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Making myself heard in Parliament and NGO role in peace process

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Dr. N.M Perera in Parliament

The main manner of communication in Parliament is through speeches delivered in the House on Government business and the responses of the Opposition before a vote is taken to ratify those proposals or to disallow them. This is considered to be a democratic procedure since the House must approve – by majority vote – any expenditure of funds which are collected from the people. The principle of “No taxation without representation” was established in the face of a British sovereign’s right to levy taxes. The approval of appropriations is the right of Parliament as seen in the title of the annual budget which is” The Appropriations Bill”.

As rookie MPs we were very keen to participate in debates in the House. Usually it is the party leader who decides on his speakers list which is sent to the Speaker at the beginning of the days business so that the work of the House can be conducted in an orderly manner. With Gamini as leader and with my previous experience as a public servant and UN official, I could ask for a speaking slot with confidence while other new comers tended to bide their time.

Thus I was listed as a speaker in the very first debate of the CBK regime which was on the new anti-bribery and corruption law. Many seniors were reluctant to intervene in this debate as they had many things to hide. Indeed the gossip in Parliament was that the new law would permit the arrest of Gamini on a corruption charge and thereby disqualify him from contesting the forthcoming Presidential contest with CBK.

Gamini himself was nervous about these manoeuvres and wanted the new law defeated in the House. But Ranil and I wanted it to be brought to the House where we would support it. To counter this move Gamini had brought lawyer Desmond Fernando QC to pick holes in the draft legislation. But with corruption as a major issue we did not heed his lawyerly arguments and the UNP group decided to vote in favour of the bill in Parliament. In my maiden speech I supported the Bill and is now so recorded in Hansard. Since Parliamentary speeches were published in the daily newspapers I spoke in Sinhala so that my constituents could follow the contribution of their newly elected representative.

This did not endear me to some of my UNP colleagues who preferred to speak in English. The Government side and the Opposition tend to “pair” speakers so that the arguments of my paired MP, or Minister in this case, can be rebutted in my contribution and vice versa. Though not especially so designated this was in effect a semblance of a dialogue between a Minister and his opposite number in the “shadow cabinet”. In the shambles of Parliamentary practice today this useful arrangement has been, I believe, abandoned.

In my days as a UNP MP my opposite number was Dharmasiri Senanayake who was my friend from Peradeniya University days. We got on so well that I would begin my replies by complimenting Dharmasiri on his speech. This got noticed and he told me politely to stop it because his own MPs were getting jealous about our friendship. Another helpful Parliamentarian was Ratnasiri Wickremanayake who was the Leader of the House shortly to become Prime Minister. He was a bold Minister who would not hesitate to change his mind if a counter argument could be offered even by a member of the Opposition.

I remember that as Minister of Public Administration, he brought a bill to retire all Grama Sevakas at the age of 55. This was because the SLFP believed that the majority of GSs were UNPers. While opposing this bill in the House I said that this bill was discriminatory and unfair. In any case as Minister of Public Administration Ratnasiri had the right of not extending the service of any public officer after 55. Extensions were given only at his discretion.

So why discriminate against one identified service like the GS when he already had the powers to ensure any public servants retirement at 55? He immediately saw the logic of my argument and withdrew his bill on the floor of the House. He was that sort of decisive Minister. At the condolence meeting in Parliament after Ratnasiri’s death, I was able to narrate this incident which is now enshrined in Hansard.

Hansard

No descriptions of Parliamentary affairs would be complete without a reference to Hansard. It is a document of record not only of speeches made in the House but also of all other Parliamentary business conducted in the well of the House (the Chamber). The fate of bills and amendments presented to the House are recorded in detail. These records are accepted by the legal arm of the state as true records of the proceedings regarding legislation and related actions. Responsible MPs peruse drafts which contain their speeches and ensure that the final publication of Hansard (called the corrected version) truly records what they said.

In Northern Ireland with MP’s Kodituwakku and Nalanda Ellawela

There are many instances where MPs rush to the top floor, where the Hansard office is located, to make sure that they are reported accurately. This was a practice I followed faithfully so that the printed version of speeches were without infelicities and inaccuracies. The Hansard staff were all very helpful and would show us the drafts provided by their reporters who took down notes in relays in short hand so that they did not miss any interventions.

