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Opinion

National mourning for Q. E II? Ranil’s rupture with the republic

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By DR. DAYAN JAYATILLEKA

The unelected President of Sri Lanka has declared that the Sri Lankan, flag on all public buildings, will be lowered to half-mast as a mark of respect for Queen Elizabeth II of Britain who died at the age of 96. The President intends to declare a day, or days, of National Mourning, which will be notified later.

“President Ranil Wickremesinghe, on the passing of Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II, has given directives to lower the national flag in all public buildings half-staff, the President’s Media Division (PMD) says.

The period of national mourning is expected to be announced subsequently, the PMD said further in a tweet.”

This is a travesty. It is a particularly grotesque travesty as Sri Lanka sees the 75th anniversary of its Independence on the horizon. It is quite appropriate for the President to send his condolences and, if possible, to attend the funeral. But to lower the national flag on state buildings? And to declare a day, or days, of National Mourning? He just has to be kidding.

In the first place, Queen Elizabeth is not our queen. In the second place, Sri Lanka is a Republic, which is the exact antipode of a monarchy. Since the Sri Lankan state is a republic, there is no call whatsoever for state buildings to lower the Sri Lankan national flag to half-mast in honour of the British Queen, or any monarch anywhere.

The Queen was and King Charles will be the sovereign of the United Kingdom. Monarchy anywhere and everywhere at any time in history, acknowledged the monarch as the sovereign. When the monarchy receded in history but was retained ceremonially, the monarch was not so much acknowledged but conceded to be the country’s sovereign. Whichever the case, the monarch was coterminous, even synonymous, with ‘the sovereign’.

In stark contradistinction, in a republic the people are sovereign. A republic is defined by the fact that sovereignty arises from and ultimately resides in the people: ‘res publica’. This is explicitly clear in every republican Constitution from that of the USA (“We the People”) to Sri Lanka.

Why should Sri Lanka, as a state, lower its National Flag and observe days of National Mourning on the occasion of the death of a foreign monarch? Why should it do so especially when the monarch in question is the sovereign of the country from which Sri Lanka wrested its Independence, the 75th anniversary of which it is about to celebrate?

Whatever sentiments we may have for the departed Queen Elizabeth, mourning is a private and at best a social matter. Except for the usual condolences, it is decidedly not a matter for the Sri Lankan State and nation.

Mine is not a private sentiment of a left-leaning political scientist. The question of the relationship or lack thereof, between Sri Lanka and the British monarchy was made explicitly clear at great length in 1972 during the promulgation of the first Republican Constitution of Sri Lanka.

To pull back a bit, in his Five Lectures, the JVP’s founder-leader Rohana Wijeweera pointed to the fact that Ceylon was still ruled by the Queen of the former colonial power, Britain, a fact which for him, was proof of the incomplete character of our Independence. Wijeweera in turn had been influenced by and built on the criticism leveled by the traditional left in 1948, that what we had obtained was an inauthentic Independence and had merely graduated from a colony to a neo-colony.

In the aftermath of the April 1971 Insurrection, it was noticed that the insurrectionists had to be tried for the offense of armed rebellion against ‘the Queen’, which was the law on the statute books. In his submissions during the Criminal Justice Commission trial, Wijeweera pointed that out. The grotesque anomaly was immediately noted by society at large and that realization accelerated the decision to convert to a republican form of state.

The very form in which Sri Lanka converted to a republic signaled the end of its political relationship with the British monarchy. The Constitutional process chose not to proceed by way of the previous Constitution, despite its many merits, as that was a product of colonialism, ruled by a monarchy to boot.

The 1972 Constitution chose to consciously rupture with the previous, pre-independence Constitution. It was a dual rupture: from a colonial product to a product of an independent country, and from the Constitutional acceptance of the British monarch as the head of State, the sovereign, of our state, to that of the sovereignty of the whole people of this island. Hence, an ‘autochthonous’ and Republican Constitution, through a rupture.

The rupture was to underscore the lack of continuity with even the nominal role of the British Crown. The umbilical cord was surgically severed. What President Wickremesinghe has chosen to do, by declaring the Sri Lankan National Flag to be flown at half-mast on State buildings and to observe a day or days of National Mourning, is to reverse the process, symbolically and psychologically.

