Connect with us

Features

Inside election and political stories from the Chandrika years

Published

on

Chandrika Kumaratunga

Events subsequent to the attempt on CBK’s life

President Chandrika Kumaratunga spent several weeks in the United Kingdom receiving treatment following the assassination attempt on her by the LTTE. On her return to the island, she immediately dissolved the parliament and called for a parliamentary election as Karu had expected.

According to Karu, facing this upcoming parliamentary election was to be no easy task due to the threats and harassment meted out by opponents in several electoral seats in Gampaha. Kumaratunga’s younger brother Anura Bandaranaike was to contest from the Gampaha district under the United National Party (UNP) ticket. Anura and Karu would set out together every morning to canvas the area and meet their supporters.

“Even though we set out together every morning, around early afternoon Anura would claim he was too tired to go on and turn back…” Karu recalls. According to him, UNP candidates had to face threats and acts of intimidation in many areas of the Ja-Ela, Minuwangoda, and Gampaha electorates.

“We were attacked while campaigning in these areas. At times we were even shot at by ruffians sanctioned by our opponents. Each time I escaped unscathed but several UNP supporters were injured in these incidents…” Karu recalls.

According to Karu, despite repeated complaints by him, not only did the police seem disinterested in putting a stop to these acts of election violence, but they also failed to apprehend any suspects involved. Refusing to back down Karu lodged a complaint with the election monitoring office. Based on his complaint the office assured Karu that additional election monitors will be assigned to the Gampaha district.

But the threats and harassment Karu had to face did not come from his political opponents alone. Karu says these incidents stemmed from the preferential vote feuds among the candidates of the UNP itself. While it was impossible to avoid competitiveness between party colleagues under the preferential voting system, Karu says he often did his best to stay clear of such conflicts.

“I avoided asking people to cast a preference vote for me. Instead, I asked the people to first vote for the UNP and vote for three UNP candidates of their preference…” he says. Karu believes by doing this he was largely able to avoid conflict with other UNP candidates and carry out a successful election campaign.

Though a large number of election monitors had been deployed for the parliamentary elections of 2000, Karu says it had little effect on preventing election violations and frauds from being committed in some rural polling centres. Voters presumed to be UNP supporters were threatened and driven away by armed thugs on election day, preventing them from casting their votes. The thugs carrying out these acts had been brought from other areas of the country.

Karu says the UNP lost out on a large number of votes from the Gampaha district due to these acts of intimidation of voters. He says election monitors were unable to prevent these acts as the groups of thugs would make their getaway before the monitors could visit the scene. In this situation, the only step the monitors could take was to obtain statements from witnesses and enter them into their observation reports.

At the election, the ruling People’s Alliance (PA) managed to secure a majority of the seats in the Gampaha district while the UNP was merely able to score victories in the Wattala and Negombo electorates. Though the UNP had suffered a setback, the election was a personal triumph for Karu. To his surprise, he had won the preferential vote race by becoming the UNP candidate from the Gampaha district with the most number of preferential votes, a staggering 237,387.

While UNP stalwarts Anura Bandaranaike, Dr Jayalath Jayawardena, John Amaratunga, Joseph Micheal Perera, Edward Gunasekara and Suranimala Rajapaksha were also elected to parliament from the district, they had all received less than 100,000 preferential votes. I was humbly pleased about receiving such a large number of votes at the very first parliamentary election I contested …” Karu says.

Not only did Karu surpass his party colleagues, but he was also able to receive more votes than Susil Premajayantha, the PA district leader and the former Chief Minister of the Western province. The 165,905 preference votes he received paled in comparison to Karu’s 237,387. Nevertheless, the PA was able to once again emerge victorious in the parliamentary elections held that year. The ruling party secured 107 seats in parliament while the UNP only laid claim to 89. In a surprising turn of events, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) which held only one seat in parliament till 2000, was able to increase it to 10.

