Connect with us

Features

More on the Russian tea trade – bear traps and an Iron Lady

Published

on

(Excerpted from the Merrill, J, Fernando autobiography)

Up to the dissolution of the Soviet Socialist Republic, India had maintained a stranglehold on tea imports into Russia, on account of the existence of a barter agreement between the two nations since 1979. Indian tea imports into the USSR, approximately 10 million kilos per year in 1960, had increased to around 128 million kilos by 1990.

With the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the trade agreement was voided and replaced with an annually-renewable purchasing protocol, allowing tea and other Indian products under a ‘Technical Credit’ scheme. The release of the Indian grip on the Russian tea market was our opportunity to step in, as Ceylon Tea, despite being dwarfed in volume by the cheaper and lower quality Indian tea, still enjoyed an excellent reputation for quality amongst the consumers in the CIS bloc.

Liberalization of the Russian trade resulted in an immediate influx of short-term speculators from various countries, exploiting unsuspecting Russian merchants, who were equally ignorant of both tea quality and market prices. Hundreds of intermediaries from Europe and other regions contracted to supply the Russian distributors with tea, at relatively high prices, for average and low quality tea, purchased from the cheapest possible sources.

Many traders in Colombo, too, temporarily cashed in on this situation, going to the extent of getting the Government to relax the minimum quality standard for exports to Russia. Subsequent events proved that this was a serious error.

With our traders packing cheap tea for Russian labels, what followed was tragic in its predictability. As more and more supermarkets came in to existence, they resorted to the Western, multinational type of retailing. Soon the Russian traders set up their own packaging plants in the country, sourcing cheaper tea from other origins, but still retaining the Ceylon origin on the label, despite the diminution of real Ceylon Tea in the pack.

Today, some of those fully Russian-owned brands, developed on the value proposition of Ceylon Tea, with the support of our own exporters, are competing successfully with our exports, not only in Russia but in our traditional markets in other countries as well.

Consumer loyalty is built around brand names and claims of quality. Brand loyalty, the foundation of branding success, is the customer’s creation. Progressive variations in quality, caused by the gradual diminution of quality tea in the pack, are not detected by the average consumer in the everyday cup of tea, if the brand loyalty is strong. This is exactly what has happened in the case of the market in Russia. Our traders’ venality and greed for short-term profits got them entangled in a race to the bottom and lost us a golden opportunity, for the development of genuine Sri Lankan brands.

Ironically, it was a sad replication of this lack of enterprise and foresight that both our trade and the regulatory institutions demonstrated, just a few years previously, in the case of the Middle East market. Our failure to capitalize on that opening then did not serve as a lesson of history to us, just a few years later, in a different market but under very similar circumstances. Those opportunities will never come our way again.

Warning unheeded

In February 1994, at the invitation of Michael de Zoysa, then Chairman of the Ceylon Tea Traders’ Association, I made a presentation on the `Russian Tea Market’ on the occasion of the Centenary Celebrations Congress of the Association, held in Colombo. Within my allotted 20 minutes, I presented to the gathering, the history, background and the prevailing situation of the Russian market, accompanied by a concise Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, and Threats (SWOT) analysis, of and for Ceylon Tea, in relation to that market.

In the presentation, I briefly covered all the issues I have described in greater detail in the preceding paragraphs and elsewhere in this writing as well. I was invited to make the presentation, as it was acknowledged that of all our exporters, I had the widest and the longest experience in the tea trade with Russia. In retrospect, I am inclined to believe that many of my listeners would have agreed with me. However, I have not seen much evidence of the practical implementation of any of the suggestions I made then.

In or around 1995, the Russian Government imposed increased tariff rates on value-added tea imports to the country. That was an indication that investment incentives and other concessions aimed at invigorating the local tea packaging industry were in the pipeline. The State-sponsored protection measures compensated the incompetent Russian tea packaging industry against, the general inefficiency of that operation in its totality, whilst attracting the additional investment required to make the industry more viable. Since then, the development of the Russian local tea packaging industry and the parallel decline of our presence in Russia is a matter of history.

Interesting episodes

My trade with Russia was marked by many interesting episodes, some amusing, and a few fraught with danger the latter occurring during the general lawlessness which engulfed Russian society, arising from the loss of the strong central controls following the break-up of the Soviet Union.

Dilmah had become a household word, with singular demand in tea-drinking circles in Russia. One day, in 1993, the representative of one of our customers, Koncom of Nizhni Novgorod, rang me and said that he wanted to fly to Sri Lanka to purchase a plane-load of tea. I tried to talk him out of it as it seemed a preposterous idea, apart from being a very costly proposition as well.