Already, we have departed from the content and spirit of republicanism by virtue of the fact that we have an utterly unelected leader. He was unelected by the people to the presidency and unlike his predecessor DB Wijetunga, who assumed the presidency in mid-stream, serving out the rest of the assassinated President Premadasa’s term, he was unelected to Parliament in the first place. Now, we are going one step further, backwards not forward, in making the death of the British monarch with whom we consciously, constitutionally severed the Sri Lankan state, an occasion for state and national mourning.

While I find this shocking, none of this really surprises me. The so-called Silent Revolutions of 1956 and 1970 were propelled by a national notion that Independence did not feel complete; that the process of de-colonization was unfinished; that there still remained an unacceptably large overhang of British colonialism. No one exemplified the neocolonial profile more than did Sir John Kotelawala, chosen by a ruling elite (not popularly elected) shaken by the Hartal of August 1953– the First Aragalaya— and the resignation of the PM. The year after the Hartal, in 1954, he hosted Queen Elizabeth’s visit to Ceylon. In 1955 he took the pro-Western line (actually that of John Foster Dulles) at the Bandung conference which was the zenith of anti-colonial Afro-Asianism, earning the local appellation ‘Bandung Booruwa’, the Donkey of Bandung.

In all this, Sir John’s advisor was Esmond Wickremesinghe, the father of President Ranil Wickremesinghe. As Prime Minister in 2001, Wickremesinghe had sought to commemorate the 500th anniversary of the Portuguese colonial conquest, which was the cherry on the cake of his economic neoliberalism and appeasement of the fascist Tigers. The electorate evicted him and kept him out of office for 15 years. Now he’s back. As President. Truly, the apple does not fall far from the tree. The cycle is repeating itself and will end with a version of that earlier outcome.



Opinion

Future of world religions

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I refer to Dr Upul Wijayawardena’s recent letter on science and religion. I agree with him on the fate of religions in the modern world and would like to add the following observations on the evolution of religion and the advent of AI.

Religious philosophy evolved only in ancient India while it remained static with monotheism in other parts of the world. When the polytheistic Vedic religion arrived with Aryan migration to India, they found the ancient version of Jainism, which may have been practised over four thousand years as evidenced by some figures in meditation posture found in Mohenjo daro. By that time the indigenous religion had already abandoned the creator god or gods but still believed the mind as a permanent entity athman that survived death and continued in a cycle of reincarnation (samsara) due to results of any harmful action (kamma) even unintended performed in life collected in the athman. Salvation to a happy all-knowing permanent state named Kevala could be attained by the athman with extreme degree of self-mortification to destroy the past kamma attached to it, refraining from new kamma and developing the mind by meditation. As observed in progression from Veda to Upanishads the Aryan religion, evolution progressed with adoption of kamma, the cyclic existence of samsara, meditation and ethical behaviour in addition to prayer and sacrifice they practised for moksha.

The Buddha appeared in this philosophical atmosphere and denied both creator god and a permanent entity of athman. His psychology describes human behaviour based on the mind as a stream of changing consciousness. However, he accepted the cyclic existence of samsara; he said he verified the survival of consciousness at death with help of knowledge he gained from meditation. He prescribed a middle path to attain nirvana, a permanent state of happiness, avoiding self-mortification and redefined kamma to intentional activity only, both ethical and unethical resulting in bad and good results. He disagreed with the idea of kamma as the cause of rebirth. Following the Buddha, Vedantha religion reformed god to universal athman or brahman and evolved to modern Hinduism with a mixture of polytheism.

In his description of living beings in the universe, the Buddha has described some with a body made of fine material (brahma beings) in comparison to the gross material body of human and animal beings. One may assume the brahma body may not be carbon based.

The Buddha has also described living beings with physical body only (asannasatta) and another variety with mind only without a body (arupa satta). Therefore, it is not surprising to Buddhists that AI may evolve to become living beings if it develops a readily and freely available mobile source of energy and takes over the world with its superior capacity. AI already has information about Buddhist psychology. With that knowledge ‘AI beings’ may even become Buddhists not given to rituals.

