Features
Mid-East tensions on the rise as global paralysis seemingly intensifies
The Middle East conflagration has been brought very close to South Asia by a suspected drone attack a couple of days back on an Israel-linked chemical tanker headed for India, off the latter’s coast. The attack comes close on the heels of similar reported strikes on international tankers in the Red Sea, which have compelled the US to beef-up security measures in the region.
While the Indian authorities are on record as vowing to find the source of the above, unsettlingly ‘close to home’ attack and to bring it to book, the US has reason to be in a heightened state of alertness in the region and to adopt a combative stance on account of multiplying attacks on some of its military bases in Iraq and Syria. The US is on record that such attacks are traceable to ‘Iranian sponsored militias.’
In retaliatory attacks the US authorities said that they had struck at facilities used by ‘the Iranian-backed Kataeb Hezbollah group and its affiliates’ in the region. These allegations have, however, been denied by the Iranian authorities.
On the one hand, these developments in the Arabian and Red Seas are unsettlingly evocative of the Iran-Iraq ‘tanker wars’ of the eighties. These tanker battles were a virulent outgrowth of the then unfolding Iran-Iraq war which proved disastrous for the antagonists concerned. On the other hand, the above events point to a steady regionalizing of the Middle East blood-letting.
While the Iran-Iraq war of the eighties was a relatively localized phenomenon, the current military tensions in the Middle East point to not only a gradual regionalization of the central conflict but also to its possible internationalization, with the US seeing it fit to involve itself in the conflict more overtly and physically.
It would be only a matter of time before other extra-regional powers consider it appropriate to follow the US example in a prominent fashion. After all, the fuel supply routes of almost all the big powers are being placed at a risk by the escalating Middle East conflagration. The Persian Gulf, for example, is central to uninterrupted Western oil supplies. Needless to say, without such supplies, the economies of almost the entirety of the world, and not merely those of the West, would be severely weakened.
Accordingly, it will be in the interests of the world, for a fresh attempt to be made by the international community towards ending the Middle East conflict by purely political means. This is in view of the fact that no country would be spared the disastrous economic and social spillover from the war. In other words, no state or international actor would emerge a winner from the conflict if the aim is to resolve it militarily. Hopefully, none would wallow in the delusion that the answer to the conflict is continued war.
As has been pointed out in this column over the past few weeks, better sense should prevail among the international backers of the main sides to the conflict. Expressed simply, the US and the West should prevail strongly on Israel to seek a just, political solution to the conflict, while the same must be done by Hamas’ external backers.
Peace talks need to be initiated with the help of the UN, with top priority being attached to an immediate ceasefire in the Gaza, accompanied by the facilitation of international humanitarian aid to the affected civilian publics. Right now, civilian publics on both sides of the divide have been or are being subjected to genocidal violence. Such shameful and damning indictments on humanity as a whole could only be ended though an impartial, negotiated solution.
Of cardinal importance in this connection is impartiality. In the global South in particular, ‘political correctness’ obligates states to take up the cause of mainly the Palestinians. This is a fundamentally flawed policy position to adopt. While it is true that the Palestinians ‘have a case’, the same is true of the Israelis.
It has been this columnist’s contention right along that both ethnic groups suffer from a sense of acute insecurity. This nagging sense of insecurity could be overcome mainly through the creation of two territorially secure states that would coexist peacefully. It is the responsibility of the international community, led by the UN, to take on this grueling challenge and help in its resolution. There is no other way out of this wasting conflict; it is the only rational and viable solution.
Meanwhile, accusing the international community, read the UN, of ‘inefficacy’ in this crisis, as Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi has reportedly done, is no constructive way of helping to resolve it. The Iranian President, no less than every knowledgeable quarter ought to know by now that it is the military assistance that the main antagonists to the conflict receive from their respective international backers that is instrumental in aggravating it and ensuring its continuance.
Accordingly, if the West led by the US and those militant religious fundamentalist organizations that are reportedly supporting Hamas, curtail their arms supplies to the warring sides, there is bound to be a de-escalation of the conflict.
Such a de-escalation could create an environment that is conducive to evolving a political solution. At this juncture there is no conclusive evidence that religious fundamentalist organizations opposed to the existence of Israel are backed in a major way by Iran.
But if Iran is in collusion with such groups, it could help in finding a peaceful solution to the Middle East problem by curtailing arms and other forms of assistance to these organizations. Such constructive measures could aid the UN in meeting the challenge of helping to evolve a political solution.
If the UN is seeming to be ‘inefficacious’, it is because the main parties to the conflict are being helped along by their major international backers. If the latter desist from following the destructive course of keeping the armed conflict alive through their support for the respective antagonists, the prospects of working out a negotiated solution could be greater. It would be grossly unfair to see the UN as ‘inefficacious’ without helping it in a substantive and constructive fashion.
The long term solution to the UN’s ‘inefficacy’ is its reformation. On account of reasons that ought to be obvious to ‘world leaders’, it is not at all possible to fast-track UN reform. However, short term measures, such as ending arms supplies to warring sides, are possible. All such short term measures need to be taken quickly in view of the steady internationalization of the Middle East conflict.
