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Lankan crisis embedded into political system with leaders playing Sinhalese Buddhist card and catering to majoritarian sentiment
UK-based NGO holds discussions on what lessons South Asian nations can draw from Lankan crisis
London (ANI): A recent Democracy Forum seminar highlighted the dire political and economic problems overwhelming Sri Lanka, and what other South Asian nations might learn from its experience.On July 14th, Sri Lankan President Gotabaya Rajapaksa resigned, as his country faced economic ruin and civil unrest. Protestors demanded that the interim government probe allegations of corruption against Rajapaksa and his family, who have dominated Sri Lankan politics for much of the past two decades.
To analyze what lies behind the Rajapaksas’ fall and Sri Lanka’s economic collapse, and discuss what lessons other South Asian nations might learn from the country’s predicament, London-based NGO The Democracy Forum invited a panel of experts to address the central theme: ‘Sri Lanka: Lessons for South Asia’.
In his opening comments, TDF President Lord Bruce spoke of the plight of Sri Lanka, a country traumatized by its political shortcomings, exacerbated by a combined balance of payments and sovereign debt crisis, which betrays many of the systemic problems that continue to beset countries throughout South Asia.The Sri Lankan government’s reckless pursuit of unsustainable foreign borrowing has propelled the country into the midst of a proxy tug-of-war between China and India, he said, and although Beijing has long courted the Rajapaksa family with loans for huge infrastructure projects, it has been slow to respond to Colombo’s evolving crisis.
In contrast, the Indian government earlier this year offered a package of credit, loans, and humanitarian assistance worth USD 3.8bn. The outcome of this hegemonic rivalry is far from clear, but the machinations reflect the shifting sands of allegiance in South Asia, concluded Lord Bruce, with Beijing still wielding the most significant clout in the region.
Focusing on deep-rooted, long-term economic vulnerabilities that led to sovereign default in Sri Lanka – the first time in the country’s history – Umesh Moramudali, a Lecturer at the University of Colombo and Researcher on Public Debt and Development, pondered why Sri Lanka had come to this.
While some observers believe China, the Russian war, and Covid are key external culprits in Sri Lanka’s economic decline, Moramudali pointed to three long-term internal vulnerabilities: Sri Lanka’s declining tax revenue, a much reduced exports-to-GDP ratio, and very low foreign direct investment.On Sri Lanka’s path to becoming a middle-income country, he argued, it had failed to fix the structural weakness of its economy, and core political weaknesses. Heavy borrowing from China for infrastructure projects, as well as increasing domestic and external debt, had also left their mark.
Dr Neil DeVotta, Professor of Politics and International Affairs at Wake Forest University, discussed the proximate causes of the crisis facing Sri Lanka, juxtaposing that with mal-governance over the decades and linking the island’s current problems with its ethnocentric trajectory. The hardship that Sri Lanka continues to face is almost invisible, he said, as the protest movement is now less vigorous, yet malnutrition, poverty, dipping agricultural output and lack of medicines are among growing problems.
DeVotta also drew attention to exogenous causes (Covid, the war in Ukraine), although he believed the long-term explanation was rooted in Sri Lanka’s ethnonationalism and its dynamics, with decades of ethnocentric governance having eroded meritocracy, leading to poor governance, corruption and lack of transparency. This is embedded into the political system, he said, with leaders playing the Sinhalese nationalist Buddhist card and catering to majoritarian sentiment.
The political roots of the crisis were also at the forefront for Jonathan Spencer, Regius Professor of South Asian Language, Culture & Society at the University of Edinburgh, who specifically focused on the gap between the political class and the people. He underscored the essentially non-violent nature of most protests, but also the limitations of what has been achieved by the protestors, who initially focused their ire against Gotabaya and Mahinda Rajapaksa, but are now also directing it at the other 225 current members of parliament.
Spencer called the existing political system ‘sealed’, and asked why there have been no new forces and voices entering it – for example, there are only 12 women MPs in parliament out of 225, in a country that had the first democratically elected female prime minister, and young people and those from poorer communities are also blocked from participation. So there is a long-term structural crisis though a crisis of representation in the current Parliament.