But the PA’s win was to be bittersweet. “It was tragic news…” Karu says recalling the incident. The country went into mourning after it was announced that Sri Lanka’s former Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike had died at age 84 after suffering a heart attack on October 10, 2000, the very day of the country’s parliamentary elections.

Bandaranaike, the mother of President Chandrika Kumaratunga and UNP politician Anura Bandaranaike had been returning home after casting her vote at the Sri Sanghabodhi Vidyalaya polling station in Nittambuwa when the incident occurred. A formidable stateswoman, Bandaranaike was the world’s first non-hereditary female head of government in modern history after she was elected as Sri Lanka’s Prime Minister on July 20, 1960.

“Those of us in the UNP were also truly shocked and saddened by her demise. After being elected as both the world and country’s first woman Prime Minister she served three terms. Even though she as the leader of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) had held a different ideology to that of the UNP, Madam Bandaranaike had cast her vote for me – at the local government elections for Colombo…” Karu says. According to Karu, he came to know this after Bandaranaike had personally told him of the fact. Hearing of her death, Karu had visited her residence.”Tintagel’ in Rosmead Place that night to pay his last respects.

Based on their performance in the parliamentary elections of 2000 the PA was able to once again form a government. However, the party was pressed to maintain a majority in parliament. The only political solution was to appoint more members to the cabinet than previously. At the time private media institutions dubbed this new cabinet a `Mega Cabinet.’ Karu says it was ironic that Kumaratunga who had lampooned the large cabinets under Presidents Ranasinghe Premadasa and D.B Wijetunga was herself forced to appoint a similar cabinet at the very beginning of her second term as President.

Kumaratunga had appointed a cabinet consisting of forty-four members. But the government was still on shaky ground. A conflict had arisen between President Kumaratunga and Rauff Hakeem, the leader of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) – a party to the government. Hakeem had vehemently disagreed with Kumaratunga’s decision to appoint her mother’s cousin General Anuruddha Ratwatte as the Deputy Minister of Defence. As Hakeem continued to voice his disapproval, Kumaratunga was forced to appoint Ratwatte as the Minister of Power and Energy instead. Ratwatte, a seasoned military man, had responded to the snub by being passive- aggressive.

Reports of yet another rift within the government appeared in the gossip columns of Sri Lanka’s weekend newspapers. They claimed Kumaratunga and S.B Dissananayke, a Minister in her government, had fallen out for reasons unknown. “Though we never found out the truth, we were able to confirm through several government ministers that Dissanayake had stopped attending cabinet meetings during this time…” Karu says laughingly.

It was widely accepted among Karu’s UNP colleagues that rifts within the government had begun to appear. Kumaratunga’s alleged favouritism of SLFP members formerly of the Sri Lanka Mahajana Pakshaya (SLMP) had also left many senior SLFP politicians disgruntled giving rise to even more conflict within the government.

In 1994 the PA led by Chandrika Kumaratunga had swept into power on the promise of abolishing the curse that was the executive presidency. At the elections, Kumaratunga had also promised a political solution to the national question in Sri Lanka. However, she was not able to fulfil either of these promises during her first term. Kumaratunga failed to abolish the executive presidency as her government did not possess the required two-thirds majority in parliament.

Meanwhile, Kumaratunga also held a discussion with LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran in January 1995 in a bid to arrive at a political solution for the decade long national question. These talks were followed by several more discussions. But unfortunately, Kumaratunga was unsuccessful in her efforts.

But in 1999 and 2000 the PA in its election manifestos reiterated these pledges. The party then requested the public to vote them into power and provide them with the necessary two-thirds majority to deliver on those promises.

Though the UNP introduced the executive presidency to Sri Lanka in 1978, by 2000 the party had also begun to realize its many pitfalls. As the Tamil political parties of the North also held similar reservations about the post, the Kumaratunga government decided to look into the possibility of abolishing it with the support of all parties in parliament. As a result, the government organized one-on-one discussions with each political party. It was also decided that following these discussions a multi-party conference will be held on the agreement of all parties.

