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Nano nitrogen and nano urea

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By Prof. O.A. Ileperuma

Concerns about the non-availability of chemical fertiliser are widespread. Agricultural communities and farmers are venting their anger at the minister and the government. Farmers have even threatened to abandon their Maha paddy cultivation, and such action will have a devastating effect on our food security. This will severely affect the self-sufficiency of rice we have achieved through the dedicated efforts of our rice breeder scientists in the Agriculture Department. The earlier contention of going fully organic with compost was an ill-advised decision taken by the Government. Recently, European Union countries decided to go for 25 percent organic by 2030, understanding what is possible and what is impossible. I have dealt with the futility of moving towards 100 percent compost in my article in The Island on 01 May, 2021, since compost does not provide the required nutrients in sufficient amounts for healthy plant growth.

The authorities have finally decided to import ‘nano nitrogen’ liquid fertiliser from India where it is undergoing field trials right now. Although the authorities have arbitrarily called this nano nitrogen, it is really a product best classified as nano urea. The manufacturer itself has labelled the product nano urea and our Agriculture Ministry officials have ‘invented’ a new label calling the liquid fertiliser nano nitrogen. Our Minister of Agriculture has been misled by the officials who painted the story that we are importing nano nitrogen and not nano urea. He appears so sure of the name of this product that he went on to complain to the CID against MP Patali Champika Ranawake who pointed out, quite correctly, that it is not nano nitrogen but nano urea. Further, MP Ranawaka has publicly accused Government politicians of bloating the price from $ 7.74 per litre at the manufacturer to $25 per litre in Sri Lanka requesting an explanation for such a huge price difference.

It remains to be seen whether this fertiliser is effective for our agriculture, encompassing all sectors in addition to rice. There are several misconceptions among our learned authorities about whether nano nitrogen imported from India is chemical or organic, meaning a natural product. It is important for the general public to know about the nature of this nano nitrogen fertiliser. Some important facts are: The meaning of nano, and how the so-called nano nitrogen liquid is made and the results of field trials in India.

Nanoparticles are extremely small particles defined as those having diameters in the range of one to 100 nanometres. A nanometre (nm) is one billionth of a metre and they cannot be seen with the naked eye. Milk, for example, is an emulsion with casein micelles of sizes between 50 to 600 nm. Nano nitrogen liquid imported from India is prepared by first mixing conventional urea with hydroquinone. This mixture is then sprayed onto calcium cyanamide powder and finally dispersed into nanosized particles. The final product carries one percent hydroquinone, 10 percent calcium cyanamide and close to 90 percent urea. The resultant nanoparticles are reported to possess sizes ranging from 20 to 50 nm. Calcium cyanamide eventually reacts with water giving ammonia and it is one of the oldest nitrogen fertilisers used.

Nano nitrogen was discovered by Dr. Ramish Ralia while working in an American laboratory. He joined the Indian Farmers Fertiliser Cooperative Limited (IFFCO), one of India’s biggest cooperative societies which has now supplied nano urea to Sri Lanka. According to field trials conducted by IFFCO, they claim that a 500 millilitre bottle of nano urea can replace a 45 kg bag of urea. This is hard to believe since this bottle adds only about 20 g of urea because it contains only four percent nitrogen while a 45 kg bag of urea provides 21 kg of nitrogen. Even if 40 percent of the conventional urea added is absorbed by plants it works out to 8.4 kg of nitrogen taken up by the plants which is over 400 times provided by nano urea. Unlike urea which is applied to soil, nano urea liquid is sprayed directly on to leaves where it gets absorbed through the stomatal openings of leaves.