However, he was insistent, and I found out that he could transport 16 MT of tea in the aircraft model he was planning on bringing in. I then proposed to him a date for arrival, giving myself time to purchase the tea. He agreed and requested me to make visa arrangements for nine passengers.

When I was notified of his arrival at Katunayake, I sent a Dilmah staff coach to collect them from the airport. My driver rang from Katunayake and said that the buyer had arrived with 33 passengers and I had to hastily send a staff bus instead.

I was amazed that they had been able, on their own, to obtain visas for the entire contingent, when my arrangement with immigration was for only nine named crew members. I asked my representative why he had brought so many passengers and his answer was simple: “They paid for the fuel”!

It was a Saturday and I was alone in the office. The group wanted to do some shopping and I sent them to the ‘Night Bazaar’ near the Fort Railway Station, where they negotiated with our traders for local goods, with mostly the vast quantities of Russian vodka they had brought with them, launching what was the first informal barter trade between Russia and Sri Lanka. I also hosted them for lunch and they loved the spicy food. Meanwhile, the plane was loaded with Dilmah tea and they left for Russia immediately thereafter. The next morning The Sunday Observer featured a bold headline: ‘Russians Come to Town’!

Earlier on, sometime in 1984, there was another incident which could have had unpleasant consequences for the company MJF Exports which was then regularly servicing very large Russian orders for bulk tea. During that period, before the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the tea export volumes were determined on a Government-to-Government purchase agreement, and the buying was distributed between six companies. Mine was one of them. The purchases were almost entirely from the High- and Medium-Grown catalogues and at periods of peak Russian buying, the volumes were such that the buying had a significant impact on the auction in its entirety.

One auction day, when we were scheduled to buy extensively from the High-Grown catalogue against an urgent Russian order, I got a call from the auction floor advising me that there was no buyer for MJF Exports and that, as a result, many of the ex-estate lots normally snapped up by me were unsold or being purchased by other traders, cashing in on an unexpected opportunity. I was astounded as my two junior buyers, David Colin-Thome and Hemantha Fernando, should have been active on the floor the former buying the Off-Grades and Hemantha bidding for the quality High-Growns. With some difficulty I managed to get David to the phone a difficult task in the middle of an auction before the mobile phone era and found that Hemantha had failed to turn up at the auction.

I instructed David to immediately switch to the High-Grown catalogue and start buying, pending my arrival at the auction to take over from him. Due to the early warning I managed to avert what would have been a serious embarrassment, resulting from Hemantha’s unpardonable and unexplained absence from the auction. Justifiably, he later felt the full weight of my wrath.

It was an infraction of trade protocol which affected Hemantha’s relationship not only with me but his standing in the trade as well. Our tea trade is a small, insular world, peopled by individuals with long memories.

In another instance several small traders from Russia had flown in to Colombo and, having secured a taxi, requested the driver to take them to the Dilmah office. The driver brought them up to our main gate and had told the security officer on duty that the Russians had actually wanted to go to another company, but that he had persuaded them to come to Dilmah instead. On the strength of this alleged favour to us, he also sought a commission!

This group walked into my office with a large briefcase stuffed full with US Dollars no longer an uncommon occurrence with Russian buyers and I immediately sent them off with one of my accountants to pay the money into the bank. Having finalised the banking, they returned to the office and asked me for the tea. I had to explain to them, much to their irritation, that the delivery of an order would take three to four weeks.

A significant feature of our business with Russia was the receipt of large sums of money into our bank accounts and our inability to immediately trace the source of funding. We would then get a call from a Russian buyer who would advise us that he had paid money into our account and asking why we had not shipped his tea. Then my office would hurriedly set about regularizing the transaction, for which we had developed a standard procedure.

We also received orders from Germany, France, and Italy for shipments of tea destined for Russia. For these orders, which we would meet at our usual FOB prices, the final Russian buyer would pay an additional 25%-30%. To me, these purchases were an affirmation of the strength of the Dilmah brand and the reliability of the service I had provided to Russian buyers over the years.

Russian bear traps

Zara Tolstenkova, of Dora Ltd., Moscow, was another regular buyer of Dilmah tea. She too once visited me with a bag stuffed full of US Dollars and said that she wanted to buy 25 containers of our specialty ‘Fruit Tea’. This variety, which I introduced as a ‘Fun Tea,’ became enormously popular both in Russia and in Western markets. Subsequently, a major competitor introduced 30 different flavours at prices substantially below those of Dilmah.

