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Legal system, particularly police and lawyers exploit SL sex workers: Study

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One of the main injustices meted out to commercial sex workers is that they are forced to take police officers as either non-paying clients or discount hunters, says a recent study.

The First ever national study, “Status of Sex Workers in Sri Lanka 2022 – 2023”, launched at the Ecumenical Institute for Study and Dialog in Colombo last week says that every single sex worker who participated in the study had spoken of violence perpetrated upon them by the police.

“They spoke of arbitrary detention; sexual violence on the street and in police stations often by multiple officers of the law; an established system of sexual bribery; being forced to take police officers as clients for no money or less than the normal amounts; and trans sex workers being thrown in male holding cells thus making them vulnerable to further sexual violence. One trans sex worker spoke of a group of policemen who stopped her on the road, forced her to undress and bathe in drain water on the side of the road. She spoke of the sheer horror and humiliation of this especially as passers-by watched her.

“Generally all workers cis-gendered and trans, acknowledge that they try to avoid the police at all costs as they see them as the group of people who pose the biggest threat to their physical safety. The best case scenario is where workers state that they do not get any trouble from police as they have ‘come to an understanding’ with them – which means that they trade sex, in return for the police ensuring not harassing them or perpetrating violence upon them. These arrangements are barely even recognised as abusive by workers, understandably so given how normalised such abuse of power is. While police are also an important client base for workers they are the 45 most unsafe as they enjoy the most impunity in all aspects, including if they pay for the services or not. Workers are caught in a bind where they feel they can ensure their safety if police are among their clientele while fully knowing that there is no professional safety in having them as clients.

Workers are well aware of the systemic nature of the violence meted out to them as being connected to them being discriminated against on the basis of their profession. Given this awareness, the same 1/3rd of the sample answered that they changed their place of work, sought help from other sex workers or from community based organisations/NGOs. An equal number also said they did not respond in any way. Of the 92 respondents to this question, two persons said that they approached the police to file a complaint. As will become clear in the section on violence, the plight meted out to the workers by multiple actors including clients, hotel owners, family members etc. is rather severe. However, they do not have any trust in law enforcement that they will even recognise them as victims of violence, leave alone fulfilling their duties of undertaking enquiries to ensure that justice is done. When asked why they did not file a complaint with the police, even fewer wanted to answer the question out of fear even though this was a peer run, completely anonymous survey. That alone is an indication of the deep fears in the community with regards to the police. Half of the 55 respondents who answered the question stated that they feared that their profession will be exposed to the police and then by extension to society at large. A substantial number said that previous experiences had taught them that they will not receive assistance from the police and an equal number said they feared a backlash from the police. A small number worried about losing clients and thus their livelihood; did not have NIC which is required to file a complaint or thought the process was too cumbersome for them to pursue in their already otherwise stressful life circumstances.

Most workers we spoke with, close to 40%, said that they think sex work is neither illegal nor legal in Sri Lanka i. e., it has an unclear and in between status. 35% believed that sex work is not illegal in Sri Lanka while 20% believed that it is. This shows clearly that workers are aware of the ambiguous treatment of the act of providing sexual services for money within Sri Lankan law. While other acts such as soliciting and brothel keeping are more clearly criminalised, this specific act is not explicitly criminalised. Further, soliciting, even though criminalised, is often extremely difficult to prove which has led to a host of extra-legal practices in lower courts in Sri Lanka that victimise sex workers. 56% of the workers we interviewed had not been arrested due to sex work while a very close 44% were. Thus, it is amply clear that in spite of the vagueness of the law almost half of the workers in our sample were targeted and arrested. It is important to note here that when taken along with our data that workers experience sustained harassment and violence of different kinds from law enforcement personnel, lack of arrest does not mean lack of harassment or violence. In a sense, the situation is only made direr by the fact that the violence and harassment is being perpetrated outside of the rule of law, thus making it unrecorded, unnoticed and thus enabling it to exist with full impunity. The remainder of this section on the impact of the law on sex workers will focus on those workers who have faced concerns mediated by formal entanglements with the law i.e. 44% of our respondents. The other issues caused by law enforcement officials, beyond formal legal processes, will be covered in other parts of the report such as the sections on violence and workplace safety. As a socio-economically and culturally marginalized community, sex workers should be entitled to legal services that are free or are at a nominal cost. The inadequacy of such services in general in Sri Lanka, combined with the prevailing social stigma with regards to sex work has meant that 99% of the workers we spoke with answered no when we asked if they had received free legal services. Many of them, our researchers report, were not aware that free legal services existed for anyone anywhere. They had never come across the concept before. This means that upon arrest all workers pay lawyers in their respective areas who pay no heed to their socio-economic status and charge them, often more than the full fee, due to the social stigma against sex workers. This often pushes workers further into debt cycles that they were already living with. A comparable number of workers who were arrested, 31% and 25% were arrested under the Vagrancy Ordinance2 or are not aware of the nature of the case against them respectively.