In spite of the projected advantage of nano urea over conventional urea, it cannot supply the initial nitrogen requirements for growing rice, vegetables and other crops. Urea is needed at the initial stage of planting. Nano urea is useful only at a later stage of plant growth where the plants have developed leaves. Application of nano urea at the initial stage is scientifically meaningless and a wasteful exercise. Based on the requirement of urea stipulated by the Agriculture Department, the urea requirement is 225 kg per hectare for the dry zone. At the current price of urea which is Rs 3,430 per 50 kg (without subsidy), what a farmer has to incur is Rs. 15,435, for the dry zone. For the wet zone where the requirement of urea is only 140 kg per hectare, the expenditure would be Rs. 9,604. To provide the same nitrogen requirement to one hectare of paddy fields a farmer has to spray 1250 litres of nano urea. According to Government estimates with each litre of nano urea costing Rs. 1,250, the total cost comes to around Rs. 156,250 per hectare. However, the Government is distributing only 2.5 litres of nano urea per hectare which is totally insufficient and will severely reduce rice production. Even if the Government distributes the imported nano urea free of charge, ultimately the money comes from public funds which is an utter waste of taxpayers’ money. Why the Agriculture Ministry officials do not see this simple arithmetic is astonishing and unpardonable. Moreover, field trials carried out in India are not sufficient for a critical assessment of the efficacy of nano urea and further field trials are necessary in Sri Lanka to determine the accuracy of the Indian claims.

We should also consider the health effects due to exposure to nanoparticles such as those in nano urea. The world has yet to understand the health effects of nanofertilisers and inhalation of such small particles into the lung can have adverse health effects. Air pollution studies have revealed that the most dangerous of all air pollutants are fine particles which go right into the alveoli of lungs and cause bronchitis, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD), heart diseases and even cancer.

Sri Lankan scientists have reported a different form of nano urea way back in 2012. The work of Prof. Nilwala Kottegoda and her team at the Sri Lanka Institute of Nanotechnology revealed that when urea is adsorbed on hydroxyapatite nanoparticles and applied to paddy fields, it acts as a slow release nitrogen fertiliser resulting in the gradual release of urea to the plant compared to direct application of conventional urea which gets leached out to an extent of about 60 to 70 percent. In this manner the amount of urea required to be applied to soil can be conveniently reduced to around half of what is applied now. The hydroxyapatite can be readily prepared from the Eppawala phosphate deposit. Furthermore, the apatite also decomposes slowly yielding much needed phosphorus nutrients for the healthy growth of plants. Unfortunately, our Government did not use this valuable discovery by Sri Lankan scientists which is often the case with local inventions and discoveries. Politicians take the risk of fast tracking things for short term political gains; scientists come out with suggestions after careful weighing of benefits and disadvantages. Obviously the 10-year agriculture plan of ‘Vistas of Prosperity’ suffered the same fate in the hands of politicians, over the ‘Wiyathun’ who planned it.

While the government is talking about nitrogen and has even imported potash, there is a missing link in the NPK (nitrogen, phosphorus and potassium) formula of fertilisers and what is missing is phosphorus. Traditionally, phosphorus nutrient has been supplied through imported triple superphosphate. Successive governments have talked about making phosphate fertiliser using our own Eppawela rock phosphate deposit. This is restricted to NATO (no action, talk only) since some unseen hands are preventing this from being implemented. This writer along with other experts submitted a comprehensive proposal for the manufacture of single superphosphate (SSP) fertiliser from Eppawala phosphate to the Minister of Agriculture in 2018. There are at least two cabinet decisions empowering Lanka Phosphate Limited to undertake this project but no action has been taken to commence the local manufacture of phosphate fertiliser.

It is not clear what the Government is planning, regarding the supply of the essential triple superphosphate. Initial fertiliser (‘Mada pohora’) requires urea, triple superphosphate and potash. In the same way babies require calcium and phosphorus for the development of bones, supplied through milk, plants too need phosphates for healthy growth. Phosphorus deficiency causes stunted growth and hence poorer yields. Unlike urea, which decomposes giving oxides of nitrogen after a few days, phosphate binds to the soil and remains in the soil for a much longer period and hence farmers may not immediately need phosphate during one season.

It is of no use to supply nano urea now at the planting stage. This will only promote weed growth and farmers have no way of controlling them in the absence of weedicides. It will only be useful at a later stage as ‘Bandi Pohora’ when the leaves have fully developed. Even the manufacturer claims that it is used as a supplementary fertiliser and will not replace the initial requirement of nitrogen fertiliser. Hence the farmers, their agitation fuelled by extensive experience, will most likely continue to suffer with their livelihoods destroyed. At the end the agricultural productivity of the country would be severely affected.



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Opinion

The eternal pilgrimage of Hajj: A journey through faith, sacrifice and humanity

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Hajj pilgrims

Every year, the spiritual compass of the Muslim world turns towards the holy city of Makkah, where millions of pilgrims gather for Hajj — one of humanity’s oldest and most profound journeys of faith.