The UNP had readily accepted the government’s invitation to attend the multi-party conference. On the advice of party leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, Karu along with UNP MPs K.N Choksy and Tyronne Fernando attended the discussion. Ratnasiri Wickremanayake and Nimal Siripala de Silva attended on behalf of the SLFP. Members representing several Tamil political parties from the North had also attended the much awaited conference.

“Discussions were held over several months. At the end of it, a proposed draft constitution was formulated by G. L. Peiris. It was proposed that the executive presidency be abolished and be replaced by a ceremonial president instead in addition to the appointment of three vice presidents…” Karu recalls.

According to him, the UNP had initially expressed its agreement to the draft only to backtrack later. “It was proposed the new constitutional amendments would only come into effect at the end of Kumaratunga’s term in 2005. We were not agreeable to this…” he says. “It was, therefore, decided the UNP should withdraw from the conference…” he adds.

Meanwhile, stiff opposition against the draft proposals had also begun to rise among some groups of Bhikkus as well as political and civil society activists. At the time the opposing Bhikkus even held a Maha Sangha Sabha at the Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference Hall in Colombo to voice their dissent.

It was also rumoured that certain big wigs in the government were also displeased by the proposed draft constitution. “Some claimed Kumaratunga’s own Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremanayake did not agree with the new proposals either. At the time Wickremanayake refrained from commenting publicly on the matter so the truth remains unknown…” Karu says. The government however refused to drop the proposal challenged by the UNP, thereby failing to gain the main opposition party’s support for the new constitutional draft.

This one clause resulted in the overall failure of the proposed draft constitution. Karu says the then government must bear the responsibility for this debacle. The many meetings resulting in the formulation of a new constitutional draft had been all for naught. Had it been successful Karu says it would have possibly led to a much needed sense of fellowship between the members of the government and the opposition. “This was a key reason I was keenly dedicated to the effort…” he adds.

Karu says he received a phone call from President Kumaratunga the very next day after the UNP dropped out of the multi-party discussions. The President, it appeared, was irked by the UNP now opposing the draft formulated with the party’s participation. “A clause we had not agreed to has been included in the final draft. This is the reason…” Karu explained. “Are you referring to the clause on the timing of the abolition of the presidency?” Kumaratunga had asked, adding that the clausehad been added on the insistence of G. L. Peiris, her Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs.

“Fine, we will remove that clause. Ask Ranil to support us. This issue can be resolved through discussions…” she assured Karu. Before ending the phone call Karu had agreed to speak to the UNP leader on behalf of the President.

Karu had immediately called Wickremsinghe to relate Kumaratunga’s message. Wickremesinghe had merely said “It is too late for that now,” and moved on to another topic of discussion. Admitting he sadly failed in his efforts, Karu says had Wickremesinghe been more flexible it would have perhaps been possible to introduce a new constitution to Sri Lanka at the time.

(Excerpted from the biography of Karu Jayasuriya by Nihal Jagathchandra)



Continue Reading
Advertisement
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Features

The significance of “Control” in foreign relations

Published

on

US Assistant Secretary of State South and Central Asian Affairs, Paul Kapur, Deputy Defence Minister Aruna Jayaskera, and Navy Commande Vice Admiral Kanchana Banagoda and others aboard SLNS Gajabahu.

Foreign Relations are all about “Control” particularly in the context of Relations between Major Powers such as the USA, China and India and small sovereign States such as Sri Lanka. While in the case of such relations, benefits to both parties are inevitable, the need to do so is invariably driven by the national interests of the Major Powers because their interests far outweigh those of small States. This mismatch of interests is what calls for “Control” of relations by Major Powers

The advice to Sri Lanka by Foreign Relations experts thus far has been to balance challenges arising from such Relations, not realising that the compulsions driven by the interests of Major Powers are such that balancing by itself does not have the needed capabilities to overcome the consequences arising from Major Power Rivalries; a fact evidenced by the recent Middle East war.

