Features
Let’s play party-games with Marx
by Kumar David
Everybody is fed up with news of impending catastrophe; covid that will not go away even in 2022, climate change that threatens to engulf both nature and Homo sapiens by mid-century, broken supply chains, inexorable price inflation and coups by military gorillas on the left and the right. In Lanka endless bickering, racial hatred and after three failed constitutions the pending fourth will be the nastiest on many counts. So my dear countrymen of all nationalities and faiths gird up your loins the worst is still to come. Our regime, licking its putrefying financial sores and the international lacerations it has suffered, is in no position to do anything for the people. So what the hell, let’s relax and take time off from this dismal reality to have fun. Let’s work through some of things Marx said or didn’t say to see what the old codger really meant. This is a lightweight piece, if you are the ponderous polysyllabic intellectual type, turn the page.
Religion
Most controversial and interesting is religion; Marx is much misunderstood. You do not need to be an atheist to be a Marxist; the old boy was not concerned with the spiritual messages of Gautama, Jesus or the Prophet, nor did he scrutinise the economic system in heaven. The famous “Religion is the opium of the people”, as the extracts below shows, says that religion is a tranquiliser which sedates man to accept this oppressive world instead of rising up against it, by promising carnal joys in paradise or exalted awareness after enlightenment.
Here are extracts from the famous text to emphasise this point – strung together with deletions in between.
“Religion is the general theory of this world, its encyclopaedic compendium, its logic in popular form, its spiritual point d’honneur, its enthusiasm, its moral sanction, its solemn complement, and its universal basis of consolation and justification. The struggle against religion is, therefore, indirectly the struggle against a world whose spiritual aroma is religion. Religious suffering is, at one and the same time, the expression of real suffering and a protest against real suffering. Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world, the soul of soulless conditions. It is the opium of the people.”
“The abolition of religion as illusory happiness is the demand for their real happiness. To call on people to give up illusions about this condition is a call to end a condition that requires illusions. The criticism of religion is in embryo criticism of the vale of tears of which religion is the halo.”
Base and Superstructure
In early Marx (before the Communist Manifesto) there are references to the material groundings of society (geography, resources and the production-economic systems) as the Base, and to culture, institutions and the state as the Superstructure. It was granted that influences could flow in both directions but in this structural metaphor the Base was presented as dominant. How these bidirectional influences flow cannot be theorised in the abstract but only by concrete and specific analysis. E.g. Eric Hobswam’s Age of Revolution: Europe 1789–1848 and Industry and Empire: From 1750 to the Present Day, or Kumari Jayawardena’s History of the Labour Movement in Ceylon and in many other studies. There you will find concrete explorations of how ‘Base’ and ‘Superstructure’ influence one another.
The Base-Superstructure imagery is oversimplified except in political polemics and Marx never returned to it in his major historical pamphlets of later life. A great weakness of this imagery today is uncertainty about where ethnicity, which by the late Twentieth Century has come to centre stage in many places, stands.
Materialism
Central to Marx’s philosophy are (a) Historical Materialism and (b) like all great post-Enlightenment scientists (Faraday, Darwin, JJ Thompson, Einstein, modern geneticists) Epistemological Materialism. A para on each.
Historical Materialism views the great movements of human history as impelled more by material interests than idealist beliefs. For example colonialism and imperialism transformed the world for raw materials, gold and silver, the slave trade and the export of capital for plantations, railways and mines. The Bible, bringing the heathen to god and spreading European civilisation among the savages followed in the wake of these material benefits. Another example is that big pharmaceutical companies do indeed invent and produce lifesaving drugs, but their raison d’etre is returns to shareholder capital. Unlike a mother’s ideal selfless love for her child, material interests, not idealism, drives class society and history. This I believe is now universally accepted. Historical materialism has come out with a score of 90 out of 100. The ten percent in doubt is because of the enigma of the spread of Islam. One cannot explain it like colonialism, imperialism, the settling of the Americas, South Africa and Australia-NZ, by pointing to material interests as the primary driver. When Islam surged out of Arabia and transformed the Middle East and large chunks of Central Asia the motive seems to have been entirely faith. I don’t know enough, so I keep 10% in reserve.