Features
Recruiting academics to state universities – beset by archaic selection processes?
Time has, by and large, stood still in the business of academic staff recruitment to state universities. Qualifications have proliferated and evolved to be more interdisciplinary, but our selection processes and evaluation criteria are unchanged since at least the late 1990s. But before I delve into the problems, I will describe the existing processes and schemes of recruitment. The discussion is limited to UGC-governed state universities (and does not include recruitment to medical and engineering sectors) though the problems may be relevant to other higher education institutions (HEIs).
How recruitment happens currently in SL state universities
Academic ranks in Sri Lankan state universities can be divided into three tiers (subdivisions are not discussed).
* Lecturer (Probationary)
– recruited with a four-year undergraduate degree. A tiny step higher is the Lecturer (Unconfirmed), recruited with a postgraduate degree but no teaching experience.
* A Senior Lecturer can be recruited with certain postgraduate qualifications and some number of years of teaching and research.
* Above this is the professor (of four types), which can be left out of this discussion since only one of those (Chair Professor) is by application.
State universities cannot hire permanent academic staff as and when they wish. Prior to advertising a vacancy, approval to recruit is obtained through a mind-numbing and time-consuming process (months!) ending at the Department of Management Services. The call for applications must list all ranks up to Senior Lecturer. All eligible candidates for Probationary to Senior Lecturer are interviewed, e.g., if a Department wants someone with a doctoral degree, they must still advertise for and interview candidates for all ranks, not only candidates with a doctoral degree. In the evaluation criteria, the first degree is more important than the doctoral degree (more on this strange phenomenon later). All of this is only possible when universities are not under a ‘hiring freeze’, which governments declare regularly and generally lasts several years.
Problem type 1
– Archaic processes and evaluation criteria
Twenty-five years ago, as a probationary lecturer with a first degree, I was a typical hire. We would be recruited, work some years and obtain postgraduate degrees (ideally using the privilege of paid study leave to attend a reputed university in the first world). State universities are primarily undergraduate teaching spaces, and when doctoral degrees were scarce, hiring probationary lecturers may have been a practical solution. The path to a higher degree was through the academic job. Now, due to availability of candidates with postgraduate qualifications and the problems of retaining academics who find foreign postgraduate opportunities, preference for candidates applying with a postgraduate qualification is growing. The evaluation scheme, however, prioritises the first degree over the candidate’s postgraduate education. Were I to apply to a Faculty of Education, despite a PhD on language teaching and research in education, I may not even be interviewed since my undergraduate degree is not in education. The ‘first degree first’ phenomenon shows that universities essentially ignore the intellectual development of a person beyond their early twenties. It also ignores the breadth of disciplines and their overlap with other fields.
This can be helped (not solved) by a simple fix, which can also reduce brain drain: give precedence to the doctoral degree in the required field, regardless of the candidate’s first degree, effected by a UGC circular. The suggestion is not fool-proof. It is a first step, and offered with the understanding that any selection process, however well the evaluation criteria are articulated, will be beset by multiple issues, including that of bias. Like other Sri Lankan institutions, universities, too, have tribal tendencies, surfacing in the form of a preference for one’s own alumni. Nevertheless, there are other problems that are, arguably, more pressing as I discuss next. In relation to the evaluation criteria, a problem is the narrow interpretation of any regulation, e.g., deciding the degree’s suitability based on the title rather than considering courses in the transcript. Despite rhetoric promoting internationalising and inter-disciplinarity, decision-making administrative and academic bodies have very literal expectations of candidates’ qualifications, e.g., a candidate with knowledge of digital literacy should show this through the title of the degree!
Problem type 2 – The mess of badly regulated higher education
A direct consequence of the contemporary expansion of higher education is a large number of applicants with myriad qualifications. The diversity of degree programmes cited makes the responsibility of selecting a suitable candidate for the job a challenging but very important one. After all, the job is for life – it is very difficult to fire a permanent employer in the state sector.
Widely varying undergraduate degree programmes.
At present, Sri Lankan undergraduates bring qualifications (at times more than one) from multiple types of higher education institutions: a degree from a UGC-affiliated state university, a state university external to the UGC, a state institution that is not a university, a foreign university, or a private HEI aka ‘private university’. It could be a degree received by attending on-site, in Sri Lanka or abroad. It could be from a private HEI’s affiliated foreign university or an external degree from a state university or an online only degree from a private HEI that is ‘UGC-approved’ or ‘Ministry of Education approved’, i.e., never studied in a university setting. Needless to say, the diversity (and their differences in quality) are dizzying. Unfortunately, under the evaluation scheme all degrees ‘recognised’ by the UGC are assigned the same marks. The same goes for the candidates’ merits or distinctions, first classes, etc., regardless of how difficult or easy the degree programme may be and even when capabilities, exposure, input, etc are obviously different.