For instance, the need for the USA to strengthen the capabilities of the Sri Lankan Navy is driven by the strategic location of Sri Lanka since it is the gateway to the Indo-Pacific. Notwithstanding such motivations, it cannot be denied that the infrastructure provided to Sri Lanka’s Navy was handy to meet internal challenges as it was during the final stages of the Armed Conflict to destroy arsenals of the LTTE out at sea and the capacity to meet both external and internal threats to and within Sri Lanka.

Similarly, one of China’s primary interests is its Belt and Road Initiative. Towards this end, China has established a solid foot print in Sri Lanka by building and owning solid infrastructure projects for 99 years and more, if it is in China’s interest. However, although benefits from such projects cannot be denied, the open question is whether their scale was established to suit China’s interests or sought by Sri Lanka to suit Sri Lanka’s interests. For instance, the offer to build a 200,000 barrels a day Refinery by Sinopec of China has more to do with serving China’s interests, in view of the decision by the Sri Lankan Government to expand the Refinery at Sapugaskanda to 100,000 barrels a day.

In the case of India, the issues are more complex arising from Sri Lanka’s proximity to India, the cultural and historical heritage shared by both and the presence of the Tamil community in both countries. Consequently, India is extremely conscious of the need to keep a sharp eye and “Control” developments taking place in Sri Lanka in respect of Sri Lanka’s relations with Major Powers. This concern is driven by the notion that the territorial security of India is dependent on Sri Lanka’s Relations with Major Powers; a concern that arises from India’s past territorial history where the territory of India was transformed from a motley group of Princely States into one unified sub-continent and then partitioned into two Nation States under the British Raj. Consequently, the present territory of India has been in existence only since its independence from Colonial Rule in 1947. Hence, the fear of history repeating itself is driven by internal compulsions and by external interventions.

US – SRI LANKA RELATIONS

Against the background of Geopolitical interests presented above, Sri Lanka adopted the Policy of Neutrality in 2019 and this Government continues to exercise and live by its Internationally recognised principles, as it did when Sri Lanka denied landing rights to US Aircraft during the Middle East conflict. Sri Lanka’s Foreign Minister stated that Sri Lanka was “always neutral” when he met the US Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs to convey Sri Lanka’s appreciation for the assistance rendered to procure fuel during the Middle East crisis and for the maritime vessels and aircraft gifted to Sri Lanka (Daily News, June 23, 2026).

In the meantime, The Island has reported that the “US declares SLN its Indo-Pacific Partner” (June 25, 2026). A statement issued by the US Embassy in Colombo quotes the Assistant Secretary of State as having stated: “Today, we announced the delivery of US satellite communication technology to the Sri Lankan Navy, our Indo-Pacific partner: This secure, real-time connection—representing a transformational upgrade for the Sri Lankan Navy-– will be available aboard their entire fleet of offshore patrol vessels…” (Ibid).

There is no doubt whatsoever that these assets would collectively boost the capabilities of the SL Navy to “strengthen maritime domain awareness, improve operational coordination, support emergency response, help interdict vessels engaged in illicit trafficking etc.” (Ibid). However, the unilateral declaration by US that the SL Navy is a “Indo-Pacific Partner” of the US has NO validity unless such a declaration has the approval of the SL Government. Furthermore, such an approval by the SL Government would compromise its Policy of Neutrality to which the country has pledged.

Therefore, the declaration should be accompanied with a caveat, that being, that the partnership should NOT extend to the entirety of the Indo-Pacific but be limited to Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEC). It is only then that the SL Government is Internationally entitled to exercise its rights as a Neutral State, namely, to protect its territory under the UN Law of the Sea. Furthermore, considering the extent of Sri Lanka’s EEC in relation to the extent of the Indian Ocean, the Partnership would be proportionate.

