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Managing aftermath of a cyclone

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Trail of destruction left by 1978 cyclone. (Image credit World Vision)

(Continued from last week)

Therefore, during our visit, we were continuously alert to this factor, and learnt as much as possible about quality specifications, such as protein and moisture contents, milling qualities of different classes of wheat and so on. We took down notes and collected a fair amount of relevant literature. We were however of the view that we still needed expert technical advice, and this we later obtained from a retired expert of the Canadian Wheat Board. An important part of knowledge and judgement is to help you to decide how much you do not know. Whilst the visit to the US gave us a sufficient body of knowledge about wheat, to build on, it also convinced us that the switch-over needed detailed expert advice and guidance. Therefore, it was both fortunate and timely in more than one sense.

“The Tong Joo”

September 1978, saw the inauguration of the new constitution, a hybrid of the US and French constitutions, with a strong Executive Presidency. This was overshadowed in our minds in the Food Ministry, by sinking in Galle harbour of the ship “Tong Joo” carrying valuable cargo for the Food Department. This was a period of rain and blustery weather, with strong winds. Galle was not an easy port to navigate in at the best of times due to varying depths and submerged rocks.

Therefore, it was most important to steer vessels along defined channels that did not leave much room for manoeuvre. The pilot on the “Tong Joo” erred, albeit under difficult circumstances, leading to the drifting of the ship away from the channel and foundering on some rocks.

The question was whether the whole exercise should have been attempted in the prevailing weather conditions. When we received the news the Secretary, Trade and Shipping Mr. Lakshman de Mel and I set-off for Galle during the early afternoon. The Food Commissioner and others went separately. The weather was still unsettled and very windy. Once in Galle, some of us got into a launch and journeyed towards the half sunken vessel. The ride was far from comfortable. The sea was quite rough and the fact that I couldn’t swim added to the tension. After coming back to shore, we held a preliminary inquiry. Some of the steps we took were of importance in the light of the potential legal issues to follow. The half-sunken vessel, was a feature in Galle harbour for many months.

Sometime in October 1978, I was appointed to act as Secretary to the Ministry of Trade and Shipping for a period in addition to my duties as Secretary Ministry of Food and Cooperatives. Hardly had I completed this period of added responsibility, when a double problem confronted me at about the same time, one of a personal nature, and the other of an official nature. On the personal front our son developed Hepatitis and had to be warded at Durdans hospital. On the official side, a nasty cyclone hit Batticaloa.

Cyclone

The cyclone of late November 1978 was a particularly bad one. Batticaloa was completely battered. It seriously damaged homes and buildings and uprooted thousands of trees. Hardly a coconut tree was left. The moment I realized the severity of the cyclone, listening to news reports, I called up a meeting of the senior officials of the Food and Co-operative departments. It was necessary to anticipate the volume of emergency food supplies required, and how to get these through.

Telephone lines to Batticaloa were out and the Government Agent Dixon Nilaweera, who was later to become my Additional Secretary, and still later Secretary to the Treasury, was marooned in his official bungalow the -Residency,” watching the waters rising, seeing serpents swimming in the water, and contemplating whether death was to come by drowning, snake bite or electrocution as a result of fallen electric wires. Not entirely a happy range of choices. But we were able soon to establish radio contact, using the facilities available in the Ministry of Public Administration and Home Affairs, as well as the police radio network. A serious problem was that Batticaloa was inaccessible by road or rail due to fallen trees and extensive damage to bridges, culverts and other infrastructure.

Whilst other departments and agencies of government addressed the issues of shifting fallen trees, and attending to emergency road and railworks, we decided in order to save time to load up lorries with rice, flour and sugar and position them as close as possible to the various routes into Batticaloa, so that they could proceed forward as the roads got cleared. Arrangements were made through Police headquarters, for the lorries to be parked at police stations and other secure points, and suitably guarded. Each lorry had 5-10 tons of rice, flour or sugar and had to be protected against pilferage and theft. Two days after the cyclone struck, the Secretary to the Cabinet called a major conference of Secretaries to Ministries, and Heads of several departments relevant to the relief effort to assess the overall situation and arrive at decisions. During the course of the meeting, I was instructed to load the necessary number of lorries for despatch. I informed the Cabinet Secretary, much to his surprise that loaded lorries were now close to Batticaloa, and that my request was for extra gangs and 24-hour work on road clearance and emergency road repair. This was done, and unexpectedly early scores of food lorries entered Batticaloa.