Condolences

A particularly poignant event in Parliament occurs on Fridays when time is set apart for condolences on the demise of MPs and ex-MPs. These speeches are noted for publication in Hansard and are usually treasured by the relatives of the deceased. From the very inception I took this opportunity to eulogise many of our late colleagues. I spoke about Madam Sirimavo Bandaranaike, Anura Bandaranaike, Ratnasiri Wickremanayake, Dharmasiri Senanayake, Gamini Jayasuriya, Vivienne Goonewardane, Indika Gunawardena, D.M. Jayaratne and many others.

Role model

My role model as a Parliamentarian was Dr. NM Perera. He took his duties in Parliament very seriously. In his days Parliament met in the evenings and its sittings would go well into the night. NM, after a strenuous game of tennis at the Nondescripts Cricket Club [he disliked ethnicity based clubs like the SSC, Tamil Union and Moors] he would return to his home in Cotta Road, bathe, change into a well pressed white suit and a red tie and self drive his Peugeot 204 to Parliament. He would then patiently spend time there till it was time to leave for a social occasion.

He loved good clothes and ballroom dancing. He was such a good dancer that ladies would scramble to get a dance with him. NM was a handsome man and was the cynosure of the eyes of society women.

At the same time he was a conscientious and hard worker. His speeches were well prepared and full of statistical information. The Government ranks listened to him with rapt attention. He spoke to a Parliament which had just over a hundred MPs so that he was given time to develop his arguments. He was devoid of malice and could be seen later in the Parliament canteen sharing a smoke with Dudley, JR or CP de Silva.

His loud laughter with his head thrown back, could be heard along the corridors of the House. Even his later enemies like Philip praised NM for his hard work. Once in Parliament Philip said that “the only hard worker here is the MP for Ruwanwella”. Before my speeches on economic issues I would invariably read NM’s speeches to find out how he sequenced his presentations. Though the leader of a Marxist party he was more open in his thinking and was very much a Keynesian. In his budget making he was influenced by Nicholas Kaldor of Cambridge University who belonged to the Keynesian group of economists. Kaldor visited Sri Lanka and advised on setting up a new taxation system which was weighted against capitalists. These radical measures were resented by the growing middle class which then abandoned Mrs. B and her government.

In Gomba facing Mount Fuji (Phpto by Rukman Senanayake)

After the LSSP leaders were released from prison in 1945 the party split and NM and Philip were expelled for following a more liberal democratic line showing their growing disenchantment with Trotskyite dogma. They came together shortly after only to quarrel and split again. Philip soon set up his own party [VLSSP] while NM realigned himself with the old LSSP.

Seminars and study tours

A major feature of CBK’s new administration was a renewed effort to solve the ethnic issue which was tearing the country apart. Attempts made by previous Presidents JRJ, Premadasa and Wijetunga had all failed. The Sri Lankan economy which had a spectacular success in the early JRJ years, was grinding to a halt due to the war. The international community which saw the migration of many Tamil refugees to their countries were pressurizing the Sri Lankan Government to settle this conflict through negotiation and the devolution of power.

The initial reaction of the Tamil community was one of trust in CBK. She reciprocated by sending a delegation of her advisors to talk to the LTTE. The Tamil population of the North used this pause to show their appreciation of the new government of CBK. CBK bangles and CBK sarees became popular among northern Tamil ladies.

But the talks failed and war was resumed causing consternation among the international community, in particular the UK, Germany, France, Switzerland, Norway and Japan. Their well funded NGOs began to focus on Sri Lanka which had received much global media attention. All this led to a concentrated attempt to co-opt [officially called educate] Members of Parliament, particularly of the opposition, whose assent was necessary to present a united front in the negotiations. Among those NGOs were the Friedrich Naumann Foundation [FRG] International Alert [Norway] The Berghof Foundation [FRG] World View Foundation [Norway] Japanese International Foundation [Japan] Foundation for Federalism [Switzerland] and many others not so well known.

Sri Lankan representatives of these Foundations – Sagarika Delgoda, Kumar Rupasinghe and Tyrell Ferdinands, as well as foreign representatives living in Colombo were in close touch with us as were the western embassies located here. They all paid special attention to us in the opposition and were particularly considerate about our physical safety perhaps due to the carnage of the JRJ and Premadasa years. I remember the British High Commissioner volunteering to accompany me to the airport when I had to leave for a seminar abroad. Whether on the government side or the Opposition there were about 30 of us who were wooed incessantly by the above mentioned NGOs and the Western embassies.