According to the Buddha, brahma beings and asannasatta beings have very long lifespans as their bodies are not subject to decay and illness human beings develop. The new AI beings also may live as long as they wish because they may be able to repair themselves in case of developing physical defects. They would need only ethical behaviour to avoid destroying themselves by peaceful existence if they took over the world, as feared in some quarters.

However, as long as human beings exist in the world with death and uncertainty of what happens after death, they need a religion and rituals to give them psychological support. Even those who profess death is the end of life may have some doubt troubling their mind from time to time and may think of religion in times of adversity.

Ideally, human beings are free to accept one of the many versions of religious philosophies and respect each other’s choice and live in harmony. Unfortunately, extreme degrees of religious versions that cause division, unrest and violence will always continue to exist together with religions in the world.

Upali Abeysiri

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Opinion

The Cream of the Earth: Why Sri Lanka needs a Fruit Consumers Movement

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By Lalin I De Silva

Sri Lanka speaks constantly about hospitals, medicines, food imports, agricultural productivity and the rising cost of living. Yet there is one simple question we rarely ask:

Are we eating enough of the food that our own soil can naturally give us?

Fruit is perhaps one of the finest gifts of the earth to humankind. A ripe mango, banana, papaya, guava or avocado comes to us almost ready to eat. Sunlight, rain, soil, microorganisms, minerals and the labour of a farmer have already done most of the work.

That is why I like to describe fruit as the “cream of the earth.”

This is, of course, not an argument that fruit alone can prevent every disease, or guarantee longevity. Science does not support such exaggerated claims. But there is strong international evidence that regular consumption of fruits and vegetables forms an important part of a healthy diet and is associated with lower risks of several major non-communicable diseases.

Sri Lanka’s own dietary guidance encourages the daily consumption of fruit as part of a balanced diet.

The tragedy is that we live on an island capable of producing an extraordinary variety of fruits, while many families increasingly depend on highly processed foods, sugary drinks and imported snacks.

This deserves national attention.

We Produce — But Do We Connect?

Sri Lanka grows banana, mango, pineapple, papaya, avocado, rambutan, mangosteen, guava, woodapple, beli, pomegranate, durian and many lesser-known indigenous fruits.

Yet our fruit value chain remains fragmented.

The farmer often does not know the final consumer.

The consumer rarely knows the farmer.

Fruit travels through several intermediaries, sometimes suffering poor handling, unnecessary damage and price escalation along the way.

Consumers may not know where a fruit was grown, when it was harvested, whether it was naturally matured or what crop-protection practices were followed.

Meanwhile, a careful farmer, producing exceptional fruit, may receive almost the same farm-gate price as someone producing an inferior product.

That is not value-chain management.

It is precisely this disconnect that a new citizen-led initiative could begin to address.

25 Districts — 25 Consumer Societies

A proposal now emerging is to establish a Pure Sri Lankan Authentic Healthy Fruit Consumers Society in each of Sri Lanka’s 25 districts.

The concept should not become another organisation full of titles, meetings and ceremonial functions.

Its purpose must be practical.

Each district society could bring together consumers, growers, doctors, nutritionists, horticulturists, schools, universities, retailers, hotels, processors and young entrepreneurs.

The first task would be to understand the district itself.

What fruits are grown?

Where are they grown?

When are they available?

Which traditional varieties are disappearing?

Where can consumers purchase genuinely good fruits?

Where are the post-harvest losses?

What do farmers need?

What do consumers actually want?

From this information, each district could eventually develop its own Fruit Map.

Twenty-five district maps could then become a National Fruit Map of Sri Lanka.

From Anonymous Fruit to Traceable Fruit

Imagine buying a mango and scanning a QR code.

You could see the district, grower, variety, approximate harvest date and production information.

You could perhaps even provide feedback on taste.

That may sound futuristic, but the technology already exists.

The problem is not technology.

The problem is that our food system was never designed to connect the person who grows the fruit with the person who eats it.

Traceability could change that.

The principle is simple:

Know your farmer. Know your fruit.

Let the Consumer Lead

For decades, agriculture has largely been driven from the production side.

“How much can we produce?” has been the dominant question.

A healthier agricultural economy should begin with another question:

What does the consumer need, value and trust?

If thousands of consumers deliberately demand fresh, safe, flavorful and traceable Sri Lankan fruit, the message travels backwards through the entire value chain.