A public officer who was a resident of Batticaloa later told me that it was like a miracle to see the food lorries, many of them Food Department lorries with the huge sign of the department painted across on both sides, entering the city, so soon. He went on to say “Nobody will understand how high this boosted our morale, and what this meant for us.” He said people started clapping when they saw the lorries. Some were in tears. We in the Ministry of Food and Co-operatives did not imagine such a reaction. It was only made possible by quick reaction, responsible anticipation, close co-ordination and determined follow up. I was fortunate to have an excellent team, both in Food and in Co-operatives, who worked long hours untiringly and uncomplainingly. The personal downside of all this for me was that I was able to see very little of our son in hospital. On most days I was able to see him for about half an hour well past 9 p.m. The fact that he was in the very competent hands of Dr. Cyril Perera, one of our foremost paediatricians eased my mind somewhat.

Visit to China

In February 1979, a delegation led by Mr. Herat, the Minister of Food visited the People’s Republic of China: The members of the delegation, besides the Minister were, the Acting Food Commissioner Mr. Pulendiran; Mr. Easpharathasan of the Treasury; Mr. Sellaiah, the Deputy Chief Accountant of the Food Department; Mr. Jaya Herat, Private Secretary to the Minister; and myself. The purpose of the visit was to negotiate, renew and sign the protocol for rice under the overall umbrella of the Rubber-Rice Pact between the two countries. This visit constituted one of the senior level visits of Ministers, Deputy Ministers and senior officials periodically envisaged under the main Pact. Under these arrangements there were set periods, set levels and set protocol. It was indeed a rare privilege those days to visit China, which was closed to many foreigners.

In early 1979, China was still very much a closed Society, but we could see incipient signs of liberalization. The large mass of men and women were still dressed in the ubiquitous “Mao” blue suit, which constituted a pair of trousers and a tunic jacket. Dressed all-alike, it was sometimes not easy at a glance to distinguish men from women.

There were hardly any cars on the road, even in Beijing. But there were literally hundreds of thousands of bicycles. Everyone commuted on a bicycle. The paradox however was that although there were only very few cars, Beijing and other cities were quite noisy because of the constant blare of car horns. This was due to the thousands of cyclists on the highways. A thaw was just beginning. There were just a few people who had discarded their ‘Mao” suits and were dressed in more colourful clothing. Most of these were young people, and some young couples were bold enough to cuddle up in the parks and even steal a kiss or two in public, which we understood was unprecedented behaviour even in the recent past.

Ritual

But first we had to go through the ritual of getting into China from Hong Kong, then under British rule. We took a train to Lowu on the Chinese border. We got down at the station. We now had to cross the railway bridge on foot, and, at the other end of the bridge, we saw Chinese officials standing in order to receive us. On the Hong Kong end of the bridge was the British flag. On the Chinese end was the flag of the People’s Republic. It was quite dramatic. Our baggage was carried by porters at Lowu and handed half way over the bridge to porters on the Chinese side. So strict were the lines of demarcation of the border. Obviously, a Hong Kong porter was unable to cross the balance half of the bridge without a visa which was unobtainable.

We were warmly received by the Chinese officials and conducted to a special waiting room at the railway station on the Chinese side. Here, after the customary drinking of Chinese green tea we were served lunch at noon. At 12.30 p.m., we started on a 2 1/2 hour train journey to Canton. Here, we were greeted by officials of the local party and Municipal council and taken on a sightseeing tour to a beautiful flower exhibition and upto a mountain commanding a scenic view of the city.

At 4.15 p.m. we took off by plane on the 2 1/2 flight to Beijing. We arrived at about 7 p.m. to what was for us bitterly cold weather, with an icy cold blowing which brought tears to our eyes. We were met by the Chinese Minister of Trade Li Chiang; one of the Vice-Ministers and other officials. Our Ambassador Mr. Dias de Singhe and Embassy officials were also present. We were lodged at the huge Beijing hotel. Beijing did not have modern five star hotels during this time, and the Soviet type Beijing hotel was the best available. As in the Soviet Union, we found that the skill of heating rooms had not been mastered. Our rooms were uncomfortably overheated.