International Alert

The most active of these NGOs was International Alert which was represented in Norway by Kumar Rupasinghe who had played a significant political role during Mrs. B’s tenure as her son-in-law and a radical influence on her party till Anura Bandaranaike returned from his studies in the UK and blew him out of the water. Later he married a Norwegian girl and settled down in Oslo and became an advisor to IA on Sri Lankan peace initiatives. Very recently Norwegian official reports about its involvement in the local peace process disclosed that a substantial amount of Norwegian government funds were set apart for the NGOs to create an atmosphere conducive to a peaceful resolution of the ethnic conflict.

This was a time when Norway had emerged on the global stage as a peacemaker after its intervention in the Isreal-Palestine conflict and in internal conflict resolution in Sierra Leone. Sri Lanka could be another feather in its cap and the Norwegian authorities liberally spent its newly found wealth from North sea oil to put its stamp on the pursuit of peace on the global stage.

Freidrich Neumann Foundation

Another organisation which supported our peace process was the Freidrich Neumann Stiftung, which was an arm of the Free Democratic Party of western Germany. The FDP was the leading liberal party in the country which competed with the SDP [Socialists] and the Conservatives [CDU]. Though smaller than the other two parties they were often sought after as coalition partners by both larger parties. Once they coalesced with the CDU. Later they joined the SDP under Schmidt to form a coalition government. On both occasions the leader of the FNS – the energetic Herr Genscher, was appointed the Minister of Foreign Affairs and was virtually the Deputy Chancellor of the country.

Hence they were not short of money or influence both in Germany and abroad. They were not afraid to fly the flag of liberalism as they had an enviable record of resistance during the Hitlerite period.

The FNS had a special interest in Sri Lanka as under the JRJ and Premadasa regimes we were recognized in the “Free World” as a democratic country which had “rolled back socialism”. In addition Sri Lanka had been developed as a long haul tourist destination by Aitken Spence Travels and the largest travel agency in western Germany – TUI. Condor Air, an affiliate of Lufthansa, flew charters regularly into Colombo and Sri Lanka which was well featured in European travel catalogues, became a preferred destination for many German tourists.

Unlike AI however FNS preferred to hold their meetings in Cologne and after reunification, in the capital – Berlin. I was happy to travel to Germany which was now being transformed. The GDR economy was faltering and especially the youth were unsympathetic to Communism. With the emergence of Mikhail Gorbachev and his “Perestroika” and “Glastnost” its days were numbered. Before long GDR leader Erich Honecker’s regime collapsed and the Berlin Wall, which best symbolized the division of Germany, was pulled down. The FNS was delighted by this outcome and organized many meetings in Berlin which had become a united city.

Cash rich FNS had acquired an impressive office in Berlin Mitte and visitors from Asia and Africa came there in large numbers to be lectured to on the virtues of liberalism. Back in Sri Lanka FNS supported the Marga Institute, Sarvodaya and political parties of the right. A leader of the FNS who had special ties to Sri Lanka was Count Von Lambsdorf who later became the Foreign Minister of Germany. He was a regular visitor to Colombo. My friend Bertolt Witte whom I knew from my Paris days as described in Volume Two of my autobiography, became the President of FNS.

The FNS office in Colombo under Sagarika Delgoda was sympathetic to the UNP and I was invited to participate in many of its activities. One of its regular activities was its support of the annual Dudley Senanayake lecture. On the invitation of the FNS and the Senanayake family, I delivered one such lecture entitled “Dudley Senanayake and media freedom” which received wide coverage in the newspapers of the time.

Bergdorf Foundation

The Bergdorf Foundation of Berlin was another NGO that supported the peace process. They were in Sri Lanka at the invitation of GL Peiris, probably on the instructions of CBK. Her government had launched several initiatives like the “Sudu Nelum” movement under Mangala Samaraweera and was open to international assistance particularly to encourage the opposition to respond positively to the President’s call for a joint effort to settle the ethnic issue. In fact more than the opposition it were leaders within her own Cabinet like Ratnasiri Wickremanayake and Mahinda Rajapaksa who were skeptical of her peace efforts.

The head of BF in Colombo was Norbert Ropers, a skilled diplomat who had mediated in the transformation of Eastern Europe. He established good rapport with MPs of different political parties as well as a few Tamil University teachers who were sympathetic to the LTTE. Since these teachers were originally of the left it was not difficult for us to establish friendly relations and push them to go for a negotiated settlement. But the “hardliners”of the LTTE belittled them as those with no standing in their affairs.

Our friends told us privately that Prabhakaran was opposed to a negotiated settlement. I visited Berlin several times on the invitation of the BF and once delivered a lecture on the Sri Lanka ethnic conflict in their well appointed premises in Dahlem which was the elite residential district of Berlin. Since I had earned a good reputation among the NGOs and even locally as a spokesman on this issue, the UNP leadership which wanted all communications with the outside world decided on by the leader and his coterie, were decidedly unhappy but there was nothing they could do to stop it. It was another factor in the misunderstandings which were to eventually come to the surface with the party leadership which I will describe later.

