.

The rupture was to underscore the lack of continuity with even the nominal role of the British Crown. The umbilical cord was surgically severed. What President Wickremesinghe has chosen to do, by declaring the Sri Lankan National Flag to be flown at half-mast on State buildings and to observe a day or days of National Mourning, is to reverse the process, symbolically and psychologically.

Already, we have departed from the content and spirit of republicanism by virtue of the fact that we have an utterly unelected leader. He was unelected by the people to the presidency and unlike his predecessor DB Wijetunga, who assumed the presidency in mid-stream, serving out the rest of the assassinated President Premadasa’s term, he was unelected to Parliament in the first place. Now, we are going one step further, backwards not forward, in making the death of the British monarch with whom we consciously, constitutionally severed the Sri Lankan state, an occasion for state and national mourning.

While I find this shocking, none of this really surprises me. The so-called Silent Revolutions of 1956 and 1970 were propelled by a national notion that Independence did not feel complete; that the process of de-colonization was unfinished; that there still remained an unacceptably large overhang of British colonialism. No one exemplified the neocolonial profile more than did Sir John Kotelawala, chosen by a ruling elite (not popularly elected) shaken by the Hartal of August 1953– the First Aragalaya— and the resignation of the PM. The year after the Hartal, in 1954, he hosted Queen Elizabeth’s visit to Ceylon. In 1955 he took the pro-Western line (actually that of John Foster Dulles) at the Bandung conference which was the zenith of anti-colonial Afro-Asianism, earning the local appellation ‘Bandung Booruwa’, the Donkey of Bandung.

In all this, Sir John’s advisor was Esmond Wickremesinghe, the father of President Ranil Wickremesinghe. As Prime Minister in 2001, Wickremesinghe had sought to commemorate the 500th anniversary of the Portuguese colonial conquest, which was the cherry on the cake of his economic neoliberalism and appeasement of the fascist Tigers. The electorate evicted him and kept him out of office for 15 years. Now he’s back. As President. Truly, the apple does not fall far from the tree. The cycle is repeating itself and will end with a version of that earlier outcome.



Opinion

Senator A. Ratnayake: An appreciation

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A. Ratnayake

It is with great pride that I write to commemorate the 47th death anniversary of a distinguished patriot of Sri Lanka, the late Senator A. Ratnayake – Cabinet Minister of Food and Cooperatives, Minister of Home Affairs in the post independent Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) and the last President of the Senate.

Son of P.B. Ratnayake, a stalwart of the Kandy Temperance Movement and Mrs Dingiri Amma Ratnayake. Educated at Dharmaraja College, Kandy and Royal College, Colombo, he entered Ceylon University College and obtained BA (London) degree. Thereafter Mr. Ratnayake started teaching at Ananda College and in 1924 was appointed by the late Anagarika Dharmapala as the Principal of Mahabodhi College. Subsequently he studied law and qualified as an Advocate in 1931. His first love, however, was politics. For 40 years he represented the Dumbara electorate in the first and second State Councils of Ceylon and Wattegama seat in the First Parliament of Ceylon in 1948.

It was Mr. Ratnayake as a member of the Special Committee on Education in the State Council, who introduced a motion that education should be free from Kindergarten to University for all. Though there were many obstacles, Mr. Ratnayake was instrumental in persuading the special committee to implement his proposals on Free Education for All.

In 1947 Mr. Ratnayake became the First Minister of Food and Cooperatives in the post independent Cabinet. He developed the Cooperative Movement which he advocated to be managed by the people. He inaugurated the Cooperative Federal Bank, which later became Peoples Bank, providing credit to rural folk who otherwise had to depend on money lenders.

Under Prime Minister Sir John Kotalawela, he was the Minister of Home Affairs. It was then that Mr. Ratnayake proposed to the government to commemorate 2,500 years of Buddha Parinibbana in 1952 a promise he made to his mentor, the late Anagarika Dharmapala. The translation of the Tripitaka to Sinhala, an encyclopedia on Buddhism in English and the restoration of the Dalada Maligawa were all carried out during his period as the Minister of Home Affairs.

It is imperative that the younger generation know the achievements of Mr Ratnayake, his determination to provide education for all from kindergarten to university which has benefitted generations of Sri Lankans and continues to do so today. In addition, his contributions to uplift religion, language and culture in the post independent era is worthy of recognition.

I have no doubt when the history of this period is written, the name of A Ratnayake will be written in golden letters as a true patriotic son Sri Lanka.