On the 28th of February at 10 a.m. the formal talks with the Chinese Minister of Trade opened in the Great Hall of the People. Minister Li Chiang was elderly, sophisticated and genial. Discussions progressed smoothly and concluded in about 1 1/2 hours. The team of senior officials, on our side led by the Acting Food Commissioner were to begin detailed talks during the afternoon with their Chinese counterparts. I was available to be consulted by them, but my task was to be with the Minister.

After our return to the hotel, we sat and discussed matters pertaining to the afternoon’s discussions. After lunch, I accompanied the Minister on a visit to the Forbidden City and the Palace Museum. At 6.30 p.m. the Chinese Minister hosted an official banquet in honour of the Minister at Beijing hotel. This was a nearly 2 1/2 hour affair with some fifteen courses. The Chinese really relax at these banquets, and there was plenty of good humour and an easy atmosphere.

On the next day, the first of March we were taken at 9 a.m. to the Museum of Chinese History and the renowned Tienanman Square. Tienanman, perhaps the largest square in the world was a square of vast proportions situated in the heart of Beijing surrounded on different sides by the Great Hall of the People; the Mao Mausoleum; Museums; the entrance to the Forbidden City and the raised area with a red walled background where Chinese leaders stand to take the salute on important national occasions.

It was both an experience and an education to spend some time seeing these places accompanied by well-informed guides. We had lunch back at the hotel, and at 2.30 p.m. listened to a briefing on food grain distribution in China. The point of interest to us was how China adequately fed such a huge population. Everywhere we went the people appeared to be well fed and healthy.

There was much discussion after the presentation. The process was complicated but it did ensure a basic ration for everyone. Writing this brings to my mind the view expressed by the well-known British economist Joan Robinson. Replying to a critic who lamented the lack of democracy in China, she replied that any society which could successfully feed nearly a billion people must have some solid virtues. The day ended with a visit to the Peking opera in the evening. It turned out to be a colourful satire on social oppression during feudal times. It was designed to heap hatred and ridicule on the pre-communist society, with a greater emphasis on ridicule, and by contrast to extol the progressive qualities of the present communist dispensation.

On the following day the 2nd at 8 a.m. the delegation was taken on a 70 k.m. drive to the Great Wall. To walk on the wall, with snow all around was an unique experience. The wall was interspersed with watchtowers at regular intervals and was broad enough to accommodate horses and chariots. After this early outing, the senior officials in our delegation went back to Beijing for the final round of negotiations on our purchase of rice.

I had the far more pleasant task of accompanying the Minister to the Ming Tombs and the Summer palace, built for the dowager Empress Tsusi. Much wealth had been lavished on its construction. It was a magnificent place with artificial lakes; huge boat like houses or retreats built of solid marble; and inside, a store-house of treasure, with bowls, vases, clocks and other numerous items built of gold, silver, jade and porcelain, some of them studded with gems. The Vice Minister was our host during this visit and we had lunch with him.

Unusual Behaviour

When we got back to the hotel during the early afternoon, Mr. Pulendiran, the Acting Food Commissioner came to see me. Joy was visible on his face. He and his colleagues had had a Successful negotiation. He breathlessly announced that the Chinese had agreed to sell the 100,000 tonnes of rice we needed at a price Of US$ 212 per metric ton. This was indeed a very favourable price. When we had our final round of discussions in Colombo with the committee headed by the Secretary to the Cabinet, the consensus was that we would be fortunate to buy at US$ 220 per metric ton. International market prices were rising, and crop availability tightening.

The World rice market was extremely sensitive, and quite different for instance to the Wheat market. In the case of wheat, there was generally a surplus of around 100 million metric tonnes available fortrading in the market in a given year, but, in the case of rice, general availability at that time was only around 12-14 million tonnes, because of high domestic consumption in the rice eating countries. Aggravating this issue was the state oftraditional rice exporting countries such as Cambodia and Vietnam, due to war and the aftermath of war.

Under these circumstances our delegation had done exceptionally well in getting the price they did. Mr. Pulendiran now wanted to close the negotiation, and the Chinese had wanted an immediate answer. Having warmly congratulated Mr. Pulendiran, I told him, I would let him have my decision later in the evening. He thought I had taken leave of my senses. He repeated the price advantage to us and said that he would be most embarrassed not to conclude matters immediately since the Chinese were waiting for a prompt answer. I advised him to put the whole blame on me, and if necessary to tell his counterparts that his Secretary was somewhat eccentric and also very slow to decide.