Epistemological materialism is pretty much the same as science; the solo nigger in the woodpile is an aspect of quantum physics but no more on that. Modern science, broadly speaking, contends that the material world really exists out there independently of our minds and our job is to examine it, experiment with it and find out how it works. The causality of material events is not a thing of our will (Newtonian gravitation, General Relativity, chromosomes, black-holes and mathematics are true or not for all, not just Christians or males). Epistemological materialists though firmly of this view of course grant we don’t
know everything now. But as science moves we will find more and turn up ever more questions – otherwise science and the pursuit of knowledge will halt. The domain of epistemological materialism does not intrude into spiritual territory; that is faith, enlightenment, heaven and hell (except man-made hell on earth). It is not concerned with the questions like “Does God exist?” or “Should you be a believer?” The philosophical domains of science and religion are separate. Richard Dawkins was silly to transgress the line though his critique of intelligent design is justified because the religious lot first transgressed the boundary and intervened in scientific evolution theory.
The Transformation Problem
This is a bit technical but I bet I can make it intelligible to most of you. If you held out this far please don’t switch off now. This is a difficulty in Marxist economics but first contrast modern quantitative economics with Marx. The former is philosophically arid. It’s about things like ‘if China raises tariffs how much will EU’s exports rise or fall’ or ‘if India changes FDC rules this way or that what will be the impact on local industry, exports or farmers”. Mechanics, calculations, that’s all; fine, leave it to PhD students and sham algorithmic Nobel Prize winners, some later convicted as crooks. A PhD now is a reward for moderate intelligence and moderate effort, it’s a training ground in research-methodology, no longer much to do with an original contribution.
The transformation problem belongs to different category from quantitative economics. It is located in the triangulated border between political practice, philosophy and economics. Kapital I is 100% grounded in the labour theory of value whose premise is that only human activity (labour) creates value. Hence the value of a commodity is inputs (raw materials and machinery) plus the average socially necessary labour newly added in its production. Of this added-value a part is used to pay wages (the average socially necessary subsistence and reproduction costs of the worker). The portion left after this Marx called surplus value. The more familiar word in economics is profit, including interest, tax and rent. This surplus appropriated by the capitalist may be ploughed back into reproduction (another production cycle) or used to expand the economy in new directions. This is how capitalism works, morality apart.
Marx recognised that value (the socio-philosophical concept) and price (market price at which commodities trade) are not the same. There is dislocation between value and price and between surplus value and profit. For example a commodity made in a plant employing lots of labour should generate lots of surplus value, but commodities produced in high-tech plants with little labour apparently generate only a small surplus. The former should then be generating high profits, the latter only a small profit! Not only is this counter-intuitive but also screws up reality. Volume III of Kapital, inter alia, is Marx’s struggle to resolve this contradiction.
He recognises that capitalism is a social system hence a plant by plant analysis is bollocks, it can only help introduce concepts. Taking society overall the rate of profit will be uniform (capital will migrate if there is a difference in profitability). But the total surplus-value of the whole production system equals the total profits of the whole economy. Then whether some activities (mines, healthcare) intrinsically needed more labour and others (robot-controlled industry) intrinsically needed less does not matter, the natural rate of profit across the economy will be the same. An average plant in each category would yield the same as the economy wide average rate of profit. So Marx first conceded that value and price need not be the same, second he postulated that the total surplus value created in production equals the total profit in the whole economy, and third he saw a tendency for the rate of profit across the economy to equalise. Nevertheless contradictions, too complex to explain here, remained. In my view this effort was pointless since the labour theory of value and market economics belong to separate though parallel philosophical domains. To attempt to map them point-by-point is as absurd as attempting to map personal psychology point-by-point to aggregated social behaviour.
Marx was a guy-and-a-half; he thundered like the prophets from Isiah to Mohamed; his damnations and exaggerations would make a second-hand car salesman blush. But my god, how many thinkers in the last two centuries produced ideas of comparable depth? Yes, Darwin – of Einstein and Freud I am not so sure. And none revealed such kaleidoscopic range – philosophy/dialectics, history, economics and revolutionary politics.
Features
Peace march and promise of reconciliation
The ongoing peace march by a group of international Buddhist monks has captured the sentiment of Sri Lankans in a manner that few public events have done in recent times. It is led by the Vietnamese monk Venerable Thich Pannakara who is associated with a mindfulness movement that has roots in Vietnamese Buddhist practice and actively promoted among diaspora communities in the United States. The peace march by the monks, accompanied by their mascot, the dog Aloka, has generated affection and goodwill within the Buddhist and larger community. It follows earlier peace walks in the United States where monks carried a similar message of mindfulness and compassion across communities but without any government or even media patronage as in Sri Lanka.