As the Vagrancy Ordinance is the most commonly used statute against sex workers, it is reasonable to conclude that the 25% too were arrested under this law. 18% of those arrested were arrested under the Brothels Ordinance, 13% in drug related offences and 5% in Quarantine related laws during COVID. The effect of being arrested under this law isn’t just about what is in the letter of the law, but more about how this law is (mis)used among lawyers and police with the full knowledge of Judges. The common practice is to ask workers to plead guilty and pay a nominal fine. This way the police do not have to bear the burden of proving the often unprovable offences of soliciting and ‘vagrancy’ more generally, which does not have a clear legal definition. As a result, close to 50% of the workers who were arrested, especially under the Vagrancy Ordinance were asked to plead guilty. ALL of them were asked to do so by either the Police or by their lawyer. Of all those who had to face a court case 85% said that they have never not pleaded guilty. This then means that a large number of workers are bearing the burden of having a criminal record to their name not because they have committed any crime or because such alleged crime was proved as per proper legal procedures, but simply because they were told, instructed or threatened by lawyers and police to plead guilty. Of those who have faced legal battles 40% of sex workers who were convicted on various crimes have been in prison for a period ranging from 7 days to 3 years. Among them, the majority have been in prison between 14 days to 6 months. 70% of the workers who reported as having been arrested in this study, said that they were sent for STI tests.

Overall, there exists a climate of assumed criminality with regard to sex work in Sri Lanka although that is not the letter of the law. Law enforcement officials and members of the legal community, including lawyers and judges are actively supporting practices of imposing criminality on sex workers when they are already burdened with eking out a living for themselves and their families. This further reiterates the already made calls to remove the Vagrancy Ordinance from the law books5 as the vagueness of this law has made it a weapon in the hands of the legal community and law enforcement who use it to exploit and unleash legally sanctioned violence upon already severely oppressed sex workers. Other laws such as the Brothels Ordinance is not meant to be used against sex workers and yet it almost always is. Drug related offences are often pinned on sex workers by the police to show exaggerated numbers of drug cases they have ‘caught’ within any given time period.

While there are multiple instances of brutal violence that come up in sex workers’ life stories, it is important to understand the persistence of different forms of violence- not just blatant physical or sexual violence- in their lives. The persistence of violence throughout their lives is the clearest evidence of such violence being systemic. Thus this section will take the life cycle approach and add to that the two foundational forms of systemic violence that lay at the core of all other violence – that which is perpetrated by law enforcement and social stigma. The framework for violence used here is that violence isn’t restricted to individual incidents that sex workers endure, the brutality of which is not to be minimised, but that a condition of violence of different kinds is a default state in the lives of sex workers. The following section is based on some quantitative data but largely relies on workers’ testimonies at the Experts Panel.

The other significant way by which the police enact violence upon sex workers is by constantly letting clients, hotel owners and others in the service go scot free when they exploit and/or perpetrate violence against sex workers. Numerous workers speak of how police let clients, hotel owners and others go during raids while they are arrested and harassed by the police. Further, the police are not even approached when others in the business perpetuate violence against workers as they know the police will not address such violence and protect them. On top of this, police routinely arrest workers on false charges such as those related to drugs. Workers are easy targets for the police to use to fill up their quota of arrests under numerous laws. When workers survive the illegal and extralegal violence from the police and reach the doors of the court, they face more exploitation by lawyers. Most workers who mentioned having dealt with court cases in their testimonies have no clarity on what the process of the case was or in some instances, under which law they were even arrested. They pay money to these lawyers who prolong their cases instead of expediting them. Judges who are aware of these practices turn a blind eye to them thus participating in this exploitation. As a result, the judicial system, which should ideally be a relief for them from the violence and impunity they witness with the police, simply continues such systemic discrimination, exploitation and violence.