I emphasized that it was most important that he himself appears in a good light with his Chinese counterparts and that no feeling of respect or friendship for me should prevent him from telling them that he thought his Secretary was crazy. A much befuddled colleague left my room. The reason I decided on this course of action was the friendship and Understanding that I had struck up with the Chinese Vice Minister. He had been to Sri Lanka before, and we had got on very well at the discussions. Protocol-wise a Vice Minister on the Chinese side was equal to a Secretary to a Ministry on the Sri Lanka side.

Therefore, when he came to Colombo, the two banquets in his honour had to be hosted by Mr. Lakshman de Mel as Secretary to the Ministry of Trade and Shipping and myself as Secretary to the Ministry of Food and Co-operatives. But because of the long course of friendly dealings between our two Ministries and relevant departments and those agencies on the Chinese side, Lakshman and I decided to invite our two Ministers to the two dinners hosted by us in honour of the Chinese Vice Minister. Protocol-wise, the Ministers could not have hosted the dinner to a Vice Minister, but they could, if they so wished attend as our guests. This in fact was what both the Ministers Mr. Lalith Athulathmudali, Minister of Trade and Shipping and Mr. S.B. Herat, my Minister decided to do. This was a special gesture by the two Ministers, who were present at both dinners to the Vice-Minister as guests of the two Secretaries. This was deeply appreciated by him and the Chinese side. I was able to renew this friendship on this current visit, and I knew that I would meet him later in the evening at the return banquet hosted by our Minister in honour of the Chinese Minister.

I wanted to have a personal word with him on the price. The banquet was hosted at the Peihai Park Restaurant which was part of an old Palace, with a lake now frozen with ice, outside. When the Vice-Minister came in, I took him to a side. He spoke English and direct conversation was no problem. I was aware, from the newspapers that he had been involved the previous day, as a member of the Chinese delegation having talks with the visiting United States Secretary to the Treasury. I therefore inquired whether the talks were going well. He said, “Yes” and added “But America new friend, you, old friend.” I inquired whether I could discuss something as an “Old friend.” He said “Of course.” I then referred to the rice price. He interrupted me saying, “You have got very good price.” I said, “Yes,” and that it was a good price, but that I was now speaking to him at a personal level.

I rapidly briefed him on some of our problems, including the Foreign Exchange situation and the fact that our Minister had come to China for the first time. I concluded by saying, “Please see whether You could reduce the price by one dollar more.” A larger request would have been completely unrealistic. He said he was not sure, and that we had already obtained a good price, but that he would try, and let us know the following morning. After dinner, I briefed the Minister and the Food Commissioner of what I had done. Both were naturally pleased, and Mr. Pulendiran might have regretted the few dubious glances, he directed at me during the course of the evening. The next day, he came to me and announced excitedly that the price had been reduced by one US dollar. The hundred thousand dollars so saved amounted at the then prevailing exchange rate to about Rs. 2.5 million, a considerable sum of money at the time.

My salary at the time amounted to a little over Rs. 5000 per month. Calculated on this basis the saving would have covered my salary, if at this level, for my entire expected stay of about 35 years in the public service! This reduction also exemplified the spirit of goodwill and co-operation that existed between our two countries. The Minister was extremely pleased. He wanted to include me by name in his Cabinet paper, on the part dealing with the rice negotiations. I had to spend some time prevailing upon him not to do so. I had to remind him that our system works on the basis of Ministers getting both the credit and the blame depending on the diligence and the quality of work of their officials, and that It would be vulgar to have my name put in there. In any case, I said that I was drafting the Cabinet paper and there would be no such reference. The Minister reluctantly agreed, muttering something about telling the President.

On the next day the 3rd which was a Saturday, we were the beneficiaries of a fascinating experience. Our hosts took us to see a part of Beijing’s underground air raid shelter complex. There were an amazing series of underground tunnels, practically below every shop. All the tunnels were inter-connected, with some leading out of the city. They were quite spacious, with kitchens, independent sources of power, etc. In a relatively small area, these tunnels could take in around 10,000 people within about 6 minutes.