Zara incurred a huge loss in her business during a period when I was visiting Moscow. We were at lunch together when her warehouse manager called to tell her that it was a good day for them as they had sold a large volume of tea. When the surprised Zara said that she had not received any new orders, her manager advised her that two men had arrived at the warehouse with an order on a company letterhead, and driven away with the tea. Apparently, these two men, through some ploy, had obtained a company letterhead from her office and defrauded her of the tea. Zara was robbed, but in the context of the times in Moscow, she was unable to take any action to recover her losses.

The popularity of Dilmah in Russia caused me much grief as well. In Moscow and in the Ukraine, the Dilmah pack was replicated by fraudsters. The packaging was perfect, but the contents were terrible. When I approached the local Police and asked them to investigate, I was advised that such a course of action could endanger my life! Basically, what they gently told me was, “You could disappear.” As a counter-strategy, I reluctantly placed the image of my face on the packs. Within two months that too was replicated to perfection.

When I discussed this matter with my agent, he suggested that we change the distributor, he too advising me of the physical danger to myself in pursuing legal action against those responsible. However, we managed to counter the threat to an extent by well-orchestrated PR programmes and radio interviews. That was how my face became the focal point of our advertising, thereafter, even in other markets. Though I did not realize it then, my face on the pack later became one of our strongest marketing tools.

Viktor Mikhailchenko, another buyer who owed us a large sum of money which he delayed to settle, met Dilhan, who had agreed to a meeting in his (Dilhan’s) hotel room at the Moscow International, without understanding the implications. Mikhail had not been friendly. However, at my insistence, the discussion was moved to the hotel reception area and Mikhail agreed to produce the bank manager, who would guarantee payment within two weeks. Since he could have brought any individual and identified him as the bank manager, I suggested a meeting at the bank, which Mikhail did not agree to! We had no option but to agree to his verbal assurances of settlement, but surprisingly, he did pay us the outstanding some weeks later. However, despite his repeated requests, we stopped doing business with him thereafter.

When I first started visiting the USSR, in the early 1960s, it was a quiet, orderly society with a rigidly-controlled economy. There were absolutely no public displays of affluence and the only privileged people were Government officials. In the course of my business dealings with tradespeople in Russia, I used to be frequently invited to parties and other social gatherings. Apart from the wonderful array of traditional Russian food, a feature of these parties was the large consumption of vodka, for which my Russian hosts demonstrated an enormous capacity, as well as an inexplicable resistance to its impact.

My maximum would be about three glasses but that was totally insufficient to meet the demands of the innumerable toasts that would be drunk of an evening. I would, in every possible instance, surreptitiously empty my glass into the nearest flowerpot or some other container a move that would not be lost on my friend Rafiq Nishonov!

On my visits to Rafiq’s home in Moscow, an elegantly-appointed official residence, his wife Rano used to prepare a delicious ‘pilaf’ that we call ‘pilau’ with which our plates would be loaded. Whilst in Sri Lanka he had two fierce Doberman dogs, who used to be locked up when visitors were present. The same pair were guarding his household in Moscow as well. Traveling around in Moscow in Rafiq’s beautiful Mercedes 350 was a pleasure, as his official status enabled quick access to any destination, with highly-deferential treatment from security officers.

On one of my visits, with Dilhan also accompanying me, after finishing our work in Moscow we flew to Belarus, where we had direct importers of Dilmah tea. We stayed a couple of nights in a hotel which also had a casino where, in a rare gambling session, we won enough money to pay for our hotel and also purchase an old, traditional Russian tea samovar for around USD 300. I thought that it would be an attractive addition to the Dilmah Tea Archive in Colombo, but, unfortunately, at the Moscow Airport Customs, it was confiscated on the grounds that the samovar was an antique item and therefore not transferable out of the country.

In 2006 Herman Gref, Minister of Economic Affairs and Trade of Russia from 2000 to 2007, made an official visit to Sri Lanka. He first met the then Minister of Trade and Commerce, the late Jeyaraj Fernandopulle, in the latter’s office, in order to sign the WTO protocol. During the meeting he had told the Minister that he would also like to visit the Dilmah factory as he had grown up drinking Dilmah tea in Russia. When Minister Fernandopulle conveyed the request to me, I said I would be quite happy to come over to the Ministry to meet Gref, but the latter insisted on coming over to my office in Peliyagoda on his way to the airport, on the return journey to Russia.

He congratulated me on my trade with Russia and the quality of my products and offered me unconditional assistance, which included land at no cost, to set up a tea packaging operation anywhere in Russia. I had some difficulty in declining this seemingly-magnanimous offer! Gref was subsequently appointed CEO and Chairman of Sberbank, the largest bank in Russia. He still holds these positions.