Others

In addition to these well known, and well funded, agencies there were many other institutions which were also interested in hosting all party discussions. The Japanese Foreign Ministry [Gaimusho] which had much success in reconciliation talks in Cambodia and Laos promoted Ambassador Akashi to mediate in our case as well. Akashi was a former Deputy Secretary General of the UN who advanced the Japanese approach to problem solving in conflict ridden countries. This was the famous “Akashi Doctrine” of promising enhanced Japanese economic assistance if the belligerent parties came together.

It seemed to work in Cambodia and Japan was keen to repay JRJ’s famous intervention at the peace conference in San Francisco, by brokering a peace settlement here. This was a time when Japan was prosperous and wanted to make an impression in the global scene. Akashi and I had many discussions both in my home in Colombo and his house in a salubrious quarter of Tokyo. The Gaimusho then invited a multiparty group of MPs to visit Japan. We were housed in Gomba the famous holiday resort overlooking Mount Fuji.

Every morning we would come out of our rooms to get a splendid view of Mount Fuji enveloped by snow white clouds. The delegation had the privilege of meeting Prime Minister Fukuda who was a long time friend of our country. Our delegation which included Rukman Senanayake, Mahinda Samarasinghe, Hakeem, Douglas Devananda, Devaraj and me were briefed about the plans of the Japanese government to underwrite development assistance which was later unfolded at the “Aid Sri Lanka” summit to be held in Tokyo with the participation of Ranil Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister. But this was aborted at the last minute by the LTTE. Ranil’s skill in stage managing this meeting and his rapport with Japan may have alarmed Prabakaran who later preferred Mahinda Rajapaksa to him in the 2005 Presidential election. It was an election Ranil could have won easily but for Mahinda’s large scale capture of LTTE goodwill and their decision to boycott the presidential election, which took the northern votes out of contention.

There were many such meetings in Switzerland, UK and Norway which came later in time and will be described later in this book. It became clear that though I was a rookie MP I had a busy schedule of meetings both in the country and abroad. That was a delightful adventure but I was always conscious that a desperate battle was being waged in my country and every attempt should be made to facilitate an understanding between our several communities. It required all our skills to counter the propaganda campaigns of the LTTE which were increasing in their intensity. Let me now describe some of those memorable meetings.

(Excerpted from vol. 3 of the Sarath Amunugama autbiography)



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Making ‘Sinhala Studies’ globally relevant

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On 8 January 2026, I delivered a talk at an event at the University of Colombo marking the retirement of my longtime friend and former Professor of Sinhala, Ananda Tissa Kumara and his appointment as Emeritus Professor of Sinhala in that university. What I said has much to do with decolonising social sciences and humanities and the contributions countries like ours can make to the global discourses of knowledge in these broad disciplines. I have previously discussed these issues in this column, including in my essay, ‘Does Sri Lanka Contribute to the Global Intellectual Expansion of Social Sciences and Humanities?’ published on 29 October 2025 and ‘Can Asians Think? Towards Decolonising Social Sciences and Humanities’ published on 31 December 2025.

At the recent talk, I posed a question that relates directly to what I have raised earlier but drew from a specific type of knowledge scholars like Prof Ananda Tissa Kumara have produced over a lifetime about our cultural worlds. I do not refer to their published work on Sinhala, Pali and Sanskrit languages, their histories or grammars; instead, their writing on various aspects of Sinhala culture. Erudite scholars familiar with Tamil sources have written extensively on Tamil culture in this same manner, which I will not refer to here.

To elaborate, let me refer to a several essays written by Professor Tissa Kumara over the years in the Sinhala language: 1) Aspects of Sri Lankan town planning emerging from Sinhala Sandesha poetry; 2) Health practices emerging from inscriptions of the latter part of the Anuradhapura period; 3) Buddhist religious background described in inscriptions of the Kandyan period; 4) Notions of aesthetic appreciation emerging from Sigiri poetry; 5) Rituals related to Sinhala clinical procedures; 6) Customs linked to marriage taboos in Sinhala society; 7) Food habits of ancient and medieval Lankans; and 8) The decline of modern Buddhist education. All these essays by Prof. Tissa Kumara and many others like them written by others remain untranslated into English or any other global language that holds intellectual power. The only exceptions would be the handful of scholars who also wrote in English or some of their works happened to be translated into English, an example of the latter being Prof. M.B. Ariyapala’s classic, Society in Medieval Ceylon.