This initiative has the potential to unfold into an effort to nurture a culture of peace in Sri Lanka. Such a culture is necessary if the country as the country prepares to move beyond its history of conflict towards a more longlasting reconciliation and a political solution to its ethnic and religious divisions. The government’s support for the peace march can be seen as part of a broader attempt to shape such a culture. The Clean Sri Lanka programme, promoted by the government as a civic responsibility campaign focused on environmental cleanliness, ethical conduct and social discipline, provides a useful framework within which such initiatives can be situated. Its emphasis on collective responsibility and shared public space makes it sit well with the values that peacebuilding requires.
government’s previous plan to promote a culture of peace was on the occasion of “Sri Lanka Day” celebrations which were scheduled to take place on December 12-14 last year but was disrupted by Cyclone Ditwah. The Sri Lanka Day celebrations were to include those talented individuals from each and every community at the district level who had excelled in some field or the other, such as science, business or arts and culture and selected by the District Secretariats in each of the 25 districts. They were to gather in Colombo to engage in cultural performances and community-focused exhibitions. The government’s intention was to build up a discourse around the ideas of unity in diversity as a precursor to addressing the more contentious topics of human rights violations during the war period, and issues of accountability and reparations for wrongs suffered during that dark period.
Positive Response
The invitation to the international monks appears to have emerged from within Buddhist religious networks in Sri Lanka that have long maintained links with the larger international Buddhist community. The strong support extended by leading temples and clergy within the country, including the Buddhists Mahanayakes indicates that this was not an isolated effort but one that resonated with the mainstream Buddhist establishment. Indeed, the involvement of senior Buddhist leaders has been particularly noteworthy. A Joint Declaration for Peace in the world, drawing on Sri Lanka’s own experience, and by the Mahanayakes of all Buddhist Chapters took place in the context of the ongoing peace march at the Gangaramaya Temple in Colombo, with participation from the diplomatic community. The declaration, calling for compassion, dialogue and sustainable peace, reflects an effort by religious leadership to assert a moral voice in favour of coexistence.
The popular response to the peace march has also been striking. Large numbers of people have been gathering along the route, offering flowers, water and support to the monks. Schoolchildren have been lining the roads, and communities from different religious backgrounds extend hospitality. On the way, the monks were hosted by both a Hindu temple and a mosque, where food and refreshments were provided. These acts, though simple, carry a message about the possibility of harmony among Sri Lanka’s diverse communities. It helps to counter the perception that the Buddhist community in Sri Lanka is inherently nationalist and resistant to minority concerns that was shaped during the decades of war and reinforced by political mobilisation that too often exploited ethnic identity.
By way of contrast, the peace march offers a different image. It shows a readiness among ordinary people to embrace values of compassion and coexistence that are deeply embedded in Buddhist teaching. The Metta Sutta, one of the most well-known discourses in Buddhism, calls for boundless goodwill towards all beings. It states that one should cultivate a mind that is “boundless towards all beings, free from hatred and ill will.” This emphasis on universal compassion provides a moral foundation for peace that extends beyond national or ethnic boundaries. The monks themselves emphasised this point repeatedly during the walk. Venerable Thich Pannakara reminded those who gathered that while acts of generosity are commendable, mindfulness in everyday life is even more important. He warned that as people become unmindful, they are more prone to react with anger and hatred, thereby contributing to conflict.
More Initiatives
The presence of political leaders at key moments of the march has emphasised the significance that the government attaches to the event. Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya paid her respects to the peace march monks in Kandy, while President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is expected to do so at the conclusion of the march in Colombo. Such gestures signal an alignment between political authority and moral aspiration, even if the translation of that aspiration into policy remains a work in progress. At the same time, the peace march has not been without its shortcomings. The walk did not engage with the Northern and Eastern parts of the country, regions that were most affected by the war and where the need for reconciliation is most acute. A more inclusive geographic reach would have strengthened the symbolic impact of the initiative.
In addition, the positive impact of the peace march could have been increased if more effort had been taken to coordinate better with other civic and religious groups and include them in the event. Many civil society and religious harmony groups who would have liked to participate in the peace march found themselves unable to do so. There was no place in the programme for them to join. Even government institutions tasked with promoting social cohesion and reconciliation found themselves outside the loop. The Clean Sri Lanka Task Force that organised the peace march may have felt that involving other groups would have made it more complicated to organise the events which have proceeded without problems.