Eventually, in view of my considerable losses in the trade with Russia, largely owing to illegal intrusions by the Russian mafia, from 1997 onwards I significantly downsized my presence in that market, despite having been a major player with my Dilmah brand since 1988. The devaluation of the ruble also had its impact on the import-export trade, as Russian traders experienced difficulties in obtaining US Dollars from banks. However, in retrospect, despite the difficulties, I feel that moving out of Russia was an error of judgment as when I returned to it, I was not able to recapture the dominance I had been enjoying earlier. In the relatively short period of my limited involvement, many other brands had moved in.

The iron lady becomes a friend

When marketing Dilmah tea in Russia more than a decade later, it was my intention to link up with one of the country’s largest supermarket chains, the X-5 Retail Group, which operated chains of convenience stores, supermarkets, and hypermarkets under different brands right across Russia. The X-5 Group was also Russia’s largest food retailer. In order to re-develop our business in Russia I had, in the meantime, set up a company in Russia called Dilmah Rus, as an associate company of the MJF Group. Megapolis, Russia, was appointed as the Dilmah distributor in the country.

Despite all our preparations, however, our team was facing problems in obtaining listings with the X-5 Group. Though Dilmah tea had previously been widely available in Russia, since we had changed distributors, as was the practice the retailer had de-listed us. Unquestionably, our success in Russia was contingent upon our linking up with the X-5 Group and that was to be determined solely by Olga Ivanovna, the Chief Commercial Buyer of Beverages for the X-5 Group. She was, reputedly, an uncompromising negotiator. Both Dilhan and Roshan Tissaaratchy, my Director, reported to me that Ms. Olga had laid out very rigorous conditions, which included wide-ranging discounts and a stiff listing fee, before she would consider accepting the Dilmah brand.

In 2010 I travelled to Moscow, accompanied by Roshan, for a meeting with this lady. She arrived alone for the discussion and, firstly, insisted that my Russian distributor, who was also present, be asked to leave the meeting as she dealt only with principals. We tried to convince her, without success, that the distributor’s presence was necessary. Fortunately, our distributor resolved the problem by courteously agreeing to withdraw and we commenced our negotiations with her with only me, Roshan, and our Country Manager present.

Olga was extremely business-like, controlled, and gave no indication of her true feelings, but I did get the impression that, inwardly, she was intrigued at having to deal directly with the owner of a brand. My guess was that it was an unusual situation for her, and for me an advantage that I would go on to use as a lever in the negotiation. We laid out our product range for inspection and I described my background in the tea trade in Russia to her. I also explained my business philosophy. I then told her that years before, I had introduced to the Russian market a large-leaf tea pack called OP-COP, which had sold very well and that it continued to be our best seller, along with our Pure Ceylon Tea bags, as I had provided the same product over the years with no change in quality.

However, whilst she was appreciative of our arguments, she still laid out pre-qualification conditions, which included a 50% discount on our price range and a USD 800,000 listing fee. I was startled at the stiffness of her terms, but told her very courteously that the tea I was proposing to deliver was of the finest quality, direct from the plantations and superior to any product that she already had.

I also made it clear to her that I would not be able to provide that package on the bargain-basement terms she was proposing, as that would compel me to compromise on the Dilmah benchmark of product purity and authenticity. I explained to her that those were was not concessions I was prepared to consider, irrespective of the rewards at stake. Having thus stated my position, I thanked her for her time and prepared to withdraw.

She then spoke to the Country Manager in rapid-fire Russian and, at the end of the that exchange, turned to me and asked how quickly we could deliver one million units of Dilmah tea, at my price, for a special promotion. She also agreed to fund part of the promotional expenses. We came away from that meeting with an order for one million X 100 tea bag units. Eventually, we also became great friends with Olga and subsequently, after she had left the X-5 Group, she visited Sri Lanka with her family for a vacation.

To me, the episode in its entirety was the reinforcement of my long-held personal ethos, that if you have a good product and refuse to compromise on quality, at a commensurate price, the buyer-consumer will eventually accept the proposition as a fair bargain. To both Dilhan and Roshan I think it was part of an interesting learning curve, the kind that is not normally reflected in marketing textbooks. Persistence, reinforced by integrity, rarely fails to produce a decent result.

However, the developments and the progression of events described above, were indisputable proof of a prediction and a statement I had made repeatedly, firstly to the Ceylon Tea Propaganda Board and later to the Sri Lanka Tea Board in any market, one must use the opportune moment to enter and establish the dominance of your product or brand. If you fail to do so, another trader-entrepreneur will step in and occupy that space. In large, lucrative markets, that kind of opportunity may come only once, and a belated re-entry carries a massive cost that only a few can afford.



Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Features

Indian Ocean Security: Strategies for Sri Lanka             

Published

on

During a recent panel discussion titled “Security Environment in the Indo-Pacific and Sri Lankan Diplomacy”, organised by the Embassy of Japan in collaboration with Dr. George I. H. Cooke, Senior Lecturer and initiator of the Awarelogue Initiative, the keynote address was delivered by Prof Ken Jimbo of Kelo University, Japan (Ceylon Today, February 15, 2026).

The report on the above states: “Prof. Jimbo discussed the evolving role of the Indo-Pacific and the emergence of its latest strategic outlook among shifting dynamics.  He highlighted how changing geopolitical realities are reshaping the region’s security architecture and influencing diplomatic priorities”.

“He also addressed Sri Lanka’s position within this evolving framework, emphasising that non-alignment today does not mean isolation, but rather, diversified engagement.     Such an approach, he noted, requires the careful and strategic management of dependencies to preserve national autonomy while maintaining strategic international partnerships” (Ibid).

Despite the fact that Non-Alignment and Neutrality, which incidentally is Sri Lanka’s current Foreign Policy, are often used interchangeably, both do not mean isolation.  Instead, as the report states, it means multi-engagement. Therefore, as Prof. Jimbo states, it is imperative that Sri Lanka manages its relationships strategically if it is to retain its strategic autonomy and preserve its security.  In this regard the Policy of Neutrality offers Rule Based obligations for Sri Lanka to observe, and protection from the Community of Nations to respect the  territorial integrity of Sri Lanka, unlike Non-Alignment.  The Policy of Neutrality served Sri Lanka well, when it declared to stay Neutral on the recent security breakdown between India and Pakistan.

Also participating in the panel discussion was Prof. Terney Pradeep Kumara – Director General of Coast Conservation and Coastal Resources Management, Ministry of Environment and Professor of Oceanography in the University of Ruhuna.

He stated: “In Sri Lanka’s case before speaking of superpower dynamics in the Indo-Pacific, the country must first establish its own identity within the Indian Ocean region given its strategically significant location”.

“He underlined the importance of developing the ‘Sea of Lanka concept’ which extends from the country’s coastline to its 200nauticalmile Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). Without firmly establishing this concept, it would be difficult to meaningfully engage with the broader Indian Ocean region”.

“He further stated that the Indian Ocean should be regarded as a zone of peace.     From a defence perspective, Sri Lanka must remain neutral.     However, from a scientific and resource perspective, the country must remain active given its location and the resources available in its maritime domain” (Ibid).

Perhaps influenced by his academic background, he goes on to state:” In that context Sri Lanka can work with countries in the Indian Ocean region and globally, including India, China, Australia and South Africa. The country must remain open to such cooperation” (Ibid).

Such a recommendation reflects a poor assessment of reality relating to current major power rivalry. This rivalry was addressed by me in an article titled “US – CHINA Rivalry: Maintaining Sri Lanka’s autonomy” ( 12.19. 2025) which stated: “However, there is a strong possibility for the US–China Rivalry to manifest itself engulfing India as well regarding resources in Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone. While China has already made attempts to conduct research activities in and around Sri Lanka, objections raised by India have caused Sri Lanka to adopt measures to curtail Chinese activities presumably for the present. The report that the US and India are interested in conducting hydrographic surveys is bound to revive Chinese interests. In the light of such developments it is best that Sri Lanka conveys well in advance that its Policy of Neutrality requires Sri Lanka to prevent Exploration or Exploitation within its Exclusive Economic Zone under the principle of the Inviolability of territory by any country”  ( https://island.lk/us- china-rivalry-maintaining-sri-lankas-autonomy/).  Unless such measures are adopted, Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone would end up becoming the theater for major power rivalry, with negative consequences outweighing possible economic gains.

The most startling feature in the recommendation is the exclusion of the USA from the list of countries with which to cooperate, notwithstanding the Independence Day message by the US Secretary of State which stated: “… our countries have developed a strong and mutually beneficial partnership built on the cornerstone of our people-to-people ties and shared democratic values. In the year ahead, we look forward to increasing trade and investment between our countries and strengthening our security cooperation to advance stability and prosperity throughout the Indo-Pacific region (NEWS, U.S. & Sri Lanka)

Such exclusions would inevitably result in the US imposing drastic tariffs to cripple Sri Lanka’s economy. Furthermore, the inclusion of India and China in the list of countries with whom Sri Lanka is to cooperate, ignores the objections raised by India about the presence of Chinese research vessels in Sri Lankan waters to the point that Sri Lanka was compelled to impose a moratorium on all such vessels.