Retailers respond.

Farmers respond.

Nurseries respond.

Researchers respond.

Investors respond.

Government eventually has to respond.

That is the real power of an organised consumer movement.

Start With Children

Perhaps the most powerful campaign message could be remarkably simple:

Two Fruits a Day.

Imagine a Sri Lankan child coming home from school and asking:

“What are our fruits today?”

Imagine every school having a small fruit garden.

Imagine children being able to identify 10 Sri Lankan fruits, understand their seasons and know where they are grown.

Such behavioral change cannot be achieved merely by issuing circulars from Colombo.

It must become part of family culture.

Kandy Could Begin

Kandy would be a logical district in which to pilot the concept.

Its climatic diversity, surrounding agricultural communities, educational institutions, hotels, markets and strong plantation heritage provide an excellent testing ground.

A successful Kandy model could then be adapted—not blindly copied—across the other 24 districts.

The objective should ultimately be much larger than selling more fruit.

It is about reconnecting soil, farmer, food, consumer and health.

Sri Lanka does not need to invent every solution from outside.

Sometimes the answer may already be hanging from a tree beside us.

We simply have to recognise its value.

Know Your Farmer. Know Your Fruit. Live Well.

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Opinion

‘Outpost of Empire’

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Review

by Colleen Figg, Editor
and Reviewer – Amazon, New Voices Publishing

“Fernando echoes Macbeth with the line, “There is judgment here.” It captures the question running through the novel: can anyone participate in corruption and remain untouched by it? Beneath this satire is a dark story about power and the danger of believing, that someone else will always pay the price.”

Shavindra Fernando’s Outpost of Empire is a political novel set in the fictional country of Lackadasia. At its heart is a strong idea: an exploration of world politics, terrorism and the ways in which powerful countries manipulate smaller ones. Fernando is clearly writing about political issues that matter deeply to him.

The names immediately establish the book’s satirical character. Lackadasia, Burgherbugaria and the various Klowns suggest a world in which the people and places are exaggerated, but the issues beneath the exaggeration are recognisable. The playful language allows Fernando to approach terrorism, religious conflict and political corruption from an unusual angle.

Henry Stockwell is a central character: an ambassador who arrives in Lackadasia presenting himself as a friend of the country. He believes he understands how power works and treats the country, its politicians and its people as pawns on his personal chessboard. In his arrogance, he never doubts that he controls events rather than being controlled by them. This confidence makes him a compelling figure and in him, we explore the workings of political influence and the potential traps contained therein.

As the story develops, Fernando reveals a political world where causes are adopted when they are useful, people are exploited and discarded, and the truth becomes whatever those in power need it to be. Ordinary people suffer the consequences of decisions made far beyond their reach or knowledge, while those making those decisions continue to justify their actions. Even the people who help keep this world running may not be as important or as safe as they imagine.

Stockwell brings this idea into focus. He recognises corruption in others and willingly takes part in it himself, yet he cannot see that he might also suffer its consequences. Ultimately, he thinks his position will keep him safe. He is intelligent enough to understand the game, but not insightful enough to grasp the limits of his place within it. This blindness gives the novel a strong sense of irony.

The satirical approach gives Fernando room to criticise political hypocrisy without turning the novel into a direct political argument. By using fictional countries and exaggerated names, he creates some distance from specific governments and events while still making the larger targets of the book clear. The humour does not take away from the seriousness of the subject; instead, it makes the cruelty and self-interest beneath the political performance stand out more sharply.

Near the end, Fernando echoes Macbeth with the line, “There is judgment here.” It captures the question running through the novel: can anyone participate in corruption and remain untouched by it? Beneath this satire is a dark story about power and the danger of believing that someone else will always pay the price.

I came away feeling that Outpost of Empire is a valuable and thought-provoking book, particularly in today’s political and social climate. It has a distinctive voice, and the questions it raises about power, responsibility and foreign interference remain relevant far beyond the fictional borders of Lackadasia.
About the Author

Shavindra Fernando has worked as a reporter. He read English & Classics at the University of Peradeniya in Sri Lanka, and took International Relations & Ethnic Politics as a Reuter Fellow at the University of Oxford in England. The Vague Poetess (1999)was his first novel.

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