This year, too, the sacred valleys of Saudi Arabia are filled with the echoes of “Labbaik Allahumma Labbaik” — “Here I am, O Allah, here I am” — as Muslims from every continent respond to a divine call that dates back thousands of years to Prophet Ibrahim (Abraham).

Among them are thousands of Sri Lankan pilgrims, dressed in simple white garments, leaving behind worldly status, wealth and identity in pursuit of spiritual purification and closeness to God.

According to Muslim Affairs authorities, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has allocated a Hajj quota of 3,500 pilgrims for Sri Lanka for Hajj 2026, enabling devotees from across the island to undertake the sacred pilgrimage. The annual allocation is determined through agreements between Saudi Arabia and Muslim-majority and minority nations worldwide.

Since early this month at the Bandaranaike International Airport in Katunayake, emotional scenes unfolded as families bade farewell to departing pilgrims with tears, embraces and prayers.

Elderly parents clutched prayer beads, children waved anxiously, while relatives sought blessings from loved ones embarking on the once-in-a-lifetime spiritual journey.

For many Sri Lankan Muslims, performing Hajj is not simply travel — it is the fulfilment of a lifelong dream nurtured through years of prayer, sacrifice and savings.

In villages, towns and cities across Sri Lanka, preparations for Hajj often begin months or even years in advance. Some families save gradually over decades, while elderly pilgrims regard the journey as the culmination of a lifetime of devotion.

Hajj is the fifth pillar of Islam and is obligatory for every financially and physically able Muslim at least once in a lifetime.

Yet the pilgrimage is far more than a religious obligation.

It is a journey deeply rooted in the story of Prophet Ibrahim, known as Abraham in Christianity and Judaism, and revered across the Abrahamic faiths as a towering symbol of faith, obedience and sacrifice.

Islamic tradition recounts how Prophet Ibrahim was commanded by Allah to leave his wife Hajjar and infant son Ismail in the barren desert valley of Makkah. With unwavering faith in God’s wisdom, Ibrahim obeyed.

Left in the scorching desert with little water or food, Hajjar desperately searched for water for her thirsty child, running seven times between the hills of Safa and Marwa.

Her determination, courage and trust in God are immortalised in the rituals of Hajj today.

Pilgrims reenact Hajjar’s desperate search by walking between Safa and Marwa, symbolising perseverance, faith and hope even in moments of despair.

According to Islamic belief, Allah answered Hajjar’s prayers by causing the miraculous Zamzam well to spring forth beneath baby Ismail’s feet — a well that continues to provide water to millions of pilgrims centuries later.

Another defining moment in Ibrahim’s story is commemorated during Hajj and Eid-ul-Adha — the willingness of the Prophet to sacrifice his beloved son in obedience to God’s command.

As Ibrahim prepared to carry out the sacrifice, Allah replaced Ismail with a ram, signifying that faith, sincerity and submission were greater than the act itself.

The symbolic stoning of the devil during Hajj recalls Ibrahim’s rejection of Satan’s temptations that sought to discourage him from obeying God.

Thus, every ritual of Hajj carries profound historical and spiritual meaning.

The pilgrimage is not simply movement through sacred spaces; it is a reenactment of timeless lessons in obedience, sacrifice, patience and devotion.

One of the most remarkable aspects of Hajj is the extraordinary equality it represents.

Pilgrims, regardless of nationality, race, language or social class, wear the same simple white attire, known as Ihram.

Presidents, businessmen, labourers and farmers stand side by side in prayer, under the blazing Arabian sun, erasing worldly distinctions and affirming the Islamic belief that all human beings are equal before God.

Religious scholars often describe Hajj as the world’s greatest annual demonstration of unity and humility.

The spiritual climax of the pilgrimage occurs at the plains of Arafat, where pilgrims spend hours in prayer and repentance seeking divine forgiveness.

Many Muslims believe that a sincerely accepted Hajj cleanses a believer of past sins and marks the beginning of a spiritually renewed life.

Upon returning home, pilgrims are honoured with the title “Hadji” or “Hajji,” a distinction that carries immense respect within Muslim communities, including in Sri Lanka.

