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Inside election and political stories from the Chandrika years

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Chandrika Kumaratunga

Events subsequent to the attempt on CBK’s life

President Chandrika Kumaratunga spent several weeks in the United Kingdom receiving treatment following the assassination attempt on her by the LTTE. On her return to the island, she immediately dissolved the parliament and called for a parliamentary election as Karu had expected.

According to Karu, facing this upcoming parliamentary election was to be no easy task due to the threats and harassment meted out by opponents in several electoral seats in Gampaha. Kumaratunga’s younger brother Anura Bandaranaike was to contest from the Gampaha district under the United National Party (UNP) ticket. Anura and Karu would set out together every morning to canvas the area and meet their supporters.

“Even though we set out together every morning, around early afternoon Anura would claim he was too tired to go on and turn back…” Karu recalls. According to him, UNP candidates had to face threats and acts of intimidation in many areas of the Ja-Ela, Minuwangoda, and Gampaha electorates.

“We were attacked while campaigning in these areas. At times we were even shot at by ruffians sanctioned by our opponents. Each time I escaped unscathed but several UNP supporters were injured in these incidents…” Karu recalls.

According to Karu, despite repeated complaints by him, not only did the police seem disinterested in putting a stop to these acts of election violence, but they also failed to apprehend any suspects involved. Refusing to back down Karu lodged a complaint with the election monitoring office. Based on his complaint the office assured Karu that additional election monitors will be assigned to the Gampaha district.

But the threats and harassment Karu had to face did not come from his political opponents alone. Karu says these incidents stemmed from the preferential vote feuds among the candidates of the UNP itself. While it was impossible to avoid competitiveness between party colleagues under the preferential voting system, Karu says he often did his best to stay clear of such conflicts.

“I avoided asking people to cast a preference vote for me. Instead, I asked the people to first vote for the UNP and vote for three UNP candidates of their preference…” he says. Karu believes by doing this he was largely able to avoid conflict with other UNP candidates and carry out a successful election campaign.

Though a large number of election monitors had been deployed for the parliamentary elections of 2000, Karu says it had little effect on preventing election violations and frauds from being committed in some rural polling centres. Voters presumed to be UNP supporters were threatened and driven away by armed thugs on election day, preventing them from casting their votes. The thugs carrying out these acts had been brought from other areas of the country.

Karu says the UNP lost out on a large number of votes from the Gampaha district due to these acts of intimidation of voters. He says election monitors were unable to prevent these acts as the groups of thugs would make their getaway before the monitors could visit the scene. In this situation, the only step the monitors could take was to obtain statements from witnesses and enter them into their observation reports.

At the election, the ruling People’s Alliance (PA) managed to secure a majority of the seats in the Gampaha district while the UNP was merely able to score victories in the Wattala and Negombo electorates. Though the UNP had suffered a setback, the election was a personal triumph for Karu. To his surprise, he had won the preferential vote race by becoming the UNP candidate from the Gampaha district with the most number of preferential votes, a staggering 237,387.

While UNP stalwarts Anura Bandaranaike, Dr Jayalath Jayawardena, John Amaratunga, Joseph Micheal Perera, Edward Gunasekara and Suranimala Rajapaksha were also elected to parliament from the district, they had all received less than 100,000 preferential votes. I was humbly pleased about receiving such a large number of votes at the very first parliamentary election I contested …” Karu says.

Not only did Karu surpass his party colleagues, but he was also able to receive more votes than Susil Premajayantha, the PA district leader and the former Chief Minister of the Western province. The 165,905 preference votes he received paled in comparison to Karu’s 237,387. Nevertheless, the PA was able to once again emerge victorious in the parliamentary elections held that year. The ruling party secured 107 seats in parliament while the UNP only laid claim to 89. In a surprising turn of events, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) which held only one seat in parliament till 2000, was able to increase it to 10.

But the PA’s win was to be bittersweet. “It was tragic news…” Karu says recalling the incident. The country went into mourning after it was announced that Sri Lanka’s former Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike had died at age 84 after suffering a heart attack on October 10, 2000, the very day of the country’s parliamentary elections.