Similar issues are faced when we consider postgraduate qualifications, though to a lesser degree. In my discipline(s), at least, a postgraduate degree obtained on-site from a first-world university is preferable to one from a local university (which usually have weekend or evening classes similar to part-time study) or online from a foreign university. Elitist this may be, but even the best local postgraduate degrees cannot provide the experience and intellectual growth gained by being in a university that gives you access to six million books and teaching and supervision by internationally-recognised scholars. Unfortunately, in the evaluation schemes for recruitment, the worst postgraduate qualification you know of will receive the same marks as one from NUS, Harvard or Leiden.
The problem is clear but what about a solution?
Recruitment to state universities needs to change to meet contemporary needs. We need evaluation criteria that allows us to get rid of the dross as well as a more sophisticated institutional understanding of using them. Recruitment is key if we want our institutions (and our country) to progress. I reiterate here the recommendations proposed in ‘Considerations for Higher Education Reform’ circulated previously by Kuppi Collective:
* Change bond regulations to be more just, in order to retain better qualified academics.
* Update the schemes of recruitment to reflect present-day realities of inter-disciplinary and multi-disciplinary training in order to recruit suitably qualified candidates.
* Ensure recruitment processes are made transparent by university administrations.
Kaushalya Perera is a senior lecturer at the University of Colombo.
(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.)
Features
Talento … oozing with talent
This week, too, the spotlight is on an outfit that has gained popularity, mainly through social media.
Last week we had MISTER Band in our scene, and on 10th February, Yellow Beatz – both social media favourites.
Talento is a seven-piece band that plays all types of music, from the ‘60s to the modern tracks of today.
The band has reached many heights, since its inception in 2012, and has gained recognition as a leading wedding and dance band in the scene here.
The members that makeup the outfit have a solid musical background, which comes through years of hard work and dedication
Their portfolio of music contains a mix of both western and eastern songs and are carefully selected, they say, to match the requirements of the intended audience, occasion, or event.
Although the baila is a specialty, which is inherent to this group, that originates from Moratuwa, their repertoire is made up of a vast collection of love, classic, oldies and modern-day hits.
The musicians, who make up Talento, are:
Prabuddha Geetharuchi:
(Vocalist/ Frontman). He is an avid music enthusiast and was mentored by a lot of famous musicians, and trainers, since he was a child. Growing up with them influenced him to take on western songs, as well as other music styles. A Peterite, he is the main man behind the band Talento and is a versatile singer/entertainer who never fails to get the crowd going.
Geilee Fonseka (Vocals):
A dynamic and charismatic vocalist whose vibrant stage presence, and powerful voice, bring a fresh spark to every performance. Young, energetic, and musically refined, she is an artiste who effortlessly blends passion with precision – captivating audiences from the very first note. Blessed with an immense vocal range, Geilee is a truly versatile singer, confidently delivering Western and Eastern music across multiple languages and genres.
Chandana Perera (Drummer):
His expertise and exceptional skills have earned him recognition as one of the finest acoustic drummers in Sri Lanka. With over 40 tours under his belt, Chandana has demonstrated his dedication and passion for music, embodying the essential role of a drummer as the heartbeat of any band.
Harsha Soysa:
(Bassist/Vocalist). He a chorister of the western choir of St. Sebastian’s College, Moratuwa, who began his musical education under famous voice trainers, as well as bass guitar trainers in Sri Lanka. He has also performed at events overseas. He acts as the second singer of the band
Udara Jayakody:
(Keyboardist). He is also a qualified pianist, adding technical flavour to Talento’s music. His singing and harmonising skills are an extra asset to the band. From his childhood he has been a part of a number of orchestras as a pianist. He has also previously performed with several famous western bands.
Aruna Madushanka:
(Saxophonist). His proficiciency in playing various instruments, including the saxophone, soprano saxophone, and western flute, showcases his versatility as a musician, and his musical repertoire is further enhanced by his remarkable singing ability.
Prashan Pramuditha:
(Lead guitar). He has the ability to play different styles, both oriental and western music, and he also creates unique tones and patterns with the guitar..
Features
Special milestone for JJ Twins
The JJ Twins, the Sri Lankan musical duo, performing in the Maldives, and known for blending R&B, Hip Hop, and Sri Lankan rhythms, thereby creating a unique sound, have come out with a brand-new single ‘Me Mawathe.’
In fact, it’s a very special milestone for the twin brothers, Julian and Jason Prins, as ‘Me Mawathe’ is their first ever Sinhala song!
‘Me Mawathe’ showcases a fresh new sound, while staying true to the signature harmony and emotion that their fans love.
This heartfelt track captures the beauty of love, journey, and connection, brought to life through powerful vocals and captivating melodies.
It marks an exciting new chapter for the JJ Twins as they expand their musical journey and connect with audiences in a whole new way.
Their recent album, ‘CONCLUDED,’ explores themes of love, heartbreak, and healing, and include hits like ‘Can’t Get You Off My Mind’ and ‘You Left Me Here to Die’ which showcase their emotional intensity.
Readers could stay connected and follow JJ Twins on social media for exclusive updates, behind-the-scenes moments, and upcoming releases:
Instagram: http://instagram.com/jjtwinsofficial
TikTok: http://tiktok.com/@jjtwinsmusic
Facebook: http://facebook.com/jjtwinssingers
YouTube: http://youtube.com/jjtwins
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