Traditionally, a Hadji is viewed as someone who has fulfilled one of Islam’s most sacred obligations and returned with heightened spiritual responsibility.

However, Islamic scholars emphasise that the title is not merely ceremonial.

“The true significance of becoming a Hadji lies in personal transformation,” a Colombo-based Islamic scholar said.

“A pilgrim is expected to return with greater humility, compassion, honesty and social responsibility. Hajj is not about status; it is about becoming a better human being.”

Across Sri Lanka, mosques have been conducting special prayers for pilgrims, while families gather to seek blessings before departure.

The pilgrimage season also creates a unique emotional atmosphere within Muslim communities, where neighbours visit departing pilgrims and homes become centres of prayer and reflection.

Saudi Arabia has introduced extensive arrangements this year to facilitate the pilgrimage, including digital crowd management systems, improved transport networks, upgraded accommodation and enhanced healthcare services.

Sri Lankan diplomats and officials, stationed in Saudi Arabia, have been coordinating closely with Saudi authorities to ensure the welfare and smooth movement of Sri Lankan pilgrims throughout the pilgrimage period.

Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to Saudi Arabia, Ameer Ajwad, recently inspected facilities in Mina, prepared for Sri Lankan pilgrims, and reaffirmed efforts to provide a safe and spiritually fulfilling Hajj experience.

As millions circle the Holy Kaaba in prayer, Hajj continues to stand as one of the most extraordinary gatherings on Earth — a timeless spiritual movement connecting humanity across borders, cultures and generations.

For Sri Lanka’s pilgrims, the sacred journey is not merely a passage to Makkah.

It is a journey into the soul — a return to the eternal lessons of Prophet Ibrahim, Hajjar and Ismail — lessons of sacrifice, endurance, obedience and unwavering faith that continue to inspire humanity centuries later.

By Ifham Nizam

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Remembrance Day, 19 May 26: Was it traduced?

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War Heroes Memorial

‘Ferocious in battle, Magnanimous in victory (Col Tim Collins- Brit Army)

Sri Lanka commemorated the 17th anniversary of the end of the 30-year Eelam conflict with a moving War Heroes Remembrance Day ceremony on 19 May 26 at the monument on the Parliament grounds. It was a solemn occasion when the Nation paid tribute to over 29,000 Defence and Police people (women and men) who died in the conflict. Sadly, politics, aberrations and theatrics were also on display.

The gravity of the sacrifices made and consequences of the Eelam war and two Southern terrorist insurgencies (1971 and 1988-9), are felt mostly by those who lost their loved ones in the conflicts as the nation mourns with them. Any hesitation to pay tribute belittle the fallen.

It was regrettable to see that the ceremony was also political. Why were the general public excluded from honouring the fallen? It defies understanding that such actions could take place at an event held sacred by the nation. Is there any other country where citizens are prevented from laying wreaths at a National Remembrance monument?

In the UK, from where this ceremony originates, 10,000 veterans (of an army of 109,000 -just half of Sri Lanka’s) take part in the march past every November. They are selected by their regimental associations from thousands of applications on a first come first served basis. Public access is unrestricted with numbers attending being the only barrier to viewing.

It is shocking that in Sri Lanka while public access is denied (selectively?), ‘invitations’ are given to attend a national Remembrance Day. They were restricted to just three government nominees! Who made this unwise decision and why?

Did the other government cohorts object to being invited? Would they have been embarrassed to come? Is the purpose of this to prevent prominent actors in the victory from receiving overwhelming accolades if they attended? Was there a fear of gate crashing? Perish the thought.

What is the need to make political speeches at an event to honour the nation’s dead? Couldn’t the speeches be made in Parliament or broadcast the day before? Seeing VIPs enjoying a joke at this ceremony hurts.

When laying wreaths at the monument, national customs should be followed by all, as in the past. A traditional low bow with hands clasped humbly, as at funerals, should be the form. In the West the head is bowed. It is unnecessary to imitate Americans by placing one hand over the heart when bowing, as on CNN. Bringing the other hand over the midriff elaborates but is an awkward addition.

The dress for all civilians attending should be similar, respectful and appropriate as for formal events and uniform, matching that of the retired military.