Bandaranaike, the mother of President Chandrika Kumaratunga and UNP politician Anura Bandaranaike had been returning home after casting her vote at the Sri Sanghabodhi Vidyalaya polling station in Nittambuwa when the incident occurred. A formidable stateswoman, Bandaranaike was the world’s first non-hereditary female head of government in modern history after she was elected as Sri Lanka’s Prime Minister on July 20, 1960.

“Those of us in the UNP were also truly shocked and saddened by her demise. After being elected as both the world and country’s first woman Prime Minister she served three terms. Even though she as the leader of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) had held a different ideology to that of the UNP, Madam Bandaranaike had cast her vote for me – at the local government elections for Colombo…” Karu says. According to Karu, he came to know this after Bandaranaike had personally told him of the fact. Hearing of her death, Karu had visited her residence.”Tintagel’ in Rosmead Place that night to pay his last respects.

Based on their performance in the parliamentary elections of 2000 the PA was able to once again form a government. However, the party was pressed to maintain a majority in parliament. The only political solution was to appoint more members to the cabinet than previously. At the time private media institutions dubbed this new cabinet a `Mega Cabinet.’ Karu says it was ironic that Kumaratunga who had lampooned the large cabinets under Presidents Ranasinghe Premadasa and D.B Wijetunga was herself forced to appoint a similar cabinet at the very beginning of her second term as President.

Kumaratunga had appointed a cabinet consisting of forty-four members. But the government was still on shaky ground. A conflict had arisen between President Kumaratunga and Rauff Hakeem, the leader of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) – a party to the government. Hakeem had vehemently disagreed with Kumaratunga’s decision to appoint her mother’s cousin General Anuruddha Ratwatte as the Deputy Minister of Defence. As Hakeem continued to voice his disapproval, Kumaratunga was forced to appoint Ratwatte as the Minister of Power and Energy instead. Ratwatte, a seasoned military man, had responded to the snub by being passive- aggressive.

Reports of yet another rift within the government appeared in the gossip columns of Sri Lanka’s weekend newspapers. They claimed Kumaratunga and S.B Dissananayke, a Minister in her government, had fallen out for reasons unknown. “Though we never found out the truth, we were able to confirm through several government ministers that Dissanayake had stopped attending cabinet meetings during this time…” Karu says laughingly.

It was widely accepted among Karu’s UNP colleagues that rifts within the government had begun to appear. Kumaratunga’s alleged favouritism of SLFP members formerly of the Sri Lanka Mahajana Pakshaya (SLMP) had also left many senior SLFP politicians disgruntled giving rise to even more conflict within the government.

In 1994 the PA led by Chandrika Kumaratunga had swept into power on the promise of abolishing the curse that was the executive presidency. At the elections, Kumaratunga had also promised a political solution to the national question in Sri Lanka. However, she was not able to fulfil either of these promises during her first term. Kumaratunga failed to abolish the executive presidency as her government did not possess the required two-thirds majority in parliament.

Meanwhile, Kumaratunga also held a discussion with LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran in January 1995 in a bid to arrive at a political solution for the decade long national question. These talks were followed by several more discussions. But unfortunately, Kumaratunga was unsuccessful in her efforts.

But in 1999 and 2000 the PA in its election manifestos reiterated these pledges. The party then requested the public to vote them into power and provide them with the necessary two-thirds majority to deliver on those promises.

Though the UNP introduced the executive presidency to Sri Lanka in 1978, by 2000 the party had also begun to realize its many pitfalls. As the Tamil political parties of the North also held similar reservations about the post, the Kumaratunga government decided to look into the possibility of abolishing it with the support of all parties in parliament. As a result, the government organized one-on-one discussions with each political party. It was also decided that following these discussions a multi-party conference will be held on the agreement of all parties.

The UNP had readily accepted the government’s invitation to attend the multi-party conference. On the advice of party leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, Karu along with UNP MPs K.N Choksy and Tyronne Fernando attended the discussion. Ratnasiri Wickremanayake and Nimal Siripala de Silva attended on behalf of the SLFP. Members representing several Tamil political parties from the North had also attended the much awaited conference.