CONCLUSION

During a panel discussion titled “Security Environment in the Indo-Pacific and Sri Lankan Diplomacy” supported by the Embassy of Japan, Prof. Ken Jimbo of Keio University, Japan emphasized that “… non-alignment today does not mean isolation”. Such an approach, he noted, requires the careful and strategic management of dependencies to preserve national autonomy while maintaining strategic international partnerships”. Perhaps Prof. Jimbo was not aware or made aware that Sri Lanka’s Foreign Policy is Neutral; a fact declared by successive Governments since 2019 and practiced by the current Government in the position taken in respect of the recent hostilities between India and Pakistan.

Although both Non-Alignment and Neutrality are often mistakenly used interchangeably, they both do NOT mean isolation.     The difference is that Non-Alignment is NOT a Policy but only a Strategy, similar to Balancing, adopted by decolonized countries in the context of a by-polar world, while Neutrality is an Internationally recognised Rule Based Policy, with obligations to be observed by Neutral States and by the Community of Nations.  However, Neutrality in today’s context of geopolitical rivalries resulting from the fluidity of changing dynamics offers greater protection in respect of security because it is Rule Based and strengthened by “the UN adoption of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of peace”, with the freedom to exercise its autonomy and engage with States in pursuit of its National Interests.

Apart from the positive comments “that the Indian Ocean should be regarded as a Zone of Peace” and that “from a defence perspective, Sri Lanka must remain neutral”, the second panelist, Professor of Oceanography at the University of Ruhuna, Terney Pradeep Kumara, also advocated that “from a Scientific and resource perspective (in the Exclusive Economic Zone) the country must remain active, given its location and the resources available in its maritime domain”.      He went further and identified that Sri Lanka can work with countries such as India, China, Australia and South Africa.

For Sri Lanka to work together with India and China who already are geopolitical rivals made evident by the fact that India has already objected to the presence of China in the “Sea of Lanka”, questions the practicality of the suggestion.      Furthermore, the fact that Prof. Kumara has excluded the US, notwithstanding the US Secretary of State’s expectations cited above, reflects unawareness of the geopolitical landscape in which the US, India and China are all actively known to search for minerals. In such a context, Sri Lanka should accept its limitations in respect of its lack of Diplomatic sophistication to “work with” such superpower rivals who are known to adopt unprecedented measures such as tariffs, if Sri Lanka is to avoid the fate of Milos during the Peloponnesian Wars.

Under the circumstances, it is in Sri Lanka’s best interest to lay aside its economic gains for security, and live by its proclaimed principles and policies of Neutrality and the concept of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace by not permitting its EEC to be Explored and/or Exploited by anyone in its “maritime domain”. Since Sri Lanka is already blessed with minerals on land that is awaiting exploitation, participating in the extraction of minerals at the expense of security is not only imprudent but also an environmental contribution given the fact that the Sea and its resources is the Planet’s Last Frontier.

by Neville Ladduwahetty

Continue Reading

Features

Protecting the ocean before it’s too late: What Sri Lankans think about deep seabed mining

Published

on

Far beneath the waters surrounding Sri Lanka lies a largely unseen frontier, a deep seabed that may contain cobalt, nickel and rare earth elements essential to modern technologies, from smartphones to electric vehicles. Around the world, governments and corporations are accelerating efforts to tap these minerals, presenting deep-sea mining as the next chapter of the global “blue economy.”

For an island nation whose ocean territory far exceeds its landmass, the question is no longer abstract. Sri Lanka has already demonstrated its commitment to ocean governance by ratifying the United Nations High Seas Treaty (BBNJ Agreement) in September 2025, becoming one of the early countries to help trigger its entry into force. The treaty strengthens biodiversity conservation beyond national jurisdiction and promotes fair access to marine genetic resources.

Yet as interest grows in seabed minerals, a critical debate is emerging: Can Sri Lanka pursue deep-sea mining ambitions without compromising marine ecosystems, fisheries and long-term sustainability?

Speaking to The Island, Prof. Lahiru Udayanga, Dr. Menuka Udugama and Ms. Nethini Ganepola of the Department of Agribusiness Management, Faculty of Agriculture & Plantation Management, together with Sudarsha De Silva, Co-founder of EarthLanka Youth Network and Sri Lanka Hub Leader for the Sustainable Ocean Alliance, shared findings from their newly published research examining how Sri Lankans perceive deep-sea mineral extraction.

The study, published in the journal Sustainability and presented at the International Symposium on Disaster Resilience and Sustainable Development in Thailand, offers rare empirical insight into public attitudes toward deep-sea mining in Sri Lanka.

Limited Public Inclusion

“Our study shows that public inclusion in decision-making around deep-sea mining remains quite limited,” Ms. Nethini Ganepola told The Island. “Nearly three-quarters of respondents said the issue is rarely covered in the media or discussed in public forums. Many feel that decisions about marine resources are made mainly at higher political or institutional levels without adequate consultation.”