These tunnels were elaborate, and furnished with all the facilities including mini hospitals and medical centres. They were virtually a city underground. From here, we were taken to the Temple of Heaven, where the Emperors used to go to pray for a good harvest, and to pray to the earth and the sky. We got back to the hotel for a late lunch. At 5 p.m. the Minister and delegation called on the Vice Prime Minister Mr. Kumu. We had an hour’s cordial conversation, mainly on Sri Lanka-China relations. In the evening, we rounded off the day with a leisurely dinner at the Ambassador’s residence, where we were able to unwind. This was home.

(Excerpted from In the Pursuit of Governance, autobiography of MDD Pieris)



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Meet the women protecting India’s snow leopards

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These women work with the local forest department to track and protect the snow leopard species [BBC]

In one of India’s coldest and most remote regions, a group of women have taken on an unlikely role: protecting one of Asia’s most elusive predators, the snow leopard.

Snow leopards are found in just 12 countries across Central and South Asia. India is home to one of the world’s largest populations, with a nationwide survey in 2023 – the first comprehensive count ever carried out in the country – estimating more than 700 animals, .

One of the places they roam is around Kibber village in Himachal Pradesh state’s Spiti Valley, a stark, high-altitude cold desert along the Himalayan belt. Here, snow leopards are often called the “ghosts of the mountains”, slipping silently across rocky slopes and rarely revealing themselves.

For generations, the animals were seen largely as a threat, for attacking livestock. But attitudes in Kibber and neighbouring villages are beginning to shift, as people increasingly recognise the snow leopard’s role as a top predator in the food chain and its importance in maintaining the region’s fragile mountain ecosystem.

Nearly a dozen local women are now working alongside the Himachal Pradesh forest department and conservationists to track and protect the species, playing a growing role in conservation efforts.

Locally, the snow leopard is known as Shen and the women call their group “Shenmo”. Trained to install and monitor camera traps, they handle devices fitted with unique IDs and memory cards that automatically photograph snow leopards as they pass.

“Earlier, men used to go and install the cameras and we kept wondering why couldn’t we do it too,” says Lobzang Yangchen, a local coordinator working with a small group supported by the non-profit Nature Conservation Foundation (NCF) in collaboration with the forest department.

Yangchen was among the women who helped collect data for Himachal Pradesh’s snow leopard survey in 2024, which found that the state was home to 83 snow leopards – up from 51 in 2021.

Spiti Wildlife Division A snow leopard looks into the camera
Snow leopards are often called the “ghosts of the mountains” because they are so hard to spot [BBC]

The survey documented snow leopards and 43 other species using camera traps spread across an area of nearly 26,000sq km (10,000sq miles). Individual leopards were identified by the unique rosette patterns on their fur, a standard technique used for spotted big cats. The findings are now feeding into wider conservation and habitat-management plans.

“Their contribution was critical to identifying individual animals,” says Goldy Chhabra, deputy conservator of forests with the Spiti Wildlife Division.

Collecting the data is demanding work. Most of it takes place in winter, when heavy snowfall pushes snow leopards and their prey to lower altitudes, making their routes easier to track.

On survey days, the women wake up early, finish household chores and gather at a base camp before travelling by vehicle as far as the terrain allows. From there, they trek several kilometres to reach camera sites, often at altitudes above 14,000ft (4,300m), where the thin air makes even simple movement exhausting.

The BBC accompanied the group on one such trek in December. After hours of walking in biting cold, the women suddenly stopped on a narrow trail.

Yangchen points to pugmarks in the dust: “This shows the snow leopard has been here recently. These pugmarks are fresh.”

Devesh Chopra/BBC A woman wearing a black and red scarf writes something in her notebook and a camera trap is placed in front of her.
The women set up cameras with unique IDs and memory cards, which capture an image of a snow leopard as soon as it passes through [BBC]

Along with pugmarks, the team looks for other signs, including scrapes and scent‑marking spots, before carefully fixing a camera to a rock along the trail.

One woman then carries out a “walk test”, crawling along the path to check whether the camera’s height and angle will capture a clear image.

The group then moves on to older sites, retrieving memory cards and replacing batteries installed weeks earlier.

By mid-afternoon, they return to camp to log and analyse the images using specialised software – tools many had never encountered before.

“I studied only until grade five,” says Chhering Lanzom. “At first, I was scared to use the computer. But slowly, we learned how to use the keyboard and mouse.”