“Discussions were held over several months. At the end of it, a proposed draft constitution was formulated by G. L. Peiris. It was proposed that the executive presidency be abolished and be replaced by a ceremonial president instead in addition to the appointment of three vice presidents…” Karu recalls.

According to him, the UNP had initially expressed its agreement to the draft only to backtrack later. “It was proposed the new constitutional amendments would only come into effect at the end of Kumaratunga’s term in 2005. We were not agreeable to this…” he says. “It was, therefore, decided the UNP should withdraw from the conference…” he adds.

Meanwhile, stiff opposition against the draft proposals had also begun to rise among some groups of Bhikkus as well as political and civil society activists. At the time the opposing Bhikkus even held a Maha Sangha Sabha at the Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference Hall in Colombo to voice their dissent.

It was also rumoured that certain big wigs in the government were also displeased by the proposed draft constitution. “Some claimed Kumaratunga’s own Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremanayake did not agree with the new proposals either. At the time Wickremanayake refrained from commenting publicly on the matter so the truth remains unknown…” Karu says. The government however refused to drop the proposal challenged by the UNP, thereby failing to gain the main opposition party’s support for the new constitutional draft.

This one clause resulted in the overall failure of the proposed draft constitution. Karu says the then government must bear the responsibility for this debacle. The many meetings resulting in the formulation of a new constitutional draft had been all for naught. Had it been successful Karu says it would have possibly led to a much needed sense of fellowship between the members of the government and the opposition. “This was a key reason I was keenly dedicated to the effort…” he adds.

Karu says he received a phone call from President Kumaratunga the very next day after the UNP dropped out of the multi-party discussions. The President, it appeared, was irked by the UNP now opposing the draft formulated with the party’s participation. “A clause we had not agreed to has been included in the final draft. This is the reason…” Karu explained. “Are you referring to the clause on the timing of the abolition of the presidency?” Kumaratunga had asked, adding that the clausehad been added on the insistence of G. L. Peiris, her Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs.

“Fine, we will remove that clause. Ask Ranil to support us. This issue can be resolved through discussions…” she assured Karu. Before ending the phone call Karu had agreed to speak to the UNP leader on behalf of the President.

Karu had immediately called Wickremsinghe to relate Kumaratunga’s message. Wickremesinghe had merely said “It is too late for that now,” and moved on to another topic of discussion. Admitting he sadly failed in his efforts, Karu says had Wickremesinghe been more flexible it would have perhaps been possible to introduce a new constitution to Sri Lanka at the time.

(Excerpted from the biography of Karu Jayasuriya by Nihal Jagathchandra)



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Buddhist Approach to Human Challenges

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Life, by its very nature, invariably presents a myriad of challenges that are fundamental to the human experience. The various social ills that afflict humanity cannot be understood without recognizing the profound human dynamics at play. Navigating these challenges according to Buddhism involves shifting from attempting to control external circumstances to mastering one’s internal responses. Central to these challenges are certain detrimental drives stemming from pernicious distortions in the functioning of the human mind.

According to Buddhism, human suffering—both on a personal and societal level—arises from three unwholesome roots: greed, hatred, and ignorance or delusion. These roots manifest primarily as the unbridled proliferation of these negative states, serving as the foundation for our conduct. The Buddhist perspective offers profound insights for confronting these difficulties by emphasizing the nature of suffering, known as dukkha. Buddhism teaches that suffering (dukkha) is an inevitable part of life and is fueled by greed, hatred, and ignorance or delusion. This approach promotes mental transformation through mindfulness, ethical living, and the cultivation of wisdom, empowering individuals to confront their struggles with clarity and resilience.

Furthermore, accepting that suffering and difficulty are inherent parts of the human experience—while expecting life to be free of challenges—is, in itself, a cause of suffering. It is also important to recognize that all situations, whether good or bad, are temporary. This understanding helps reduce anxiety when facing difficult times, as these will eventually pass, and it prevents possessiveness during happy moments. Cultivating mindfulness (sati) and living in the present moment without dwelling on the past or worrying about the future is essential.