Maneesha Seneviratne
Attorney at Law

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Opinion

Mrs Hemamali Kanthi Jayasinghe

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Mrs. Hemamali Kanthi Jayasinghe known by all her friends and relations lovingly as ‘Bunchi’, left us on August 20, 2024, leaving an unfillable void for her husband Lal, daughter Chanika and grandchildren Isurika and Pavith. I know from Bunchi’s narratives related to me of their success stories in Australia. her grand- children Isurika and Pavith had a special place in her heart. This is natural, and as should be.

Bunchi was a rare individual who left a void in all groups whom she came across in life- both among her friends and relations. It was especially true for her sister-in-law and family, her aunts, cousins and their spouses. Bunchi and Lal were a couple who never abandoned their cousins in good times or bad. The two of them were all-weather relations. She had an open house for her friends and relations, and a sympathetic heart that inwardly motivated her to be helpful to others.

We live in Kelaniya. Over the last so many years, whenever there was a public warning about floods in Kelaniya, like a prayer, a call would come from Bunchi- ‘Aiya if there is any threat of floods, both of you, please come and stay with us’; usually this invitation is also repeated by Lal. About four months ago, when a flood warning was issued to all major river basins, Bunchi even though sick, gave us a call followed by Lal, and invited us to come over to Kadawatha. Although she was ill and weak, she did not forget to offer help to others.

Lal was the family doctor for all families of Bunchi’s cousins and aunts. When a call came for help, if it was found to be medically necessary to visit, Bunchi always accompanied Lal to their relations’ homes. Lal looked into the medical side, while Bunchi’s concern and ‘recuperative words’ provided psychological help to the sick. So, in most instances it was the doctor accompanied by his wife, who came to the patient instead of the patient going to the doctor. The service was totally free.

I still vividly remember this day in, I guess 1984, I was getting ready to go to USA on official duty. Our elder daughter complained of a severe stomach ache. I phoned Lal who examined her and said that there was some tenderness, but asked me to go as planned and that even if surgery was needed, he would arrange everything including showing our daughter to a surgeon and following up. Bunchi told me ‘we will look after everything – you just go’. This was one instance of help that Bunchi and Lal did for us. It was a great responsibility that they decided to shoulder to help a cousin. And I know that some other cousins or relations of Bunchi can also relate such magnanimous instances of offering help.

Bunchi and Lal were well known among friends and relations for giving dinners at their Kadawatha home. Their home was well- equipped for such occasions. Her mother Irene who was also living at Bunchi’s (Irene ‘nanda’ to us) also helped in bringing out culinary delights.

I am bringing the above entertainment story in order to highlight another deep- seated side to Bunchi and Lal that was perhaps only known to their close relations and cousins. At the ‘Mathaka Vastra pinkama’ this was well articulated by the two Nayaka Theros who conducted the religious ceremony at her funeral. Bunchi and Lal were both religious and Bunchi helped Lal to continue with all the traditional ‘Pinkamas’ that Lal’s parents had been conducting for so many years. Bunchi also started new ‘Pinkamas’. And in these merit acquiring activities they involved their daughter and grandchildren and nephew and niece from their young days to inculcate in them the importance of spiritual reinforcement in addition to practicing their vocations.

It was heartening to note that Chanika and Lal (despite being handicapped without Bunchi’s support) continued to participate in the’ Katina pinkama’ of the Bimbaramaya Temple, Kadawatha, by preparing some items for the ‘dana’ at the ‘Katina Pinkama’. I believe there were about 70 bhikkhus at the alms-giving.

When they were at home, Bunchi and Lal would do the morning and evening ‘Buddha Puja’ and other worship without a break. Lal now continues with the tradition by himself.

However, they were also open to the modern world and its necessities and responsibilities. They were a very cosmopolitan couple; they had close friends belonging to all religious denominations, both in Sri Lanka and abroad. They kept in close contact with them. What they accomplished over a substantial period of time through their diverse relationships and hospitality, was an important sociological need for Sri Lanka- that is to go forward in unity while being diverse. Lal also worked for many years for NHS in UK, and both of them were happy to receive friends and relations from Sri Lanka at their Lincoln home. They decided to return home to be with their aging parents.

Another positive aspect of Lal and Bunchi was the sincere, helpful, and long-standing- relationship they had with their domestic aides. The domestic-aides in turn were strongly loyal to Bunchi and Lal.

Throughout Bunchi’s some-what long illness, Lal and Chanika looked after Bunchi with love and tenderness.

Hemamali Kanthi Jayasinghe was the daughter of the late Dr. Gilbert Gajanayaka and the late Mrs. Irene Munasinghe Gajanyaka. She was the sister of the late Mr. Gamini Gajanayaka.

May Bunchi attain the Supreme Bliss of Nibbana.