CHINA – SRI LANKA RELATIONS

China’s interest is to consolidate its interests in its Belt and Road Initiative. Towards this end it has attempted to exercise “Control” over Sri Lanka by offering infrastructure projects of a scale that benefits China rather than Sri Lanka as evidenced by the example of the offer by Sinopec Refinery cited above. This example demonstrate that Sri Lanka should be faulted for accepting projects offered without question and when questioned, based on local evaluations of scale to meet Sri Lankan needs as in the case of the existing Refinery at Sapugaskanda, the scale of projects become significantly less. The lesson to be learnt from this experience is that no project offered should be accepted without question in respect of its suitability to Sri Lanka in all respects, if Sri Lanka is not to become a victim of self-inflicted debt traps.

INDIA –SRI LANKA RELATIONS

How India “Controls” Sri Lanka is by making Sri Lanka politically and economically vulnerable and dependent on India, not only through physical connectivity, but also by being a handmaiden in internal political arrangements where power is devolved to Provinces that are a threat to Sri Lanka’s territorial integrity (13th Amendment) and also by focusing development that benefit the Tamil community in Sri Lanka. The end result is to keep relations between communities in Sri Lanka on the “boil”, much against the interests of Sri Lanka to function as a united Nation State.

The proposal to connect Sri Lanka with India with under-water pipelines to transfer petroleum products from the Middle East and Power Grids would make Sri Lanka vulnerable and dependent on India as Germany was with Natural Gas from Russia when Nord-Stream I and II were sabotaged. Similarly, the road access through a Land Bridge connecting India and Sri Lanka would legalize access between the two countries that today takes place illegally because of the disparity in wages and livelihoods.

Despite such possible outcomes, there is a concerted effort by individuals and a body of NGOs who are of the opinion that it is in the best interests of Sri Lanka for Sri Lanka to hitch its wagons to the rising star of India. Others are grateful to India as the first responder to Sri Lanka at times of need, mindless of the weekly destruction of Sri Lanka’s marine resources etc. caused by thousands of fishing boats from India resorting to illegal fishing practices whose value over the years are beyond assessment.

CONCLUSIION

The reason for the recent conflict in the Middle East is all about “Control” of Nation States by Major Powers in pursuit of their Geopolitical interests. The need to “Control” Sri Lanka by the US is because of Sri Lanka’s location to the Indo-Pacific and by China because Sri Lanka is a vital link to its Belt and Road Initiative. On the other hand, Relations with India are influenced and guided by India’s obsession with the sustainability of its territorial integrity because that is what makes India a Major Power. The survival of Sri Lanka in such a complex background depends on how astutely Sri Lanka protects its Policy of Neutrality.

By Neville Ladduwahetty

Continue Reading

Features

“Sir”: A prefix or a suffix in Sri Lanka?

Published

on

A file picture of King Charles making Sir Stephen Hough a Knight Bachelor at Windsor Castle.

The word “Sir” is classically and linguistically associated with Great Britain and His Majesty’s English Language. As an esteemed prefix, it generally refers to a Knight, but very strictly speaking, that is perhaps a rather narrow and restricted synonym. While a Knight of the British Empire is the most common type of knight people encounter today, Great Britain actually has several different orders of knighthood, as well as an ancient rank that does not belong to any such order at all.

When someone is dubbed a knight in Britain and referred to as “Sir” X, Y or Z, they generally fall into one of three categories. The first is a Knight Bachelor, undoubtedly the oldest rank. This is the most common form of knighthood awarded for public service, arts, or science. In that context, one should think of Sir Elton John, Sir Paul McCartney, or Sir Ian McKellen. It is not a part of an explicit “Order”, like that of the British Empire. It is the oldest mechanical form of knighthood, dating back to the 13th century under King Henry III. The recipients are simply styled as Sir, followed by the first name, such as Sir Ian, without any post-nominal letters like KBE or OBE attached to the end of their name.

The second is a Knight Commander of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire (KBE). This is a specific group, established relatively recently in 1917 by King George V, to fill a gap for rewarding civilian and military effort during World War I. To qualify to be called “Sir” within this specific order, a man must be appointed as a Knight Commander (KBE) or a Knight Grand Cross (GBE).