The women joined the camera-trapping programme in 2023. Initially, conservation was not their motivation. But winters in the Spiti Valley are long and quiet, with little agricultural work to fall back on.

“At first, this work on snow leopards didn’t interest us,” Lobzang says. “We joined because we were curious and we could earn a small income.”

The women earn between 500 ($5.46; £4) and 700 rupees a day.

But beyond the money, the work has helped transform how the community views the animal.

Spiti Wildlife Division A woman looks at a computer screen which has a grab of a leopard.
Images captured by the camera traps are analysed using a special software [BBC]

“Earlier, we thought the snow leopard was our enemy,” says Dolma Zangmo, a local resident. “Now we think their conservation is important.”

Alongside survey work, the women help villagers access government insurance schemes for their livestock and promote the use of predator‑proof corrals – stone or mesh enclosures that protect animals at night.

Their efforts come at a time of growing recognition for the region. Spiti Valley has recently been included in the Cold Desert Biosphere Reserve, a Unesco-recognised network aimed at conserving fragile ecosystems while supporting local livelihoods.

As climate change reshapes the fragile trans-Himalayan landscape, conservationists say such community participation will be crucial to safeguarding species like the snow leopard.

“Once communities are involved, conservation becomes more sustainable,” says Deepshikha Sharma, programme manager with NCF’s High Altitudes initiative.

“These women are not just assisting, they are becoming practitioners of wildlife conservation and monitoring,” she adds.

As for the women, their work makes them feel closer to their home, the village and the mountains that raised them, they say.

“We were born here, this is all we know,” Lobzang says. “Sometimes we feel afraid because these snow leopards are after all predatory animals, but this is where we belong.”

[BBC]

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Freedom for giants: What Udawalawe really tells about human–elephant conflict

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Too many vehicles entering national parks

If elephants are truly to be given “freedom” in Udawalawe, the solution is not simply to open gates or redraw park boundaries. The map itself tells the real story — a story of shrinking habitats, broken corridors, and more than a decade of silent but relentless ecological destruction.

“Look at Udawalawe today and compare it with satellite maps from ten years ago,” says Sameera Weerathunga, one of Sri Lanka’s most consistent and vocal elephant conservation activists. “You don’t need complicated science. You can literally see what we have done to them.”

What we commonly describe as the human–elephant conflict (HEC) is, in reality, a land-use conflict driven by development policies that ignore ecological realities. Elephants are not invading villages; villages, farms, highways and megaprojects have steadily invaded elephant landscapes.

Udawalawe: From Landscape to Island

Udawalawe National Park was once part of a vast ecological network connecting the southern dry zone to the central highlands and eastern forests. Elephants moved freely between Udawalawe, Lunugamvehera, Bundala, Gal Oya and even parts of the Walawe river basin, following seasonal water and food availability.

Today, Udawalawe appears on the map as a shrinking green island surrounded by human settlements, monoculture plantations, reservoirs, electric fences and asphalt.

“For elephants, Udawalawe is like a prison surrounded by invisible walls,” Sameera explains. “We expect animals that evolved to roam hundreds of square nationakilometres to survive inside a box created by humans.”

Elephants are ecosystem engineers. They shape forests by dispersing seeds, opening pathways, and regulating vegetation. Their survival depends on movement — not containment. But in Udawalawa, movement is precisely what has been taken away.

Over the past decade, ancient elephant corridors have been blocked or erased by:

Irrigation and agricultural expansion

Tourism resorts and safari infrastructure

New roads, highways and power lines

Human settlements inside former forest reserves

Sameera

“The destruction didn’t happen overnight,” Sameera says. “It happened project by project, fence by fence, without anyone looking at the cumulative impact.”

The Illusion of Protection

Sri Lanka prides itself on its protected area network. Yet most national parks function as ecological islands rather than connected systems.

“We think declaring land as a ‘national park’ is enough,” Sameera argues. “But protection without connectivity is just slow extinction.”

Udawalawe currently holds far more elephants than it can sustainably support. The result is habitat degradation inside the park, increased competition for resources, and escalating conflict along the boundaries.

“When elephants cannot move naturally, they turn to crops, tanks and villages,” Sameera says. “And then we blame the elephant for being a problem.”