This is the time for the nation to remember and reflect for a moment on the dead in conflict, not only of the Military and Police who sacrificed their lives in thousands doing their duty but also of the innocent civilians who died in tens of thousands. Or, is it that some, other than the NOK, who survived in the North and South, have become hardened to death and do not wish to recall how appalling the losses were? Has death lost its meaning if also not its sting?

During 1988-9, when 60,000 died in 13 months (over 100 a day), a tea planter in Bandarawella was shot dead by Southern terrorists for hoisting the national flag on Independence day.

In the Eelam conflict just one regiment, (regiments are the core and heart of the Army), Gemunu Watch, lost 3,424 KIA and 4,272 WIA. The Imperial British Army after WWII lost 2551 (just over half of the Gemunu Watch number) in war in Korea (1949-51), Falklands (1982), Iraq, Afghanistan (20 years) and 40 years of insurgency in Northern Ireland. (SL Army infantry regiments (SL Light Infantry, Sinha, Gemunu, Gajaba and Vijayba) had about 19,000 of 21,000 of the Army KIA. That is the enormity of the sacrifices made by our indomitable military. Who then struggled to find heroes in the military?

Fisher Weerasuriya from Matara and farmer Vernugopal from Jaffna who never knew each other were brought to a place hundreds of miles from their villages, to blow each other’s brains out. ‘Had they a quarrel? Busy as the devil is, not the smallest. Their political leaders had fallen out; and instead of shooting one another had the cunning to get these blockheads to shoot each other’ (transcribed from ‘Sartor Resartus’ – Carlyle). Do Sri Lankan politicians who stirred the pot not know this when they fervently say they hope to prevent conflict in the future?

Is it correct then to exult that 6,000 troops died in the last phase of the war? Is that an achievement? As FM Montgomery said of the WW1 British Army “Good fighting Generals of the war appeared to have complete disregard for life’.

Reparations are claimed by the winners in wars between nations. After civil conflicts there should be reconciliation. There should be no humiliation. When will commemoration of the dead be national in Sri Lanka? How many from communal minorities attend this ceremony? Every citizen from North to South should be welcomed to attend Remembrance ceremonies in the future. That will hopefully help to sow unity.

The military died without a murmur for their companions so that the nation would survive. Let next year’s commemoration be a truly national event where the focus is on those who died while veterans in large numbers and the next of kin together with the general public, are warmly welcomed.

“If it be life that awaits, I shall live forever unconquered: If Death I shall die at last strong in my pride and free”. – Scottish National Memorial

 

by Old Soldier

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Undermining the democratic political framework

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Aragalaya betrayed? ‘The treason of the intellectuals’ in the age of populism – Part II

The JVP/NPP conceptualisation of the ‘Jathika punarudaya’ (national renaissance) interpreted the Sri Lankan Renaissance as the aspiration to regain the moment we lost in the global modernisation project, which is believed to have emerged in the twentieth century as a result of the Western European Renaissance and Enlightenment imagination. Jathika punarudaya values modernity as the era of citizens based on a representative democratic model founded on a common social contract. It values human rights, civil rights, and political rights as the core of modernity. It values social interventions based on the values of social justice and collectivism. But is the current government acting on the basis of those renaissance beliefs that they claim to believe in?

This government came to power within the framework of bourgeois parliamentary democracy. However, the opposition alleges that the government is working to limit the right of the opposition to question the government’s actions within that framework, and within Parliament itself. The continued postponement of provincial council elections by the government has been criticized as a delay in the implementation of decentralised political power, especially in provinces inhabited by Tamils and Muslims.

The promise to abolish the executive presidency and restore a parliamentary-based political power structure continues to be postponed. This has drawn attention as a possible way to suppress trade union activities and intimidate political activists through repressive laws such as the Public Security Act and the Emergency Law, which are continuously implemented through the authoritarian use of the power of the executive presidency.

‘Honest party leadership,’ not the institutional system

The JVP, the core political party of the current government, which insists that its members are honest, claims that even if they violate certain rules and regulations in the course of governing, there is nothing wrong with it because it is not done for personal interest but for the common good. This implies that this government does not rely on rules, regulations, and a system of institutions built to last, but rather on the leaders of its own party, the JVP, whose leaders believe themselves to be honest. The system of institutions established on rules and regulations is for the rest of the people.