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Tusker Kavantissa’s death exposes Sri Lanka’s wildlife conservation crisis

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Kavantissa

by Prof. Ranjith Bandara,
Emeritus Professor, University of Colombo

This article examines why community exclusion, excessive bureaucratic control, unequal distribution of conservation benefits, weak institutional accountability, and short-sighted political leadership continue to undermine wildlife conservation in Sri Lanka.

The death of Tusker Kavantissa is more than the loss of one of Sri Lanka’s most remarkable wild elephants. It exposes uncomfortable questions about how we protect our natural heritage, how conservation decisions are made, and why repeated warnings have failed to produce meaningful reforms. His death should compel us to examine not only what happened to one extraordinary animal, but also the deeper weaknesses in our wildlife conservation system.

Tusker Kavantissa, one of Sri Lanka’s most prominent wild tuskers, died on 16 October, 2026, after receiving veterinary treatment for an injury, reportedly caused by gunfire. Although the wound had shown some improvement, his health subsequently deteriorated. The precise cause of death requires confirmation through a proper post-mortem examination. Nevertheless, the circumstances raise serious questions about preventive protection, wildlife management, and institutional preparedness.

The wider picture is equally disturbing. According to recently reported figures, Sri Lanka has lost an average of approximately 402 elephants and 138 people annually, since 2019, due to human–elephant conflict. These figures reflect a continuing national tragedy affecting both wildlife and rural communities.

What Sri Lanka faces today is not merely a wildlife conservation problem. It is also a crisis of environmental governance, shaped by institutional weaknesses, political decisions, and the failure to recognise the economic and social realities of conservation.

Conservation without communities

One of the fundamental weaknesses of our conservation approach is that local communities are often treated as subjects of regulation rather than partners in conservation. They are expected to bear the risks, respect restrictions, and cooperate with government programmes, yet their influence over decisions affecting their lives remains limited.

For rural families living alongside wild elephants, conservation is not an abstract environmental objective. It directly affects their safety, agricultural income, property, and everyday lives.

Farmers frequently possess valuable knowledge about elephant movements, vulnerable locations, seasonal changes, and practical protection measures. Yet conservation interventions are sometimes designed without adequately considering this experience.

When decisions are imposed from above, communities may feel excluded from programmes they are expected to support. This weakens trust, reduces cooperation, and ultimately undermines conservation outcomes.

We must recognise that protecting elephants and protecting farmers are not conflicting objectives. Both are essential. A conservation policy that safeguards wildlife while neglecting human security cannot be considered successful.

The real challenge is to replace conservation imposed on communities with conservation undertaken alongside them. Meaningful participation requires more than consultation meetings. Communities must have a genuine role in planning, implementing, monitoring, and evaluating conservation activities.

Bureaucratic authority versus public accountability

Wildlife conservation requires strong institutions, professional expertise, and effective regulations. However, excessive bureaucratic control can become an obstacle when administrative authority takes precedence over practical outcomes.

Decision-making in Sri Lanka’s conservation system remains heavily dependent on central institutions. Administrative procedures, overlapping responsibilities, and limited coordination can delay responses to urgent problems.

More importantly, excessive centralisation can discourage local innovation and prevent communities from contributing practical solutions.

When administrative authority becomes more important than results, conservation risks becoming an exercise in controlling people rather than protecting nature.

This criticism should not be confused with questioning the dedication of frontline wildlife officers and veterinarians. Many work under difficult conditions with limited resources. The efforts undertaken to save Tusker Kavantissa deserve recognition.

However, individual commitment cannot compensate indefinitely for institutional weaknesses.

We must ask whether our conservation institutions have the capacity to identify risks early, protect vulnerable animals, coordinate emergency responses, and evaluate the effectiveness of their interventions.

Public accountability should, therefore, extend beyond compliance with administrative procedures to measurable conservation outcomes.

Who bears costs, and who receives benefits?

Perhaps the most neglected dimension of wildlife conservation in Sri Lanka is the unequal distribution of its economic costs and benefits.

Wild elephants contribute substantially to tourism, biodiversity, cultural heritage, and the country’s international image. Their conservation generates benefits enjoyed by society as a whole.

Yet the financial and personal costs are concentrated among rural communities living within elephant habitats.

A study published in 2023, involving 300 farming households in southern Sri Lanka, revealed a striking imbalance. Although these households lived near two national parks, none received economic benefits from tourism. Meanwhile, 57 percent had experienced elephant-related crop damage.

The findings raise a fundamental economic question: if the entire country benefits from elephant conservation, why should a relatively small and vulnerable section of society bear a disproportionate share of its costs?