The question I raised during my lecture was, what does one do with this knowledge and whether it is not possible to use this kind of knowledge profitably for theory building, conceptual and methodological fine-tuning and other such essential work mostly in the domain of abstract thinking that is crucially needed for social sciences and humanities. But this is not an interest these scholars ever entertained. Except for those who wrote fictionalised accounts such as unsubstantiated stories on mythological characters like Rawana, many of these scholars amassed detailed information along with their sources. This focus on sources is evident even in the titles of many of Prof. Tissa Kumara’s work referred to earlier. Rather than focusing on theorising or theory-based interpretations, these scholars’ aim was to collect and present socio-cultural material that is inaccessible to most others in society including people like myself. Either we know very little of such material or are completely unaware of their existence. But they are important sources of our collective history indicating what we are where we have come from and need to be seen as a specific genre of research.

In this sense, people like Prof. Tissa Kumara and his predecessors are human encyclopedias. But the knowledge they produced, when situated in the context of global knowledge production in general, remains mostly as ‘raw’ information albeit crucial. The pertinent question now is what do we do with this information? They can, of course, remain as it is. My argument however is this knowledge can be a serious source for theory-building and constructing philosophy based on a deeper understanding of the histories of our country and of the region and how people in these areas have dealt with the world over time.

Most scholars in our country and elsewhere in the region believe that the theoretical and conceptual apparatuses needed for our thinking – clearly manifest in social sciences and humanities – must necessarily be imported from the ‘west.’ It is this backward assumption, but specifically in reference to Indian experiences on social theory, that Prathama Banerjee and her colleagues observe in the following words: “theory appears as a ready-made body of philosophical thought, produced in the West …” As they further note, in this situation, “the more theory-inclined among us simply pick the latest theory off-the-shelf and ‘apply’ it to our context” disregarding its provincial European or North American origin, because of the false belief “that “‘theory’ is by definition universal.” What this means is that like in India, in countries like ours too, the “relationship to theory is dependent, derivative, and often deeply alienated.”

In a somewhat similar critique in his 2000 book, Provincialising Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference Dipesh Chakrabarty points to the limitations of Western social sciences in explaining the historical experiences of political modernity in South Asia. He attempted to renew Western and particularly European thought “from and for the margins,” and bring in diverse histories from regions that were marginalised in global knowledge production into the mainstream discourse of knowledge. In effect, this means making histories of countries like ours relevant in knowledge production.

The erroneous and blind faith in the universality of theory is evident in our country too whether it is the unquestioned embrace of modernist theories and philosophies or their postmodern versions. The heroes in this situation generally remain old white men from Marx to Foucault and many in between. This indicates the kind of unhealthy dependence local discourses of theory owe to the ‘west’ without any attempt towards generating serious thinking on our own.

In his 2002 essay, ‘Dismal State of Social Sciences in Pakistan,’ Akbar Zaidi points out how Pakistani social scientists blindly apply imported “theoretical arguments and constructs to Pakistani conditions without questioning, debating or commenting on the theory itself.” Similarly, as I noted in my 2017 essay, ‘Reclaiming Social Sciences and Humanities: Notes from South Asia,’ Sri Lankan social sciences and humanities have “not seriously engaged in recent times with the dominant theoretical constructs that currently hold sway in the more academically dominant parts of the world.” Our scholars also have not offered any serious alternate constructions of their own to the world without going crudely nativistic or exclusivist.

This situation brings me back to the kind of knowledge that scholars like Prof. Tissa Kumara have produced. Philosophy, theory or concepts generally emerge from specific historical and temporal conditions. Therefore, they are difficult to universalise or generalise without serious consequences. This does not mean that some ideas would not have universal applicability with or without minor fine tuning. In general, however, such bodies of abstract knowledge should ideally be constructed with reference to the histories and contemporary socio-political circumstances

from where they emerge that may have applicability to other places with similar histories. This is what Banerjee and her colleagues proposed in their 2016 essay, ‘The Work of Theory: Thinking Across Traditions’. This is also what decolonial theorists such as Walter Mignolo, Enrique Dussel and Aníbal Quijano have referred to as ‘decolonizing Western epistemology’ and ‘building decolonial epistemologies.’