Understanding that all things—emotions, situations, relationships, and physical bodies—are constantly changing and in a state of flux helps reduce the fear of loss and provides comfort during difficult times, ensuring that we know pain will pass. Moreover, recognizing that the self, or ego, is not a fixed entity minimizes selfish grasping, arrogance, and the tendency to perceive challenges as personal attacks.

At the core of many human challenges lie the three unwholesome mental qualities identified by Buddhism: greed (raga), hatred (dovesa), and ignorance or delusion (avijja or moha). These states of mind serve as obstacles to spiritual progress and underlie a spectrum of harmful thoughts and actions. The Buddha employed powerful metaphors to illustrate these forces, referring to them as the three poisons or fires that ignite suffering and trap beings in the cycle of samsara.

Greed leads to insatiable desires that obscure our awareness of others’ needs, creating a cycle of frustration. Greed encompasses all forms of appetite, such as desire, lust, craving, and longing, manifesting in both physical and mental forms. It embodies the concept of grasping, leading to clinging and an inability to let go. As an unwholesome mental state, greed can become insatiable and inexhaustible. People are often drawn to pleasant things, and no amount of forms, sounds, smells, tastes, tangibles, or mental objects can satisfy their desires. In their intense thirst for possession or gratification of desire, individuals may become trapped in the wheel of samsara, overlooking the needs of marginalized groups based on religion and ethnicity (as noted by Piyadassi Thera). Those who overcome greed realize that all mundane pleasures are fleeting and transient. In a society driven by consumerism, people may find themselves endlessly chasing after things of little value, becoming enslaved by them.

Hatred is another unwholesome mental state that fosters division and conflict, distancing us from genuine relationships. It encompasses unwholesome mental states such as ill will, enmity, hostility, and prejudice. Hatred can be subtle, lying dormant in a person’s mind until it finds expression in unexpected moments. This destructive emotion can degenerate into mass-scale violence and bloodshed within society. Today, hatred and hostility against minorities based on religion and ethnicity are prevalent in many countries. People are often targeted by bigotry and hate, leading to a rise in antagonistic and derogatory behavior toward certain religious and ethnic groups. Hatred, enmity, and retaliation do not foster spiritual well-being; rather, they vitiate our own minds. Buddhists are encouraged to cultivate metta (loving-kindness). Greed and hatred, coupled with ignorance, are the chief causes of the evils that pervade this deluded world. As noted by Narada, “The enemy of the whole world is lust (greed), through which all evils come to living beings. This lust, when obstructed by some cause, transforms into wrath.”

The most profound of these afflictions, ignorance (avijja) or delusion (moha), clouds our judgment and obscures our capacity for understanding, causing us to harm ourselves and others through misguided actions. Addressing bhikkhus, the Buddha declared, ” I do not perceive any single hindrance other than the hindrance of ignorance by which mankind is obstructed, and for so long as in samsara, it is indeed through the hindrance of ignorance that humankind is obstructed and for a long time runs on, wanders in samsara. No other single thing exists like the hindrance of ignorance or delusion, which obstructs humankind and make wander forever. This unwholesome mindset generates negative speech, actions, and thoughts, perpetuating our own suffering. As stated in the Dhammapada, “All mental phenomena have mind as their forerunner; if one speaks or acts with an evil mind, suffering follows.”

Buddhism urges us to go beyond merely addressing the symptoms of our problems. Instead, it invites us to explore the roots of our suffering and examine how greed, hatred, and ignorance manifest in our lives. By uncovering these sources of distress, we can cultivate essential qualities such as compassion, loving-kindness (metta), and acceptance. These virtues are crucial for ethical engagement with significant societal issues, including environmental challenges and social inequality.

In a world marked by material prosperity and emotional chaos, many individuals may feel lost or overwhelmed. The teachings of the Buddha remain relevant today, reminding us that the origins of our struggles often reside within our own minds. By practising ethical self-discipline and steering clear of destructive emotions like jealousy, anger, and arrogance, we can transform our experiences and relationships.