The Other Side of the Map: Wanni and Hambantota

Sameera often points to the irony visible on the very same map. While elephants are squeezed into overcrowded parks in the south, large landscapes remain in the Wanni, parts of Hambantota and the eastern dry zone where elephant density is naturally lower and ecological space still exists.

“We keep talking about Udawalawe as if it’s the only place elephants exist,” he says. “But the real question is why we are not restoring and reconnecting landscapes elsewhere.”

The Hambantota MER (Managed Elephant Reserve), for instance, was originally designed as a landscape-level solution. The idea was not to trap elephants inside fences, but to manage land use so that people and elephants could coexist through zoning, seasonal access, and corridor protection.

“But what happened?” Sameera asks. “Instead of managing land, we managed elephants. We translocated them, fenced them, chased them, tranquilised them. And the conflict only got worse.”

The Failure of Translocation

For decades, Sri Lanka relied heavily on elephant translocation as a conflict management tool. Hundreds of elephants were captured from conflict zones and released into national parks like Udawalawa, Yala and Wilpattu.

Elephant deaths

The logic was simple: remove the elephant, remove the problem.

The reality was tragic.

“Most translocated elephants try to return home,” Sameera explains. “They walk hundreds of kilometres, crossing highways, railway lines and villages. Many die from exhaustion, accidents or gunshots. Others become even more aggressive.”

Scientific studies now confirm what conservationists warned from the beginning: translocation increases stress, mortality, and conflict. Displaced elephants often lose social structures, familiar landscapes, and access to traditional water sources.

“You cannot solve a spatial problem with a transport solution,” Sameera says bluntly.

In many cases, the same elephant is captured and moved multiple times — a process that only deepens trauma and behavioural change.

Freedom Is Not About Removing Fences

The popular slogan “give elephants freedom” has become emotionally powerful but scientifically misleading. Elephants do not need symbolic freedom; they need functional landscapes.

Real solutions lie in:

Restoring elephant corridors

Preventing development in key migratory routes

Creating buffer zones with elephant-friendly crops

Community-based land-use planning

Landscape-level conservation instead of park-based thinking

“We must stop treating national parks like wildlife prisons and villages like war zones,” Sameera insists. “The real battlefield is land policy.”

Electric fences, for instance, are often promoted as a solution. But fences merely shift conflict from one village to another.

“A fence does not create peace,” Sameera says. “It just moves the problem down the line.”

A Crisis Created by Humans

Sri Lanka loses more than 400 elephants and nearly 100 humans every year due to HEC — one of the highest rates globally.

Yet Sameera refuses to call it a wildlife problem.

“This is a human-created crisis,” he says. “Elephants are only responding to what we’ve done to their world.”

From expressways cutting through forests to solar farms replacing scrublands, development continues without ecological memory or long-term planning.

“We plan five-year political cycles,” Sameera notes. “Elephants plan in centuries.”

The tragedy is not just ecological. It is moral.

“We are destroying a species that is central to our culture, religion, tourism and identity,” Sameera says. “And then we act surprised when they fight back.”

The Question We Avoid Asking

If Udawalawe is overcrowded, if Yala is saturated, if Wilpattu is bursting — then the real question is not where to put elephants.

The real question is: Where have we left space for wildness in Sri Lanka?

Sameera believes the future lies not in more fences or more parks, but in reimagining land itself.

“Conservation cannot survive as an island inside a development ocean,” he says. “Either we redesign Sri Lanka to include elephants, or one day we’ll only see them in logos, statues and children’s books.”

And the map will show nothing but empty green patches — places where giants once walked, and humans chose. roads instead.

By Ifham Nizam

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Challenges faced by the media in South Asia in fostering regionalism

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Main speaker Roman Gautam (R) and Executive Director, RCSS, Ambassador (Retd) Ravinatha Aryasinha.

SAARC or the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation has been declared ‘dead’ by some sections in South Asia and the idea seems to be catching on. Over the years the evidence seems to have been building that this is so, but a matter that requires thorough probing is whether the media in South Asia, given the vital part it could play in fostering regional amity, has had a role too in bringing about SAARC’s apparent demise.

That South Asian governments have had a hand in the ‘SAARC debacle’ is plain to see. For example, it is beyond doubt that the India-Pakistan rivalry has invariably got in the way, particularly over the past 15 years or thereabouts, of the Indian and Pakistani governments sitting at the negotiating table and in a spirit of reconciliation resolving the vexatious issues growing out of the SAARC exercise. The inaction had a paralyzing effect on the organization.