Conservation cannot remain economically sustainable when its benefits are widely enjoyed but its costs are concentrated among those least able to bear them.

A separate study, published in 2024, involving 439 affected farming households, examined the possibility of financing compensation through tourism revenue. It demonstrated the potential for tourism-based financial mechanisms to support human–elephant coexistence.

The policy implications are significant

A proportion of wildlife tourism revenue could be directed towards affected communities through transparent benefit-sharing arrangements. Such measures could support compensation, village protection, local employment, community enterprises, and agricultural improvements.

However, financial compensation alone is insufficient. The 2023 study also indicated that fear of elephants and concerns about crop damage strongly influenced community attitudes. People must feel safe in their homes and farms, not merely receive payment after suffering losses.

Equitable benefit-sharing is, therefore, more than an act of generosity. It is an economic and social requirement for sustainable conservation.

Political decisions and absence of long-term vision

The weaknesses in wildlife conservation cannot be attributed solely to public officials. Political leadership must accept its share of responsibility.

Poor land-use planning, habitat fragmentation, obstruction of elephant movement corridors, and development decisions that inadequately consider environmental consequences have contributed to human–elephant conflict.

Political decisions made for immediate gains can create environmental and economic costs lasting for decades.

Another weakness is the preference for visible, short-term interventions.

Constructing electric fences, relocating elephants, and launching emergency operations can attract considerable publicity. However, such interventions should be evaluated according to their effectiveness, not their visibility.

Political leadership should be judged not by the number of conservation programmes announced, but by the lives protected, conflicts prevented, and long-term improvements achieved.

There is also a serious problem of policy continuity. Conservation cannot be governed according to electoral cycles or changing political priorities.

Elephant habitats, migration patterns, and ecological processes do not change with governments. Successful conservation, therefore, requires consistent national commitments extending beyond individual political administrations.

Without such continuity, public investment may be wasted while the underlying problems remain unresolved.

Problem is not always a lack of policy

Sri Lanka’s conservation crisis cannot be explained simply by a shortage of scientific knowledge or policy recommendations.

In many instances, the greater challenge lies in translating available knowledge into coordinated, adequately funded, and politically supported action.

The National Action Plan for the Mitigation of Human–Elephant Conflict, prepared in 2020, proposed a science-based approach that emphasised community participation, protection of villages and agricultural land, and more effective conflict-management strategies.

Yet an important question remains: how much of this plan has been implemented successfully?

Have implementation difficulties arisen from inadequate resources, weak institutional coordination, administrative resistance, or insufficient political commitment?

An independent assessment of the plan’s implementation would help identify these obstacles and establish clear responsibilities.

We must also recognise that a substantial proportion of Sri Lanka’s wild elephants live outside protected areas. Attempting to confine all elephants within national parks and forest reserves is, therefore, neither realistic nor sustainable.

Effective conservation requires land-use policies informed by elephant ecology, settlement patterns, agricultural needs, and the practical realities of human–wildlife coexistence.

A sound policy that remains largely unimplemented offers little protection to either elephants or people.

Towards more responsible conservation system

Sri Lanka needs a fundamental change in how wildlife conservation is governed.

Four priorities deserve immediate attention.

First, local communities must become genuine partners in conservation management, with meaningful responsibilities and decision-making opportunities.

Second, conservation benefits must be distributed more fairly. Wildlife tourism should contribute directly to protecting the livelihoods and safety of communities that bear conservation costs.

Third, existing national conservation plans should be independently reviewed to identify implementation gaps and establish a realistic timetable for corrective action.

Fourth, conservation institutions must become more accountable for measurable outcomes, including reductions in human deaths, elephant mortality, crop losses, and property damage.

These reforms require cooperation among wildlife, forestry, agriculture, land, irrigation, and local government institutions.

They also demand political leadership willing to prioritise long-term results over short-term publicity.

For exceptional animals, such as Tusker Kavantissa, improved risk monitoring, preventive protection, and timely veterinary responses are particularly important. However, conservation should not be limited to protecting a few well-known animals.

Every wild elephant has ecological value, just as every person living alongside elephants has an equal right to safety.

The objective must be a system that protects both.

Lesson tusker Kavantissa leaves behind

The death of Tusker Kavantissa should not become another moment of national sorrow that gradually fades from public memory. It should mark a turning point in how Sri Lanka approaches wildlife conservation.

A proper investigation into his death is essential. Equally important is an honest examination of the conservation system within which such tragedies continue to occur.