The good news, concluded Spencer, is that the aspirations of the young protestors who want to see post-ethnic, post-corruption politics have not been crushed by the repression of recent months; but the bad news is it is very hard to see how they can find expression in the mainstream political realm.
Broadening the focus to a more regional viewpoint, Dr. Ali Cheema, Associate Professor of Economics, Lahore University of Management Sciences and Research Fellow, IDEAS, looked at Pakistan’s domestic political economy challenges and development, in light of what might be learned from Sri Lanka’s recent experiences.
He drew parallels between Sri Lanka and Pakistan, given their structural weaknesses, and how these have been worsened within the context of the global economic crisis. But Cheema cautioned against being reductive, as each South Asian nation has a different set of fragilities, underpinned by growth models that are themselves fragile.
Dr Deepa Ollapally, Research Professor of International Affairs & Director of the Rising Powers Initiative at the Elliott School of International Affairs, George Washington University, also addressed the regional repercussions of the Sri Lankan crisis, especially what it means for India’s role vis-a-vis Colombo, and in the region.
She spoke of how the region is being redefined, as are regional roles and expectations, with Quad member Japan now a major player, seen as an honest broker able to develop, along with other Quad members, restructuring packages and provide alternatives to the China option, especially the BRI.
Ollapally said that, previously, India had watched helplessly as Sri Lanka fell into Beijing’s arms. But, with the Ukraine war diverting most of the international community’s attention, China then vanished from the scene and India appeared as a first responder with a huge aid package, far outstripping China’s. Sri Lanka, she added, had been overly optimistic in its expectations of China, which is a tough customer when it comes to bailouts, as it is more concerned with its own economic situation.
Many countries are in debt to China (eg Pakistan, African nations), and the upshot is a slowing down of the BRI, which had been speeding up. At the same time, Sri Lanka has underestimated India – despite the island nation begging for global help, only India came good.
India’s expectations of Sri Lanka have also increased, as the crisis has given India the opportunity to push back China. Prime Minister Narendra Modi government has been much quicker than its predecessors to realize that, in order to project itself globally, India needs to take care of its immediate neighborhood – otherwise there are others waiting in the wings, like China, to play that role. So Sri Lanka, concluded Ollapally, is a test case in India’s journey towards being a global power.
Barry Gardiner MP, Chair of the Forum, closed the event by considering some of the elements of a useful rescue package for Sri Lanka. More money would need to be channelled to the bottom of society, and fuel and fertilizer would have to reach farmers for healthy harvests next year. Regarding lessons the region could learn from Sri Lanka’s situation, Gardiner stressed the importance of borrowing to invest, not to consume, and putting funds into the hands of the people, who will help drive growth, tackle corruption, and fostering transparency within the polity.
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Steps are being taken to provide accommodation facilities for 16,000 university students – Prime Minister
Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya stated that accommodation facilities will be provided for 16,000 university students through the new university hostel construction programme, and that steps have also been initiated to formulate a comprehensive policy on university student accommodation.
The Prime Minister made these remarks on Wednesday (09 September) in Parliament while responding to questions raised in Parliament.
The Prime Minister stated:
“The University Grants Commission allocated Rs. 376 million in 2025 and Rs. 453 million in 2026 for the renovation of university hostels. The Ministry of Education, Higher Education and Vocational Education allocated Rs. 400 million in 2026 for hostel renovations and Rs. 1,500 million for the construction of new hostels in 2026. All these funds are from domestic allocations. We are implementing these hostel projects without resorting to borrowing. At the same time, allocations have been made through the 2025 and 2026 Budget Estimates for the construction of new hostels under foreign loan financing. These include Rs. 321 million allocated in 2026 for hostels under the Wayamba Urban Development Project, funded through the Saudi Development Loan.
Under the project to establish the Faculty of Medicine at Sabaragamuwa University of Sri Lanka, Rs. 331 million has been allocated under the Saudi Development Loan for the construction of a hostel.