The nationwide survey, conducted across ten districts, used structured questionnaires combined with a Discrete Choice Experiment — a method widely applied in environmental economics to measure how people value trade-offs between development and conservation.

Ganepola noted that awareness of seabed mining remains low. However, once respondents were informed about potential impacts — including habitat destruction, sediment plumes, declining fish stocks and biodiversity loss — concern rose sharply.

“This suggests the problem is not a lack of public interest,” she told The Island. “It is a lack of accessible information and meaningful opportunities for participation.”

Ecology Before Extraction

Dr. Menuka Udugama said the research was inspired by Sri Lanka’s growing attention to seabed resources within the wider blue economy discourse — and by concern that extraction could carry long-lasting ecological and livelihood risks if safeguards are weak.

“Deep-sea mining is often presented as an economic opportunity because of global demand for critical minerals,” Dr. Udugama told The Island. “But scientific evidence on cumulative impacts and ecosystem recovery remains limited, especially for deep habitats that regenerate very slowly. For an island nation, this uncertainty matters.”

She stressed that marine ecosystems underpin fisheries, tourism and coastal well-being, meaning decisions taken about the seabed can have far-reaching consequences beyond the mining site itself.

Prof. Lahiru Udayanga echoed this concern.

“People tended to view deep-sea mining primarily through an environmental-risk lens rather than as a neutral industrial activity,” Prof. Udayanga told The Island. “Biodiversity loss was the most frequently identified concern, followed by physical damage to the seabed and long-term resource depletion.”

About two-thirds of respondents identified biodiversity loss as their greatest fear — a striking finding for an issue that many had only recently learned about.

A Measurable Value for Conservation

Perhaps the most significant finding was the public’s willingness to pay for protection.

“On average, households indicated a willingness to pay around LKR 3,532 per year to protect seabed ecosystems,” Prof. Udayanga told The Island. “From an economic perspective, that represents the social value people attach to marine conservation.”

The study’s advanced statistical analysis — using Conditional Logit and Random Parameter Logit models — confirmed strong and consistent support for policy options that reduce mineral extraction, limit environmental damage and strengthen monitoring and regulation.

The research also revealed demographic variations. Younger and more educated respondents expressed stronger pro-conservation preferences, while higher-income households were willing to contribute more financially.

At the same time, many respondents expressed concern that government agencies and the media have not done enough to raise awareness or enforce safeguards — indicating a trust gap that policymakers must address.

“Regulations and monitoring systems require social acceptance to be workable over time,” Dr. Udugama told The Island. “Understanding public perception strengthens accountability and clarifies the conditions under which deep-sea mining proposals would be evaluated.”

Youth and Community Engagement

Ganepola emphasised that engagement must begin with transparency and early consultation.

“Decisions about deep-sea mining should not remain limited to technical experts,” she told The Island. “Coastal communities — especially fishers — must be consulted from the beginning, as they are directly affected. Youth engagement is equally important because young people will inherit the long-term consequences of today’s decisions.”

She called for stronger media communication, public hearings, stakeholder workshops and greater integration of marine conservation into school and university curricula.

“Inclusive and transparent engagement will build trust and reduce conflict,” she said.

A Regional Milestone

Sudarsha De Silva described the study as a milestone for Sri Lanka and the wider Asian region.

“When you consider research publications on this topic in Asia, they are extremely limited,” De Silva told The Island. “This is one of the first comprehensive studies in Sri Lanka examining public perception of deep-sea mining. Organizations like the Sustainable Ocean Alliance stepping forward to collaborate with Sri Lankan academics is a great achievement.”

He also acknowledged the contribution of youth research assistants from EarthLanka — Malsha Keshani, Fathima Shamla and Sachini Wijebandara — for their support in executing the study.

A Defining Choice

As Sri Lanka charts its blue economy future, the message from citizens appears unmistakable.

Development is not rejected. But it must not come at the cost of irreversible ecological damage.

The ocean’s true wealth, respondents suggest, lies not merely in minerals beneath the seabed, but in the living systems above it — systems that sustain fisheries, tourism and coastal communities.

For policymakers weighing the promise of mineral wealth against ecological risk, the findings shared with The Island offer a clear signal: sustainable governance and biodiversity protection align more closely with public expectations than unchecked extraction.

In the end, protecting the ocean may prove to be not only an environmental responsibility — but the most prudent long-term investment Sri Lanka can make.