The real challenge is not choosing between people and elephants. It is creating a system in which both can coexist safely, and where the responsibilities, costs, and benefits of conservation are shared fairly.

This requires more than scientific expertise and stronger regulations. It demands accountable institutions, meaningful community participation, economic fairness, and political leadership guided by a clear long-term vision.

Our greatest failure would not be the loss of Tusker Kavantissa alone. It would be allowing the same weaknesses in our conservation system to claim more lives while we continue to avoid the reforms that could prevent them.

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Equality before the Law as foundation of Sri Lanka’s recovery

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Gnanasara Thera brought to court, dressed in lay attire

by Jehan Perera

The government appears set to overcome the first major challenge to one of its foundational principles. It has faced down demands from sections of the Buddhist clergy and opposition parties to release Ven. Galagodaatte Gnanasara from his prison sentence for contempt of court.

Ven Gnanasara is best known as the general secretary of the Bodu Bala Sena, a nationalist Sinhala grouping. The government seemed unfazed by a protest march organised by Buddhist monks and the opposition parties and its supporters organised an even bigger march to support the government’s position. It is notable that the general population did not get involved in either march in any substantial number. The issue has now become a test of whether the government will uphold its commitment to apply the law equally, irrespective of a person’s position or status, even when doing so brings it into conflict with a powerful constituency.

The case has a specific legal history. Ven. Gnanasara was sentenced to six years’ imprisonment by the Court of Appeal in 2018 for contempt of court in a case involving former military personnel where he disrupted the proceedings. The Supreme Court rejected his appeal in 2018. Former President Maithripala Sirisena subsequently granted him a presidential pardon in 2019. Last month, the Supreme Court invalidated that pardon. The initial demand by Buddhist monks and their lay supporters was that Ven. Gnanasara should be permitted to wear his Buddhist robes when appearing in public before the courts. The government has indicated its willingness to examine the procedures governing the treatment of Buddhist monks in prison, in consultation with the relevant religious authorities. However, the initial demand has now been escalated into a demand for a presidential pardon.

One of the central promises of the National People’s Power (NPP) during its election campaign two years ago was to apply the law equally to all. This commitment has shaped the government’s approach to allegations of corruption and criminality involving individuals who previously wielded political power. The NPP government was swept into power on a wave of antipathy towards those in previous governments who were perceived to have abused their positions for private gain. The economic collapse Sri Lanka experienced in 2022, and the hardships endured across society, remain vivid in the public memory. The past two years have seen the government pursuing those accused of corruption and other offences. Several high-ranking members of previous governments have faced arrest and legal proceedings and been sentenced to jail.

Religious Concerns

The ability of opposition parties to mobilise widespread resistance against proceedings involving their leaders has been limited, as much of the general population continues to favour accountability for past financial crimes. However, the case of Ven. Gnanasara is different. It does not concern allegations of financial corruption, but the relationship between religious authority, the courts and the law of the land. This is where the distinction between respecting religious traditions and upholding the law becomes crucial. There is a sense among sections of the general population that Buddhist monks should not be treated on a par with others and that requiring Ven. Gnanasara to appear in court without his robes was unjust and contrary to the national ethos. Such sentiments reflect the special place Buddhism occupies in Sri Lanka’s history and society. Sinhala Buddhist nationalism has been a potent political force throughout the country’s history, drawing on a heritage that extends back more than two millennia. The question is whether respect for Buddhism needs to also entail the exemption of individual monks from the ordinary requirements of the law and thereby treat them differently.

The challenge would be to accommodate legitimate religious concerns through rational and lawful procedures without allowing religious status to become a source of legal privilege. The government has been amenable to addressing the issue of monastic robes, but has so far resisted the demand to release Ven. Gnanasara through a new pardon. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and government members have made it clear that the government would not bend the law to accommodate any individual. They have taken the position that any shortcomings in existing rules should be addressed by changing the rules through proper procedures, rather than by making an exception for a particular individual. If the government holds its position, it will demonstrate that its commitment to the rule of law extends even to constituencies that have historically enjoyed considerable political influence.

This is important not only for the country’s democratic institutions but also for its economic future. Sri Lanka is seeking to recover from its economic collapse and establish the foundations for sustained growth. The International Monetary Fund’s analysis of Sri Lanka’s governance weaknesses has repeatedly emphasised the economic costs of corruption and institutional deficiencies. Its 2024 analysis of governance and growth concluded that comprehensive and coherent reforms could bring significant macroeconomic benefits. The IMF’s 2025 assessment also highlighted the importance of sustained governance reforms in unlocking the country’s growth potential. Investors, both domestic and foreign, need confidence that public institutions function according to predictable rules, that contracts and property rights are protected, and that political connections or social status will not determine how the law is applied.