A further Rs. 10.46 million has been allocated for the renovation of hostels under the Wayamba Urban Development Project. Accordingly, Rs. 466 million was allocated for 2025 and Rs. 662.46 million for 2026.
A total of 55 new hostels are scheduled to be constructed during 2025 and 2026 and in the period ahead.
The number of students expected to benefit from these accommodation facilities is 16,000. The University Grants Commission is currently formulating an overall policy on accommodation facilities for students of Sri Lankas state universities. The policy also includes guidelines relating to private student accommodation.
There are instances where university students obtain accommodation in privately operated hostels or rented houses. However, there have been no guidelines governing such accommodation. Until now, there have been no established guidelines regarding charges or minimum standards that should be maintained. We are now in the process of developing guidelines to ensure the safety of students and to prevent them from being subjected to economic exploitation.
The proposed policy is currently being reviewed by the state universities under the purview of the University Grants Commission. The programme will be implemented by the University Grants Commission in direct collaboration with state universities, and there are currently no plans to involve local authorities.
The objective of this policy is to ensure fair, transparent, safe, affordable, accessible and inclusive accommodation facilities for students. In particular, we intend to address the accommodation requirements of university students with disabilities through this programme.
The policy also recognises that students who are unable to obtain university hostel accommodation may obtain accommodation in registered private hostels.
Under the proposed provisions relating to private hostels, minimum standards are expected to be introduced covering accommodation facilities, sanitation, safety, accessibility, affordability and student welfare. The provisions also include arrangements for the fair allocation of accommodation, with particular priority given to students with disabilities; the establishment of a committee to oversee private student hostels; regular inspections; and necessary action against hostels that fail to comply with the required standards. Following consideration of observations and recommendations received from the universities, the draft policy will be revised and subsequently submitted for the process of finalisation.
Of the 55 hostels, priority has been given to universities located away from urban areas. We commenced this project with two hostels at the University of Vavuniya. Accordingly, priority has so far been given to universities such as the University of Vavuniya, the University of Jaffna – Kilinochchi Campus, the South Eastern University, the Uva Wellassa University and the Sabaragamuwa University, where the accommodation issue is particularly acute. Another aspect being considered under the accommodation policy is the limited availability of private accommodation in all parts of the country. Therefore, we are also considering the possibility of constructing additional hostels through a public-private partnership arrangement. For example, the Government could provide land under an agreed arrangement to facilitate the construction of additional accommodation facilities. Discussions are currently being held with the universities regarding this matter”.
Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya further stated that steps are also being taken to look into hostel facilities and student welfare activities at vocational training centres, as well as at the Ocean University of Sri Lanka and the University of Vocational Technology.
[Prime Minister’s Media Division]
Opp. lashes out at Justice Minister for disparaging remarks about CLA
By Shamindra Ferdinando
The Joint Opposition yesterday (09) tore into Justice and National Integration Minister Harsha Nanayakkara over some disparaging remarks about the Commonwealth Lawyers Association (CLA) in Parliament on Tuesday (08).
The Convenor of the Opposition grouping, former Law Professor Peiris questioned Minister Nanayakkara’s declaration that the CLA was a private club that granted membership on payments received. Emphasising that the CLA consisted of those in the legal profession in Commonwealth countries, Prof. Peiris told the weekly media briefing at the Flower Road Office of former President Ranil Wickremesinghe that the views expressed by the organisation couldn’t be discarded under any circumstances.
Prof. Peiris dealt with Nanayakkara’s response to the CLA’S concerns about several issues, including the composition of the five-member panel of judges. “How could Minister Nanayakkara dismiss concerns raised by CLA on the basis of the paid-membership of the organisation?” Prof. Peiris asked. If membership became an issue, the government would have to reconsider Sri Lanka’s UN membership, the ex-External Affairs Minister said, pointing out that the country had to make regular payments to retain membership of other UN agencies, as well.