Lakshman Wickramasinghe

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Opinion

Significance of Tamil vote in 2024 general election

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Apart from the resounding victory by the NPP, the most significant election outcome is the remarkable change in the voting pattern of the Tamils in the North, the East, and the Central province not to mention Colombo that brought defeat to most of the Tamil political stalwarts like Sithatharan, Sumanthiran, Palani Thigambaram, Mano Ganeshan et al. This is the first time that such a change has happened in a general election where usually the ethnic political parties hold sway over minority votes. It is of vital importance for everybody including Tamil politicians, the present government, international community, hegemonic powers, ultra-nationalists and separatists to understand and correctly interpret this change in the Tamil political fabric.

The decisive factor that was apparent in the pre-election period was the need for a change which manifested in a weaker form at the presidential election that brought in a new president with 42% of the national vote with the majority of Tamils voting against the NPP candidate. In less than two months the whole picture had changed and a majority of Tamils who did not vote for the NPP at the presidential election took the unprecedented step of going against their own ethnic parties and voted for the NPP. Although it appears to be a sudden change of attitude obviously such changes on such a wide scale cannot happen overnight. The need for a system change must have been slowly and steadily growing in the minds of Tamils over a period of time, like it had in the Sinhalese. The latter was obviously weary of suffering under the governments of the two major political parties since independence. The former however had hitherto been loyal to their ethnic parties who pursued divisive communal politics appealing to the ultra-nationalist sentiments of the Tamils. What was the reason for the Tamils to change in this manner?

Presidential election may have shown the Tamils that the Sinhalese had decided to bring about a radical change. This would have been the cue for them to come out into the open and demonstrate the change that has been slowly taking place in their minds. The change that appeared to have taken place in less than two months was probably catalyzed in this manner.

Tamils suffered during the thirty-year war. It is probable that the new generation of Tamils have realised the futility of war and confrontation and decided to chart a different course and deviate from the main sociopolitical stream from the time of independence though there were times of convergence and cooperation albeit of short duration. Independence and universal franchise have driven a wedge between Sinhala and Tamil leaders which was rather unfortunate for they were together in the struggle for Independence. Tamil politicians enjoyed parity of political power and suddenly they realized that their privileged position was in danger due to universal franchise which would make them a minority in the parliament. They could not reconcile with the fact that they were representatives of a minority community. What is most unfortunate is that they could not see the opportunities that were there for them to play a vital role in the development of the whole country. The mistake the Tamil leaders committed at that time was to abandon the opportunity that was available to jointly participate in the central government and contribute to the development of not only the Tamils but also the whole country and instead choose the narrow parochial path of communal politics. This blunder has continued to plague the country and even caused the birth of terrorism and a bloody war.

These historical mistakes must have dawned on the new generation of Tamils who, like the Sinhalese want a change in their lives which could come with economic development rather than ultra-nationalist dogma. Further they may have realized the fact that Tamil ultra-nationalism was flawed, unjust, parochial and does not belong in the modern world. Communal barriers have to be breached to achieve connectivity, interaction and networking which are capable of opening new vistas in the modern electronic era. All communities who have made Sri Lanka their home must unite and develop their country. The absence of this unity may have been one of the reasons for the country to lag behind in economic development and finally end up being bankrupt which would have affected all communities alike. In this regard the Tamils have taken the first step and it is now up to the other communities to suitably respond.

The government must know that the Tamils have significantly contributed to their massive victory. The government must understand what these Tamils who have rejected their own political parties and leaders want. They, too, like the Sinhalese are affected by economic mismanagement and poverty. Their problems are same as those of the Sinhalese majority. All communities are in the same boat. Tamils have realised this truth and would want urgent attention to their immediate needs. Their nutrition, health and education should receive immediate and sufficient attention. Tamils have abandoned their own parties and embraced the governing party expecting urgent redress to their burning problems.

There is a lesson for the international community as well, especially for the imperialist western powers. The latter had made use of the lack of unity among the communities to destabilise the country in pursuance of their geo-political ambitions in the Indian Ocean region. The LTTE was a tool in their hands, and after the demise of its leader, other separatists moved in to fill the vacuum. The western powers must realise the futility of such policies in view of the radical changes taking place within the mind-set of the Tamils. Tamils may no longer see the Sinhalese as their oppressors and the Sinhalese may not harbour the fear that Tamils are demanding a separate country.

It is hoped that the time may come when the Tamils realise that the whole country belongs to all communities and it is their duty to participate in the development of the whole and not just the North and parts of the East. True Tamil national leaders may emerge who would want to share power at the centre rather than at the periphery and contribute to the governing of the whole country. It is hoped that this is the end of divisive communal politics and the beginning of a new era of unity and prosperity.

N. A. de S. Amaratunga

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