Buddhism teaches that cultivating wholesome mental qualities is essential for spiritual advancement. The positive counterparts to the three unwholesome states are non-greed (alobha), non-hatred (adosa), and non-delusion (amoha). These virtues represent not merely the absence of negativity but also the active presence of beneficial qualities such as generosity (dana), loving kindness (metta), and wisdom (panna). Each of these six mental states serves as a foundation for both personal growth and societal harmony.

Human beings are often tempted by moral transgressions rooted in unwholesome qualities. Actions driven by greed, hatred and ignorance require wisdom and mindful awareness to overcome them, allowing us to see the interconnectedness of all beings and act accordingly.

As we strive to abandon these unwholesome states of mind and cultivate awareness, we contribute positively to our lives and the broader world. By embracing Buddhist teachings, we learn that transforming our minds can significantly impact our experiences and the lives of those around us. Through this mindful practice, we can aspire to create a more compassionate, harmonious existence, transcending the limitations of unwholesome mental states and fostering a deeper connection with ourselves and others.

by Dr. Chandradasa Nanayakkara

 

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How does the Buddha differ?

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Buddhism, perhaps, is not a religion if the definition of religion is strictly applied. However, by an extension of that definition, as well as by consensus, Buddhism is considered a religion and is the fourth largest religion with about half a billion followers worldwide. Of the four great religions in the world, Christianity is still way ahead with 2.6 billion adherents, followed by Islam with 1.9 billion and Hinduism with 1.2 billion followers. In most Western Christian countries church attendances are on the decline whilst the numbers following Islam are increasing with Islamic youth displaying signs of increasing religious ardour. There are recent reports that Buddhism has also joined the ranks of shrinking religions. Is this cause for concern? Is this happening by the very nature of Buddhism?

Hinduism, the world’s oldest living religion rooted in the Indus Valley Civilization and dating back at least four millennia, is considered to have evolved from ancient cultural and religious practices than being founded by a single individual, unlike the other three religions. The Buddha differs from Jesus Christ and Prophet Mohammed in many ways, the most important being that there is no higher power involved in what the Buddha discovered.

Jesus Christ is considered the ‘Son of God’ and Christianity is built on the life, resurrection and teachings of Christ with emphasis on the belief in one God expressed through the Trinity: God the Father, Jesus the Son and the Holy Spirit. Therefore, there is no room for questioning the words of the Almighty passed through the Son.

Islam, with its Five Pillars of faith, frequent daily prayers, charity, fasting during Ramadan and pilgrimage to Mecca, is founded on revelations made by Almighty God, Allah, to Mohammed, the last of his Prophets, which are recorded in verse in the Holy Book, Quran. Muslims consider the Quran to be verbatim words of God and the unaltered, final revelation. This leaves even less room for questioning.

In contrast, the Buddha achieved everything by himself with no help from any higher source. Rebelling against some of the practices in the religion to which he was born and seeking a solution to the ever-pervading sense of dissatisfaction, Prince Siddhartha embarked on a journey of discovery that culminated in Enlightenment, under the Bodhi tree on the full moon day of the month of Vesak.

Hinduism, or Sanatana Dharma as traditionally referred to by followers, encompasses the concepts of Karma, Samsara, Moksha and Dharma with a creator Brahma, preserver Vishnu and destroyer Shiva. In addition, there are multitudes of gods serving various functions and there are ritual practices of Puja (worship), Bhakti (devotion), Yajna (sacrificial rites) in addition to meditation and Yoga. The one thing that has blighted Hinduism, on top of sacrifices, is the caste system. The uncompromising attitude of Brahmins led to the formation Sikhism as well, long after the establishment of Buddhism.

Prince Siddhartha studied under eminent teachers of the day, of which there were many, but realised the limitations of their knowledge. Having already given up the extreme of luxury, he went to the other extreme of self-deprivation which after a search for six years, he realised also was not the solution to the problem. Exploring through his mind he realised the truth and came up with the Four Noble Truths and the Noble Eightfold Path. He shunned extremes and proposed the Middle Path which seems to hold sway in many spheres of life, even today.