Unfortunately the rest of South Asian governments too have not seen it to be in the collective interest of the region to explore ways of jump-starting the SAARC process and sustaining it. That is, a lack of statesmanship on the part of the SAARC Eight is clearly in evidence. Narrow national interests have been allowed to hijack and derail the cooperative process that ought to be at the heart of the SAARC initiative.

However, a dimension that has hitherto gone comparatively unaddressed is the largely negative role sections of the media in the SAARC region could play in debilitating regional cooperation and amity. We had some thought-provoking ‘takes’ on this question recently from Roman Gautam, the editor of ‘Himal Southasian’.

Gautam was delivering the third of talks on February 2nd in the RCSS Strategic Dialogue Series under the aegis of the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies, Colombo, at the latter’s conference hall. The forum was ably presided over by RCSS Executive Director and Ambassador (Retd.) Ravinatha Aryasinha who, among other things, ensured lively participation on the part of the attendees at the Q&A which followed the main presentation. The talk was titled, ‘Where does the media stand in connecting (or dividing) Southasia?’.

Gautam singled out those sections of the Indian media that are tamely subservient to Indian governments, including those that are professedly independent, for the glaring lack of, among other things, regionalism or collective amity within South Asia. These sections of the media, it was pointed out, pander easily to the narratives framed by the Indian centre on developments in the region and fall easy prey, as it were, to the nationalist forces that are supportive of the latter. Consequently, divisive forces within the region receive a boost which is hugely detrimental to regional cooperation.

Two cases in point, Gautam pointed out, were the recent political upheavals in Nepal and Bangladesh. In each of these cases stray opinions favorable to India voiced by a few participants in the relevant protests were clung on to by sections of the Indian media covering these trouble spots. In the case of Nepal, to consider one example, a young protester’s single comment to the effect that Nepal too needed a firm leader like Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi was seized upon by the Indian media and fed to audiences at home in a sensational, exaggerated fashion. No effort was made by the Indian media to canvass more opinions on this matter or to extensively research the issue.

In the case of Bangladesh, widely held rumours that the Hindus in the country were being hunted and killed, pogrom fashion, and that the crisis was all about this was propagated by the relevant sections of the Indian media. This was a clear pandering to religious extremist sentiment in India. Once again, essentially hearsay stories were given prominence with hardly any effort at understanding what the crisis was really all about. There is no doubt that anti-Muslim sentiment in India would have been further fueled.

Gautam was of the view that, in the main, it is fear of victimization of the relevant sections of the media by the Indian centre and anxiety over financial reprisals and like punitive measures by the latter that prompted the media to frame their narratives in these terms. It is important to keep in mind these ‘structures’ within which the Indian media works, we were told. The issue in other words, is a question of the media completely subjugating themselves to the ruling powers.

Basically, the need for financial survival on the part of the Indian media, it was pointed out, prompted it to subscribe to the prejudices and partialities of the Indian centre. A failure to abide by the official line could spell financial ruin for the media.

A principal question that occurred to this columnist was whether the ‘Indian media’ referred to by Gautam referred to the totality of the Indian media or whether he had in mind some divisive, chauvinistic and narrow-based elements within it. If the latter is the case it would not be fair to generalize one’s comments to cover the entirety of the Indian media. Nevertheless, it is a matter for further research.

However, an overall point made by the speaker that as a result of the above referred to negative media practices South Asian regionalism has suffered badly needs to be taken. Certainly, as matters stand currently, there is a very real information gap about South Asian realities among South Asian publics and harmful media practices account considerably for such ignorance which gets in the way of South Asian cooperation and amity.

Moreover, divisive, chauvinistic media are widespread and active in South Asia. Sri Lanka has a fair share of this species of media and the latter are not doing the country any good, leave alone the region. All in all, the democratic spirit has gone well into decline all over the region.

The above is a huge problem that needs to be managed reflectively by democratic rulers and their allied publics in South Asia and the region’s more enlightened media could play a constructive role in taking up this challenge. The latter need to take the initiative to come together and deliberate on the questions at hand. To succeed in such efforts they do not need the backing of governments. What is of paramount importance is the vision and grit to go the extra mile.

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