The hope is that the positive energy and goodwill generated by this peace march will not dissipate but will instead inspire further initiatives with the requisite coordination and leadership. The march has generated public discussion, drawn attention to the values of mindfulness and compassion, and created a space in which people can imagine a different future. It has been a special initiative among the many that are needed to build a culture of peace. A culture of peace cannot be imposed from above nor can it emerge overnight. It needs to be nurtured through multiple efforts across society, including education, religious engagement, civic initiatives and political reform. It is within such a culture that the more difficult questions of power sharing, justice and reconciliation can be addressed in a constructive manner.
by Jehan Perera
Features
Regional Universities
The countryside and peripheral regions have been neglected in the national imagination for many decades. This has also been the case with regional universities which were seen as mere appendages to the university system, and sometimes created to appease political constituencies in the regions. The exclusion of the rural world and the institutions in those regions was not accidental nor inevitable, but the consequence of conscious policies promoted under an extractive and exploitative global order. Neoliberalism globalisation, initiated in the late 1970s with far-reaching policies of free trade and free flow of capital, or the “open economy,” as we call it in Sri Lanka, is now dying. The United States and the Western countries that promoted neoliberalism, as a class project of finance capital to address the falling profits during the long economic downturn in the 1970s, are themselves reversing their policies and are at loggerheads with each other. However, those economic processes will continue to have national consequences into the future.
At the heart of such policies is the neoliberal city, which has become the centre of the economy with expanding financial businesses and a real estate boom. Such financialised cities also had their impact on universities, in lower income countries, where commercialised education with high fees, rising student debt, research for businesses and transnational educational linkages with branch campuses of Western universities, have become a reality.
In the case of Sri Lanka, while neoliberal policies began with the IMF and World Bank Structural Adjustment Programmes, in the late 1970s, the long civil war forestalled the accelerated growth of the neoliberal city. I have argued, over the last decade and a half, that it is with the end of the civil war, in 2009, coinciding with the global financial crisis, that a second wave of neoliberalism in Sri Lanka led to global finance capital being absorbed in infrastructure and real estate in Colombo. The transformation of Colombo into a neoliberal city was overseen by Gotabaya Rajapaksa as Defence Secretary with even the Urban Development Authority brought under the security establishment. While Colombo was drastically changing with a skyline of new buildings and shiny luxury vehicles drawing on massive external debt, there were also moves to promote private higher education institutions. The Board of Investment (BOI) registered many hundred so-called higher education institutions; these were not regulated and many mushroomed like supermarkets and disappeared in no time when they incurred losses.
In contrast to these so-called private higher education institutions that proliferated in and around Colombo, Sri Lanka, drawing on its free education system, has, over the last many decades, also created a number of state universities in peripheral regions. However, these regional universities lack adequate funding and a clear vision and purpose. The current conjuncture with the neoliberal global order unravelling, and the immediate global crisis in energy and transport are grim reminders of the importance of local economies and self-sufficiency. In this column I consider the role of our regional universities and their relationship to the communities within which they are embedded.
Regional context
The necessity and the advantage of robust public services is their reach into peripheral regions and marginalised communities. This is true of public transport, as it is with public hospitals. Private buses will always avoid isolated rural routes as their margins only increase on the busy routes between cities and towns. And private hospitals and clinics flock to the cities to extract from desperate patients, including by unscrupulous doctors who divert patients in public hospitals to be served in the private health facilities they moonlight. Similarly, it is affluent cities and towns that are the attraction for private educational institutions.
Public institutions, including universities, can only ensure their public role if they are adequately funded. Over the last decade and a half, with falling allocations for education, our state universities have been pushed into initiating fee levying courses, both at the post-graduate level and also for undergraduate international students. These programmes are seen as avenues to decrease the dependence of universities on budgetary support. However, the reality is that it is only universities in Colombo that can draw in students capable of paying such high fees. Furthermore, such fee levying courses end up pushing academics into overwork including by offering additional income.
Therefore, allocations for underfunded regional universities need to be steadily increased. Housing facilities and other services for academics working in rural districts would ensure their continued presence and greater engagement with the local communities. Increased time away from teaching and research funding earmarked for community engagement will provide clear direction for academics. Indeed, such funding with a clear vision and role for regional universities can provide considerable social returns. In a time when repeated crises are affecting our society, agricultural production to bolster our food system as well as rural income streams and employment are major issues. Here, regional universities have an important role today in developing social and economic alternatives.