My sense is, scholars like Prof. Tissa Kumara have amassed at least some part of such knowledge that can be used for theory-building that has so far not been used for this purpose. Let me refer to two specific examples that have local relevance which will place my argument in context. Historian and political scientist Benedict Anderson argued in his influential 1983 book, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism that notions of nationalism led to the creation of nations or, as he calls them, ‘imagined communities.’ For him, unlike many others, European nation states emerged in response to the rise of ‘nationalism’ in the overseas European settlements, especially in the Western Hemisphere. But it was still a form of thinking that had Europe at its center.

Comparatively, we can consider Stephen Kemper’s 1991 book, The Presence of the Past: Chronicles, Politics, and Culture in Sinhala Life where the American anthropologist explored the ways in which Sinhala ‘national’ identity evolved over time along with a continual historical consciousness because of the existence of texts such as Mahawamsa. In other words, the Sinhala past manifests with social practices that have continued from the ancient past among which are chronicle-keeping, maintaining sacred places, and venerating heroes.

In this context, his argument is that Sinhala nationalism predates the rise of nationalist movements in Europe by over a thousand years, thereby challenging the hegemonic arguments such as those of Anderson, Ernest Gellner, Elie Kedourie and others who link nationalism as a modern phenomenon impacted by Europe in some way or another. Kemper was able to come to his interpretation by closely reading Lankan texts such as Mahawamsa and other Pali chronicles and more critically, theorizing what is in these texts. Such interpretable material is what has been presented by Prof. Tissa Kumara and others, sans the sing.

Similarly, local texts in Sinhala such as kadaim poth’ and vitti poth, which are basically narratives of local boundaries and descriptions of specific events written in the Dambadeniya and Kandyan periods are replete with crucial information. This includes local village and district boundaries, the different ethno-cultural groups that lived in and came to settle in specific places in these kingdoms, migratory events, wars and so on. These texts as well as European diplomatic dispatches and political reports from these times, particularly during the Kandyan period, refer to the cosmopolitanism in the Kandyan kingdom particularly its court, the military, town planning and more importantly the religious tolerance which even surprised the European observers and latter-day colonial rulers. Again, much of this comes from local sources or much less focused upon European dispatches of the time.

Scholars like Prof. Tissa Kumara have collected this kind of information as well as material from much older times and sources. What would the conceptual categories, such as ethnicity, nationalism, cosmopolitanism be like if they are reinterpreted or cast anew through these histories, rather than merely following their European and North American intellectual and historical slants which is the case at present? Among the questions we can ask are, whether these local idiosyncrasies resulted from Buddhism or local cultural practices we may not know much about at present but may exist in inscriptions, in ola leaf manuscripts or in other materials collected and presented by scholars such as Prof. Tissa Kumara.

For me, familiarizing ourselves with this under- and unused archive and employing them for theory-building as well as for fine-tuning what already exists is the main intellectual role we can play in taking our cultural knowledge to the world in a way that might make sense beyond the linguistic and socio-political borders of our country. Whether our universities and scholars are ready to attempt this without falling into the trap of crude nativisms, be satisfied with what has already been collected, but is untheorized or if they would rather lackadaisically remain shackled to ‘western’ epistemologies in the sense articulated by decolonial theorists remains to be seen.

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Extinction in isolation: Sri Lanka’s lizards at the climate crossroads

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Climate change is no longer a distant or abstract threat to Sri Lanka’s biodiversity. It is already driving local extinctions — particularly among lizards trapped in geographically isolated habitats, where even small increases in temperature can mean the difference between survival and disappearance.

Cnemaspis rajakarunai (Adult Male), Salgala, Kegalle District (In a communal egg laying site)

According to research by Buddhi Dayananda, Thilina Surasinghe and Suranjan Karunarathna, Sri Lanka’s narrowly distributed lizards are among the most vulnerable vertebrates in the country, with climate stress intensifying the impacts of habitat loss, fragmentation and naturally small population sizes.

Isolation Turns Warming into an Extinction Trap

Sri Lanka’s rugged topography and long geological isolation have produced extraordinary levels of reptile endemism. Many lizard species are confined to single mountains, forest patches or rock outcrops, existing nowhere else on Earth. While this isolation has driven evolution, it has also created conditions where climate change can rapidly trigger extinction.

“Lizards are especially sensitive to environmental temperature because their metabolism, activity patterns and reproduction depend directly on external conditions,” explains Suranjan Karunarathna, a leading herpetologist and co-author of the study. “When climatic thresholds are exceeded, geographically isolated species cannot shift their ranges. They are effectively trapped.”