Buddha’s greatest achievement was the analysis of the mind and scientists are only now establishing the accuracy of the concepts the Buddha elucidated, not with the help of supernatural powers or sophisticated machinery at the disposal of modern-day scientists but by the exploration of the mind by turning the searchlight inwards.

Having discovered the cause of universal dissatisfaction and the path to overcome it, the Buddha walked across vast swathes of India, most likely barefoot, preaching to many, in terms they could understand, as evidenced by the different suttas illustrating the same fact in different ways; to the intelligent it was a short explanation but for others it was a more detailed discussion.

In sharp contrast to all other religious leaders, the Buddha encouraged discussion and challenge before acceptance. What the Buddha stated in the Kalama Sutta, acceptance only after conviction, laid the foundation for scientific thinking.

The Buddha, being a human not supernatural, never claimed infallibility as evidenced by his agreement with his father King Suddhodana that ordaining his son Rahula without permission was a mistake and took steps to ensure that this did not happen again. In fact, the entire Vinaya Pitaka is not an arbitrary rule book laid down by the Buddha, but are the rules the Buddha laid down for the Sangha, based on errant actions by Bhikkhus. Long before the legal concept of retroactive justice was established, the Buddha implemented it in the Vinaya Pitaka.

In an interesting video on YouTube titled “Nature of Buddhism”, Bhante Dhammika of Australia (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KY8WfGJq2FI) discusses some unique aspects of Buddhism. Some religions are ‘high demand’ religions where the followers are required to strictly adhere to certain rules which is not the case in Buddhism and he opines that this has led to the gentleness of Buddhists, at times leading to even being lackadaisical! Interestingly, as a widely travelled person, he describes his personal experience of the change of people’s attitudes on going from places with Buddhist influence to others. Speaking of Sri Lanka, where he spent many years, he commends the traditional hospitality as well as lack of cruelty to animals. He refers to “Law based religions” where some things are compulsory whereas in Buddhism there is no compulsion. Buddha was not a lawgiver but recommended good behaviour, giving reasons why and encouraged thinking. Some religions are exclusivist, claiming that there is nothing in other religions. Buddhism is not and Bhante Dhammika refers to an incident where the Buddha encouraged a disciple who converted from Jainism to continue to give alms to his former Jain colleagues.

Have all these strengths of Buddhism become its weakness and the reason for the shrinking number of followers? Had Buddhism demanded more from followers would it have flourished better? Is the numbers game that important? These are interesting questions to ponder over and I am sure, in time, researchers would write theses on these.

Whilst total numbers may diminish in traditional Buddhist areas, more people in the West are recognising the value of the philosophy of Buddhism. Mindfulness, a concept the Buddha introduced is gaining wide acceptance and is increasingly applied in many spheres of modern life. Perhaps, what is important is not the numbers that practise Buddhism as a religion but the lasting influence of the Buddha’s concepts and foundations he laid for modern scientific thinking and analysis of the mind!

By Dr Upul Wijayawardhana

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Political violence stalking Trump administration

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A scene that unfolded during the shooting incident at the recent White House Correspondents’ Dinner in Washington. (BBC)

It would not be particularly revelatory to say that the US is plagued by ‘gun violence’. It is a deeply entrenched and widespread malaise that has come in tandem with the relative ease with which firearms could be acquired and owned by sections of the US public, besides other causes.

However, a third apparent attempt on the life of US President Donald Trump in around two and a half years is both thought-provoking and unsettling for the defenders of democracy. After all, whatever its short comings the US remains the world’s most vibrant democracy and in fact the ‘mightiest’ one. And the US must remain a foremost democracy for the purpose of balancing and offsetting the growing power of authoritarian states in the global power system, who are no friends of genuine representational governance.