Reimagining development
In recent months, there have been interesting initiatives in the Northern Province, where the Universities of Jaffna and Vavuniya have been engaging state institutions on issues of development. In an initiative to bring different actors together, high level meetings have been convened between the staff of the Agriculture Faculty and officials of the Provincial Agriculture Ministry to figure out solutions for long pending agricultural problems. Similar meetings have also been organised between provincial authorities and the Faculties of Technology and Engineering in Kilinochchi. These initiatives have led to academics engaging communities and co-operatives on their development needs, particularly in formulating new development initiatives and activating idle projects and assets in the region. Such engagement provides opportunities for academics to share their knowledge and skills while learn from communities about challenges that lead to new problems for research.
One of the most rewarding engagements I have been part of is an internship programme for the Technology Faculty of the University of Jaffna, where four batches of final year students, from food technology, green farming and automobile specialities, have been placed for six months within the co-operative movement through the Northern Co-operative Development Bank. This initiative has created a strong relationship between the Technology Faculty and the co-operative movement, with a number of former students now working fulltime in co-operative ventures. They are at the centre of developing solutions for rural co-operatives, including activating idle factories and ensuring quality and standards for their products.
I refer to these concrete initiatives because universities’ role in research and development in Sri Lanka, as in most other countries, are often narrowly conceived to be engagement with private businesses. However, for rural regions, the challenge, even with technological development, is the generation of appropriate technologies that can serve communities.
In Sri Lanka, we have for long emulated the major Western universities and in the process lost sight of the needs of our own youth and communities. Rethinking the development of our universities may have to begin with an understanding of the real challenges and context of our people. Our universities and their academics, if provided with a progressive vision and adequate resources and time to engage their communities, have the potential to address the many economic and social challenges that the next decade of global turmoil is bound to create.
Ahilan Kadirgamar is a political economist and Senior Lecturer, University of Jaffna.
(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies)
by Ahilan Kadirgamar
Features
‘Disco Lady’ hitmaker now doing it for Climate Change
The name Alston Koch is generally associated with the hit song ‘Disco Lady.’ Yes, he has had several other top-notch songs to his credit but how many music lovers are aware that Alston is one of the few Asian-born entertainers using music for climate advocacy, since 2008.
He is back in the ‘climate change’ scene, with SUNx Malta, to celebrate Earth Day 2026, with the release of ‘A Symphony for Change’ – a vibrant Dodo4Kids video by Alston.
The inspiring musical video highlights ocean conservation and empowers children as future climate champions, honouring Maurice Strong’s legacy through education, creativity, and global collaboration for a sustainable planet.
The four-minute animated musical, composed and performed by platinum award-winning artiste Alston Koch, brings to life a resurrected Dodo, guiding children on a mission to clean up marine environments.
With a catchy melody and an uplifting message, the video blends entertainment with education—making climate awareness accessible and engaging for the next generation.
SUNx Malta is a Climate Friendly Travel system, focused on transforming the global tourism sector that is low-carbon, SDG-linked, and nature-positive.
Professor Geoffrey Lipman, President of SUNx Malta, described the project as a joyful collaboration with purpose:
“It’s always a pleasure to produce music with Alston for the good of our planet. And this time, to incorporate our Dodo4Kids in the video urging the next generation of young climate champions to help save our seas.”
For Alston, now based in Australia, the collaboration continues a long-standing journey of climate-focused creativity:
Says Alston: “I have been working on climate songs since the first release, in 2009, of the video ‘Act Now.’ Since then, I’ve performed at major global events—from Bali to Glasgow. I wrote this song because the climate horizon is darkening, and our kids and grandkids are our best hope for a brighter future.”
Alston’s very first climate song is ‘Can We Take This Climate Change,’ released in 2008.
It was written by Alston for the World Trade Organisation presentation, in London, and presented at ‘Live the Deal Climate Change’ conference in Copenhagen.
The Sri Lankan-born singer was goodwill ambassador for the campaign, and the then UK Minister Barbara Follett called it a “gift in song to the world suffering due to climate change.”
Alston said he wrote it after noticing butterflies, birds, and fruit trees disappearing from his childhood days.
In 2017, his creation ‘Make a Change’ was released in connection with World Tourism Day 2017.
Alston Koch’s work on climate advocacy is pretty inspiring, especially as climate change is now creating horrifying problems worldwide, and in Sri Lanka, too.
Alston also indicated to us that he has plans to visit Sri Lanka, sometime this year, and, maybe, even plan out a date for an Alston Koch special … a concert, no doubt.
Can’t wait for it!
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