The study highlights global projections indicating that nearly 40 percent of local lizard populations could disappear in coming decades, while up to one-fifth of all lizard species worldwide may face extinction by 2080 if current warming trends persist.

Heat Stress, Energy Loss and Reproductive Failure

Rising temperatures force lizards to spend more time in shelters to avoid lethal heat, reducing their foraging time and energy intake. Over time, this leads to chronic energy deficits that undermine growth and reproduction.

“When lizards forage less, they have less energy for breeding,” Karunarathna says. “This doesn’t always cause immediate mortality, but it slowly erodes populations.”

Repeated exposure to sub-lethal warming has been shown to increase embryonic mortality, reduce hatchling size, slow post-hatch growth and compromise body condition. In species with temperature-dependent sex determination, warming can skew sex ratios, threatening long-term population viability.

“These impacts often remain invisible until populations suddenly collapse,” Karunarathna warns.

Tropical Species with No Thermal Buffer

The research highlights that tropical lizards such as those in Sri Lanka are particularly vulnerable because they already live close to their physiological thermal limits. Unlike temperate species, they experience little seasonal temperature variation and therefore possess limited behavioural or evolutionary flexibility to cope with rapid warming.

“Even modest temperature increases can have severe consequences in tropical systems,” Karunarathna explains. “There is very little room for error.”

Climate change also alters habitat structure. Canopy thinning, tree mortality and changes in vegetation density increase ground-level temperatures and reduce the availability of shaded refuges, further exposing lizards to heat stress.

Narrow Ranges, Small Populations

Many Sri Lankan lizards exist as small, isolated populations restricted to narrow altitudinal bands or specific microhabitats. Once these habitats are degraded — through land-use change, quarrying, infrastructure development or climate-driven vegetation loss — entire global populations can vanish.

“Species confined to isolated hills and rock outcrops are especially at risk,” Karunarathna says. “Surrounding human-modified landscapes prevent movement to cooler or more suitable areas.”

Even protected areas offer no guarantee of survival if species occupy only small pockets within reserves. Localised disturbances or microclimatic changes can still result in extinction.

Climate Change Amplifies Human Pressures

The study emphasises that climate change will intensify existing human-driven threats, including habitat fragmentation, land-use change and environmental degradation. Together, these pressures create extinction cascades that disproportionately affect narrowly distributed species.

“Climate change acts as a force multiplier,” Karunarathna explains. “It worsens the impacts of every other threat lizards already face.”

Without targeted conservation action, many species may disappear before they are formally assessed or fully understood.

Science Must Shape Conservation Policy

Researchers stress the urgent need for conservation strategies that recognise micro-endemism and climate vulnerability. They call for stronger environmental impact assessments, climate-informed land-use planning and long-term monitoring of isolated populations.

“We cannot rely on broad conservation measures alone,” Karunarathna says. “Species that exist in a single location require site-specific protection.”

The researchers also highlight the importance of continued taxonomic and ecological research, warning that extinction may outpace scientific discovery.

A Vanishing Evolutionary Legacy

Sri Lanka’s lizards are not merely small reptiles hidden from view; they represent millions of years of unique evolutionary history. Their loss would be irreversible.

“Once these species disappear, they are gone forever,” Karunarathna says. “Climate change is moving faster than our conservation response, and isolation means there are no second chances.”

By Ifham Nizam ✍️

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Online work compatibility of education tablets

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Enabling Education-to-Income Pathways through Dual-Use Devices

The deployment of tablets and Chromebook-based devices for emergency education following Cyclone Ditwah presents an opportunity that extends beyond short-term academic continuity. International experience demonstrates that the same category of devices—when properly governed and configured—can support safe, ethical, and productive online work, particularly for youth and displaced populations. This annex outlines the types of online jobs compatible with such devices, their technical limitations, and their strategic national value within Sri Lanka’s recovery and human capital development agenda.

Compatible Categories of Online Work

At the foundational level, entry-level digital jobs are widely accessible through Android tablets and Chromebook devices. These roles typically require basic digital literacy, language comprehension, and sustained attention rather than advanced computing power. Common examples include data tagging and data validation tasks, AI training activities such as text, image, or voice labelling, online surveys and structured research tasks, digital form filling, and basic transcription work. These activities are routinely hosted on Google task-based platforms, global AI crowdsourcing systems, and micro-task portals operated by international NGOs and UN agencies. Such models have been extensively utilised in countries including India, the Philippines, Kenya, and Nepal, particularly in post-disaster and low-income contexts.