Therefore, the recent breaching of the security cordon surrounding the White House Correspondents’ Dinner in Washington at which President Trump and his inner Cabinet were present, by an apparently ‘Lone Wolf’ gunman, besides raising issues relating to the reliability of the security measures deployed for the President, indicates a notable spike in anti-VVIP political violence in particular in the US. It is a pointer to a strong and widespread emergence of anti-democratic forces which seem to be gaining in virulence and destructiveness.

The issues raised by the attack are in the main for the US’ political Right and its supporters. They have smugly and complacently stood by while the extremists in their midst have taken centre stage and begun to dictate the course of Right wing politics. It is the political culture bred by them that leads to ‘Lone Wolf’ gunmen, for instance, who see themselves as being repressed or victimized, taking the law into their own hands, so to speak, and perpetrating ‘revenge attacks’ on the state and society.

A disproportionate degree of attention has been paid particularly internationally to Donald Trump’s personality and his eccentricities but such political persons cannot be divorced from the political culture in which they originate and have their being. That is, “structural” questions matter. Put simply, Donald Trump is a ‘true son’ of the Far Right, his principal support base. The issues raised are therefore for the President as well as his supporters of the Right.

We are obliged to respect the choices of the voting public but in the case of Trump’s election to the highest public position in the US, this columnist is inclined to see in those sections that voted for Trump blind followers of the latter who cared not for their candidate’s suitability, in every relevant respect, and therefore acted irrationally. It would seem that the Right in the US wanted their candidate to win by ‘hook or by crook’ and exercise power on their behalf.

By making the above observations this columnist does not intend to imply that voting publics everywhere in the world of democracy cast their vote sensibly. In the case of Sri Lanka, for example, the question could be raised whether the voters of the country used their vote sensibly when voting into office the majority of Executive Presidents and other persons holding high public office. The obvious answer is ‘no’ and this should lead to a wider public discussion on the dire need for thoroughgoing voter education. The issue is a ‘huge’ one that needs to be addressed in the appropriate forums and is beyond the scope of this column.

Looking back it could be said that the actions of Trump and his die-hard support base led to the Rule of Law in the US being undermined as perhaps never before in modern times. A shaming moment in this connection was the protest march, virtually motivated by Trump, of his supporters to the US Capitol on January 6th, 2021, with the aim of scuttling the presidential poll result of that year. Much violence and unruly behaviour, as known, was let loose. This amounted to denigrating the democratic process and encouraging the violent take over of the state.

In a public address, prior to the unruly conduct of his supporters, Trump is on record as blaring forth the following: ‘We won this election and we won by a landslide’, ‘We will stop the steal’, ‘We will never give up. We will never concede. It doesn’t happen’, ‘If you don’t fight like hell, you’re not going to have a country anymore.’

It is plain to see that such inflammatory utterances could lead impressionable minds in particular to revolt violently. Besides, they should have led the more rationally inclined to wonder whether their candidate was the most suitable person to hold the office of President.

Unfortunately, the latter process was not to be and the question could be raised whether the US is in the ‘safest pair of hands’. Needless to say, as events have revealed, Donald Trump is proving to be one of the most erratic heads of state the US has ever had.

However, the latest attempt on the life of President Trump suggests that considerable damage has been done to the democratic integrity of the US and none other than the President himself has to take on himself a considerable proportion of the blame for such degeneration, besides the US’ Far Right. They could be said to be ‘reaping the whirlwind.’

It is a time for soul-searching by the US Right. The political Right has the right to exist, so the speak, in a functional democracy but it needs to take cognizance of how its political culture is affecting the democratic integrity or health of the US. Ironically, the repressive and chauvinistic politics advocated by it is having the effect of activating counter-violence of the most murderous kind, as was witnessed at the White House Correspondents’ Dinner. Continued repressive politics could only produce more such incidents that could be self-defeating for the US.

Some past US Presidents were assassinated but the present political violence in the country brings into focus as perhaps never before the role that an anti-democratic political culture could play in unraveling the gains that the US has made over the decades. A duty is cast on pro-democracy forces to work collectively towards protecting the democratic integrity and strength of the US.

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