By Ifham Nizam

Continue Reading

Features

How Black Civil Rights leaders strengthen democracy in the US

Published

on

Jesse Jackson / Barack Obama

On being elected US President in 2008, Barack Obama famously stated: ‘Change has come to America’. Considering the questions continuing to grow out of the status of minority rights in particular in the US, this declaration by the former US President could come to be seen as somewhat premature by some. However, there could be no doubt that the election of Barack Obama to the US presidency proved that democracy in the US is to a considerable degree inclusive and accommodating.

If this were not so, Barack Obama, an Afro-American politician, would never have been elected President of the US. Obama was exceptionally capable, charismatic and eloquent but these qualities alone could not have paved the way for his victory. On careful reflection it could be said that the solid groundwork laid by indefatigable Black Civil Rights activists in the US of the likes of Martin Luther King (Jnr) and Jesse Jackson, who passed away just recently, went a great distance to enable Obama to come to power and that too for two terms. Obama is on record as owning to the profound influence these Civil Rights leaders had on his career.

The fact is that these Civil Rights activists and Obama himself spoke to the hearts and minds of most Americans and convinced them of the need for democratic inclusion in the US. They, in other words, made a convincing case for Black rights. Above all, their struggles were largely peaceful.

Their reasoning resonated well with the thinking sections of the US who saw them as subscribers to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, for instance, which made a lucid case for mankind’s equal dignity. That is, ‘all human beings are equal in dignity.’

It may be recalled that Martin Luther King (Jnr.) famously declared: ‘I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live out the true meaning of its creed….We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.’

Jesse Jackson vied unsuccessfully to be a Democratic Party presidential candidate twice but his energetic campaigns helped to raise public awareness about the injustices and material hardships suffered by the black community in particular. Obama, we now know, worked hard at grass roots level in the run-up to his election. This experience proved invaluable in his efforts to sensitize the public to the harsh realities of the depressed sections of US society.

Cynics are bound to retort on reading the foregoing that all the good work done by the political personalities in question has come to nought in the US; currently administered by Republican hard line President Donald Trump. Needless to say, minority communities are now no longer welcome in the US and migrants are coming to be seen as virtual outcasts who need to be ‘shown the door’ . All this seems to be happening in so short a while since the Democrats were voted out of office at the last presidential election.

However, the last US presidential election was not free of controversy and the lesson is far too easily forgotten that democratic development is a process that needs to be persisted with. In a vital sense it is ‘a journey’ that encounters huge ups and downs. More so why it must be judiciously steered and in the absence of such foresighted managing the democratic process could very well run aground and this misfortune is overtaking the US to a notable extent.

The onus is on the Democratic Party and other sections supportive of democracy to halt the US’ steady slide into authoritarianism and white supremacist rule. They would need to demonstrate the foresight, dexterity and resourcefulness of the Black leaders in focus. In the absence of such dynamic political activism, the steady decline of the US as a major democracy cannot be prevented.

From the foregoing some important foreign policy issues crop-up for the global South in particular. The US’ prowess as the ‘world’s mightiest democracy’ could be called in question at present but none could doubt the flexibility of its governance system. The system’s inclusivity and accommodative nature remains and the possibility could not be ruled out of the system throwing up another leader of the stature of Barack Obama who could to a great extent rally the US public behind him in the direction of democratic development. In the event of the latter happening, the US could come to experience a democratic rejuvenation.

The latter possibilities need to be borne in mind by politicians of the South in particular. The latter have come to inherit a legacy of Non-alignment and this will stand them in good stead; particularly if their countries are bankrupt and helpless, as is Sri Lanka’s lot currently. They cannot afford to take sides rigorously in the foreign relations sphere but Non-alignment should not come to mean for them an unreserved alliance with the major powers of the South, such as China. Nor could they come under the dictates of Russia. For, both these major powers that have been deferentially treated by the South over the decades are essentially authoritarian in nature and a blind tie-up with them would not be in the best interests of the South, going forward.

However, while the South should not ruffle its ties with the big powers of the South it would need to ensure that its ties with the democracies of the West in particular remain intact in a flourishing condition. This is what Non-alignment, correctly understood, advises.

Accordingly, considering the US’ democratic resilience and its intrinsic strengths, the South would do well to be on cordial terms with the US as well. A Black presidency in the US has after all proved that the US is not predestined, so to speak, to be a country for only the jingoistic whites. It could genuinely be an all-inclusive, accommodative democracy and by virtue of these characteristics could be an inspiration for the South.

However, political leaders of the South would need to consider their development options very judiciously. The ‘neo-liberal’ ideology of the West need not necessarily be adopted but central planning and equity could be brought to the forefront of their talks with Western financial institutions. Dexterity in diplomacy would prove vital.

Continue Reading

Trending