Sensitive Issue

Sri Lanka has long sought the leap towards prosperity that has proved elusive under successive governments. Economic reform alone will not achieve it. The connection between the rule of law and economic prosperity is direct. Businesses are more likely to invest when they can expect disputes to be resolved fairly, public resources to be managed transparently and regulatory decisions to be made on rational grounds. No country can achieve a durable economic take-off if its institutions are perceived to operate according to political favour, inherited privilege or communal pressure. Sri Lanka cannot afford to return to a political culture in which powerful interests are shielded from accountability while ordinary citizens bear the costs.

Changing a political culture that has evolved over the decades if not centuries is a difficult undertaking, particularly in a country where political leaders have long relied on religious and communal identities to consolidate their support. It requires not only firmness but also sensitivity, dialogue and a willingness to reform laws and institutions where genuine deficiencies exist. The present controversy offers an opportunity to demonstrate that these objectives need not be in conflict. The government can respect the Buddhist clergy’s concerns about the treatment of monks in prison while refusing to grant an individual an exemption from a judicial sentence. It can recognise the importance of Buddhism to the country while maintaining that no religious or political authority stands above the law.

The question is whether national traditions and ethos are interpreted in ways that strengthen justice, responsibility and social harmony, or invoked to defend privileges that undermine them. The country needs a transformation in public expectations from privilege to accountability, from communal claims to equal citizenship, and from personal discretion to institutions governed by law.

The government’s handling of the case involving Ven. Gnanasara is therefore about more than one monk or one sentence. This particular case will determine whether the government can build a system in which no government, religious authority or politically influential individuals can place themselves beyond the law. A just society must be able to honour both its traditions and its commitment to equality before the law.

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Lure of old hometown too hard to resist

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Highly adaptive one-man band / At Broadway Dehiwela on 24th October

Lanka was his homeland, and now it’s Australia, based in Sydney. But for legendary performer Roger Menezes, the lure of his old hometown is just too hard to resist — and he keeps coming this way, ever so often!

Roger is in town at the moment — his fourth trip for this year alone! In fact, for the last few years, he has been checking out Sri Lanka on a very frequent basis.

This time, he says, he will be here for just two weeks, as he has heavy commitments, Down Under, as a performer.

On the 24th of this month, he will be seen in action at Broadway Dehiwela, celebrating their second anniversary. It’s a homecoming of sorts, as he was the very first artiste to perform live at this venue, on their opening night!

He goes back to Sydney in November for an early Christmas party, and will be back, in Colombo, in December, for more performances, with a pre-New Year’s Eve party at the Broadway, on 30th December.

Roger says he also takes the opportunity, whenever he visits Sri Lanka, to soak in the beauty of our country, especially the serene scenes away from the hustle and bustle of Colombo!

Roger Menezes: Fourth trip for this year

Roger Menezes is truly a remarkable talent, and it is always a sheer pleasure to look into the careers of musicians who have left such a lasting, indelible mark on Sri Lanka’s rich musical heritage.

Known for his signature “hits and memories” performance style — a nostalgic, heart-warming blend of jazz, pop, and classic rock — he remains a foundational figure of Sri Lanka’s golden era of music.

He was deeply integrated into Colombo’s swinging 1960s and 70s music scene.

He played drums for iconic groups like The Savages, Thunderbirds, and Fireflies, played guitar for Sam the Man, and joined the legendary band The Jetliners as their keyboardist, saxophonist, and guitarist (additionally recording bass guitar tracks). He also fronted his own much-loved ensemble, Roger and the Webs.

He migrated to Sydney, Australia, in the early ’70s and the legend only grew.

In Australia, he founded the highly successful corporate and event bands Eastern Spice and Stay Tuned (alongside his wife Cheryl and family). Under his leadership, Stay Tuned was heavily involved in providing entertainment for corporate functions, organised by the Sydney 2000 Olympic Committee. The group also headlined the New Year’s Eve festivities at Sydney’s iconic Centrepoint Tower for five consecutive years!

Today, he is widely celebrated as a highly adaptive one-man band, simultaneously navigating vocals, keyboards, guitar, saxophone, and drums — a one-man orchestra who truly does it all!

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