At an intermediate level, freelance and gig-based work becomes viable, especially when Chromebook tablets such as the Lenovo Chromebook Duet or Acer Chromebook Tab are used with detachable keyboards. These devices are well suited for content writing and editing, Sinhala–Tamil–English translation work, social media management, Canva-based design assignments, and virtual assistant roles. Chromebooks excel in this domain because they provide full browser functionality, seamless integration with Google Docs and Sheets (including offline drafting and later (synchronization), reliable file upload capabilities, and stable video conferencing through platforms such as Google Meet or Zoom. Freelancers across Southeast Asia and Africa already rely heavily on Chromebook-class devices for such work, demonstrating their suitability in bandwidth- and power-constrained environments.

A third category involves remote employment and structured part-time work, which is also feasible on Chromebook tablets when paired with a keyboard and headset. These roles include online tutoring support, customer service through chat or email, research assistance, and entry-level digital bookkeeping. While such work requires a more consistent internet connection—often achievable through mobile hotspots—it does not demand high-end hardware. The combination of portability, long battery life, and browser-based platforms makes these devices adequate for such employment models.

Functional Capabilities and Limitations

It is important to clearly distinguish what these devices can and cannot reasonably support. Tablets and Chromebooks are highly effective for web-based jobs, Google Workspace-driven tasks, cloud platforms, online interviews conducted via Zoom or Google Meet, and the use of digital wallets and electronic payment systems. However, they are not designed for heavy video editing, advanced software development environments, or professional engineering and design tools such as AutoCAD. This limitation does not materially reduce their relevance, as global labour market data indicate that approximately 70–75 per cent of online work worldwide is browser-based and fully compatible with tablet-class devices.

Device Suitability for Dual Use

Among commonly deployed devices, the Chromebook Duet and Acer Chromebook Tab offer the strongest balance between learning and online work, making them the most effective all-round options. Android tablets such as the Samsung Galaxy Tab A8 or A9 and the Nokia T20 also perform reliably when supplemented with keyboards, with the latter offering particularly strong battery endurance. Budget-oriented devices such as the Xiaomi Redmi Pad remain suitable for learning and basic work tasks, though with some limitations in sustained productivity. Across all device types, battery efficiency remains a decisive advantage.

Power and Energy Considerations

In disaster-affected and power-scarce environments, tablets outperform conventional laptops. A battery life of 10–12 hours effectively supports a full day of online work or study. Offline drafting of documents with later synchronisation further reduces dependence on continuous connectivity. The use of solar chargers and power banks can extend operational capacity significantly, making these devices particularly suitable for temporary shelters and community learning hubs.

Payment and Income Feasibility in the Sri Lankan Context

From a financial inclusion perspective, these devices are fully compatible with commonly used payment systems. Platforms such as PayPal (within existing national constraints), Payoneer, Wise, LankaQR, local banking applications, and NGO stipend mechanisms are all accessible through Android and ChromeOS environments. Notably, many Sri Lankan freelancers already conduct income-generating activities entirely via mobile devices, confirming the practical feasibility of tablet-based earning.

Strategic National Value

The dual use of tablets for both education and income generation carries significant strategic value for Sri Lanka. It helps prevent long-term dependency by enabling families to rebuild livelihoods, creates structured earning pathways for youth, and transforms disaster relief interventions into resilience-building investments. This approach supports a human resource management–driven recovery model rather than a welfare-dependent one. It aligns directly with the outcomes sought by the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Labour and HRM reform initiatives, and broader national productivity and competitiveness goals.

Policy Positioning under the Vivonta / PPA Framework

Within the Vivonta/Proprietary Planters Alliance national response framework, it is recommended that these devices be formally positioned as “Learning + Livelihood Tablets.” This designation reflects their dual public value and supports a structured governance approach. Devices should be configured with dual profiles—Student and Worker—supplemented by basic digital job readiness modules, clear ethical guidance on online work, and safeguards against exploitation, particularly for vulnerable populations.

Performance Indicators

From a monitoring perspective, the expected reach of such an intervention is high, encompassing students, youth, and displaced adults. The anticipated impact is very high, as it directly enables the transition from education to income generation. Confidence in the approach is high due to extensive global precedent, while the required effort remains moderate, centering primarily on training, coordination, and platform curation rather than capital-intensive investment.

We respectfully invite the Open University of Sri Lanka, Derana, Sirasa, Rupavahini, DP Education, and Janith Wickramasinghe, National Online Job Coach, to join hands under a single national banner—
“Lighting the Dreams of Sri Lanka’s Emerging Leaders.”

by Lalin I De Silva, FIPM (SL) ✍️

 

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