Prof. Peiris said that indefensible attacks on international organisations could cause irreparable damage to the country. Appreciating the CLA’s report on the Supreme Court proceedings on the 01 and 02 September, Prof. Peiris stressed the importance of what he called total transparency in the judicial process. He said that whatever the outcome of a particular legal process, it couldn’t be done behind the backs of the public.
Referring to legal processes regarding the 6th Amendment and 13th Amendment, in 1983 and 1987, respectively, Prof. Peiris said, on both occasions the then Chief Justices Neville Samarakoon and S. Sharvananda constituted benches consisting of all Supreme Court judges.
But, the incumbent CJ Preethi Padman Surasena, in spite of the majority of petitioners demanding all available 13 justices to hear the case, decided to leave out those on the seniority list from second position to fourth position.
The government got offended because the CLA pointed that out for the whole world to take notice, Prof. Peiris said. The former parliamentarian noted that the CJ hadn’t even give a reason for declining the widespread call to involve all available 13 judges. According to him, there had been instances where CJ’s appointed seven justices to hear a particular case. Prof. Peiris cited the 2018 bench of seven judges that heard the petitions against President Maithripala Sirisena over the dissolution of Parliament and a panel constituted in 2023 to hear the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage that claimed the lives of 270 people.
The issue at hand is that the five-member panel of judges hadn’t been selected on the basis of seniority, Prof. Peiris said, once the SC determination was sent and released through the Speaker, they would meticulously examine that to make their position known to the people. Prof. Peiris said that what they really wanted to know was that if seniority hadn’t been the basis for selection what the criterion was.
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Sri Lanka reiterates its territory won’t be used against India
The Indian Defence Ministry in a statement issued yesterday (09) quoted President Anura Kumara Dissanayake as having assured visiting Defence Minister Rajnath Singh that Sri Lanka would never allow its territory to be used for activities inimical to India’s security interests.
The text of the Indian press release: “Visiting Indian Defence Minister Rajnath Singh called on President Anura Kumara Dissanayake in Colombo on September 09, 2026. The two leaders held substantive discussions on issues covering the entire spectrum of the multi-faceted partnership between the two nations, characterised by traditionally warm relations and mutual trust.
The two sides reaffirmed that as civilisational twins, close neighbours and maritime partners, India and Sri Lanka would continue to work together for their development and welfare of the people while working jointly to ensure the safety, security, peace and prosperity of the region. The senior Indian Minister conveyed greetings on behalf of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and underlined that the citizens of the two countries share deep friendship based on strong historical & civilisational links and people-to-people exchanges.
Extending a warm welcome to Mr. Singh, President Dissanayake recalled his interactions with PM Modi and reiterated that Sri Lanka would never allow its territory to be used for any activities inimical to India’s security interests.
President Dissanayake expressed his gratitude for the relief assistance provided by India as part of Operation Sagar Bandhu during Cyclone Ditwah and the comprehensive rehabilitation package extended by New Delhi to facilitate reconstruction and rehabilitation work across different parts of the island. The powerful Indian Defence Minister emphasised that as a closest friend and neighbour of Sri Lanka, India considered it not a favour, but a responsibility to provide assistance as the first responder and would continue to do so in the future as well.
Both leaders virtually inaugurated three Bailey Bridges constructed by the Indian Defence Forces. The two sides also exchanged MoUs on upgradation of L70 Guns for the Sri Lankan Air Force, and cooperation between National Cadet Corps (NCC) & National Defence Colleges (NDC) of both the countries. The MoU on Upgradation of six L70 guns for the Sri Lankan Air Force falls under a Government of India grant. The upgradation of these air defence guns will significantly strengthen the air defence architecture of critical assets in Sri Lanka. These air defence guns were earlier provided to the Sri Lanka Air Force by India.
The MoU on academic cooperation between NDC, India and NDC, Sri Lanka will facilitate knowledge sharing which will be a significant step in further strengthening the academic bonds between both the sister institutes. The MoU on NCC cooperation will formalise the NCC youth exchange programme between India and Sri Lanka. This exchange programme provides a valuable opportunity for NCC cadets from multiple countries across the world to come to New Delhi every year and participate in NCC events.”
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