Attempts to subjugate institutions and public opinion to the government’s opinion

It is apparent that the government wants to implement its pre-designed agenda without any hindrance. To that end, the government is trying to subjugate all institutions and public opinion to its sole opinion. The most striking example of this approach is the government’s attempt to implement, without any genuine public discussion, neoliberal reforms formulated by previous governments regarding national education, which will have a decisive impact on the future of the country. The leadership brags that the proposed education reforms will be implemented as originally designed, regardless of any criticism or objections.

The government sets up committees at the local level claiming to represent the public, but people complain that they exclude anyone who does not conform to their way of thinking.

Freedom of expression

Civil rights activists say the current government’s continued use of the Online Safety Act, which was passed by the previous government despite public opposition, poses a serious threat to freedom of expression. Freedom of expression has been suppressed under the guise of legality. The government has made it a policy to summon and question individuals who criticise the government—even national-level politicians—at the CID. This amounts to intimidating its critics.

The government has not only broken its promises by failing to repeal the existing PTA but is also attempting to pass a new anti-terrorism law that local and international civil rights organizations have unanimously condemned as even more repressive. It has been stated that there is scope for the proposed new law to intensify the current use of anti-terrorism law as a weapon to suppress freedom of expression.

The Arts Council has become an arts police!”

The latest instance of the government’s attempt to curb freedom of expression that has come under serious public criticism is the detention of four books by a Sri Lankan writer, Theebachelvan, who writes in Tamil, by Sri Lankan Customs when they were brought into the country from India. Later, a statement issued by the Director of Customs said that two of the novels would be released based on recommendations issued by the National Arts Council and the Literary Council, while the other two would not be released based on the recommendations of those boards and the Ministry of Defense.

The statement that The Arts Council has become an arts police!” sums up the public protest that arose questioning the legal and moral rights of the members of the Arts Council and the Literary Council who have received political appointments” to measure and mark the boundaries of freedom of speech and expression at their own discretion” by giving such recommendations and assuming a power that they do not have.

Going beyond this general situation, the serious question that has been raised is: on what basis did Customs consider the views expressed in the two books by Theebachelvan that have been censored to be equivalent to the crime of ‘sedition’ under Section 120 of the Penal Code, which was cited as the reason for the detention? A related question is whether there is a connection between the allegation of sedition and the fact that the writer is a Tamil from Kilinochchi.

The irony here is the intervention of the current government’s Minister of Culture, the heads of the Arts Council under the Ministry of Culture, and its own literary sub-council in deciding this matter, along with the follow-up statements defending the government’s decision made by the same authorities, as well as by writers, artists, intellectuals, and academics who have been holding positions under the current government and those who have not.

There was strong public criticism that these individuals—who were believed to have held radical, liberal views on freedom of expression and ethnic rights before the current government came to power—have been appointed to various positions under the current government and now approve its repressive decisions in the name of ethnic reconciliation.

The following sentiments extracted from the comments made by Sumathy Sivamohan on her FB page, expressing her shock at a statement made by one of the leading Sinhala writers involved in making such statements, encapsulate the essence of the public criticism of the issue:

I am shocked at [name of the person]’s words on the detainment of Theebachelvan’s works by Customs. … The radicalness, the liberalness, are just thin veneers of their Sinhala-only stances. …. Now, they talk of Reconciliation. Reconciliation via Repression. …. Reconciliation, my foot! …. reconciliation is in your head, I think …. [I am] outraged. But now, [I] am certain of one thing. This is the bluff and bluster of liberals. …. That [name of the person] and others think, when Sinhala people think there’s reconciliation, there’s reconciliation, smacks of very deep-rooted racism

I don’t understand the argument, ‘we have to protect this government’ sentiment, touted by many liberals, who in intimate circles voice criticism. And these are the same people who supported the LTTE too, when it suited them—their liberal Sinhala agendas. … Now, they are blubbering …. it is shocking, for it whisks the mask off the faces of these liberal faces. There is a side of Sinhala liberalism that slavishly supports sentiments pertaining to the LTTE. They are the same, they are all the same. Those radicals, those liberals, those everybody, who think because they are Sinhala they have superior knowledge of matters. Sickening.” (reproduced with permission). (To be continued)

by Kumudu Kusum Kumara

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