The third is a group of Chivalric Orders, the so-called Elite and Ancient Orders. Several highly exclusive, ancient orders of knighthood sit much higher in precedence than the Order of the British Empire. These include the Most Noble Order of the Garter, the pinnacle of British honours founded in 1348, and scrupulously limited to the Monarch, the Prince of Wales, and only 24 other companion members. Then there is the Most Ancient and Most Noble Order of the Thistle, the highest chivalric honour in Scotland. The last of this group is the Most Honourable Order of the Bath; typically awarded to high-ranking military officers and senior civil servants.

The Summary Rule of this entire scenario is that every Knight of the British Empire (KBE) is a British Knight, but not every British Knight is a Knight of the British Empire. If you see a modern British knight who does not have military or diplomatic ties, odds are high that they are actually a Knight Bachelor.

With reference to the title of this presentation, now for the flip side of this, as we see things in our region of the globe. In Great Britain, it is the standard form of address to refer to a Knight as Sir John, Sir Ian etc. However, in Sri Lanka, as well as in the Indian sub-continent, very often people use the word “Sir” as a suffix or a postfix to honour someone and frequently use “X Sir”; the name followed by the word “Sir” as a suffix or postfix.

It is a fascinating linguistic oddity, and Sri Lanka is definitely not alone in this, and most definitely, we are second to none in that outlook. While using “Sir” as a suffix or postfix (e. g., De Silva Sir, Nihal Sir) completely cartwheels over the standard British etiquette, where “Sir” must strictly prefix a first name. This charming practice of using it as a suffix is actually widespread across South Asia and parts of Southeast Asia. It is a classic example of dialectal crossbreeding, where local grammatical structures and cultural norms go to the extent of rewriting even the rules of the standard English as a language.

In a very broad sense, this phenomenon is very definitely seen in the Indian Subcontinent (E.g. Sri Lanka, India, Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan and Pakistan). This is arguably where the “Name + Sir” phenomenon is largest and perhaps even the strongest. Across Sri Lanka, India and Bangladesh, you will constantly hear people refer to superiors, teachers, or public figures as Karu Sir, Vijay Sir, Sachin Sir, Shahrukh Sir, or Ahmad Sir, etc.

Then there is the Indian “Ji” Factor: In Indian languages like Hindi or Punjabi, it is a strict cultural taboo to call an elder or a superior by their bare name. People naturally append the respectful suffix “Ji” (e. g., Gandhi-ji, Sharma-ji). It is then no surprise at all that when switching to English, the Indian mind seamlessly swaps the local suffix Ji for the English honorific Sir, thereby turning Vijay-ji into Vijay Sir.

In Hong Kong, a very specific variation of this exists within the police force and civil service. Influenced by decades of British administration, mixed with Cantonese naming customs, junior officers and the public address superiors by their surname followed by “Sir”, such as “Wong-Sir” or “Chan-Sir“. There is even a universal colloquial generic term, “Ah-Sir“, used commonly to address male police officers or teachers.

In the Philippines, while the syntax is slightly different, the sheer density of “Sir/Madam, Ma’am” usage matches that of Sri Lanka. Filipinos deeply value hierarchical courtesy. While they might say “Sir Jason“, it is incredibly common to use “Sir” almost like a pronoun or a mid-sentence suffix punctuation mark when addressing superiors, bosses, or clients, to ensure that respect is suitably maintained conscientiously.

The mismatch between British English and South/Southeast Asian English comes down to how different native cultures view status and intimacy. In South Asia, especially in Sri Lanka, there is the Linguistic Tradition of the suffix, where an extension in the nation’s own language is inserted into a word to enhance its status. In languages like Sinhala (-thuma / –mahathmaya), in Tamil (-ayyah / –avargal), and in Hindi (-ji), respect is always attached to the end of a name. It simply means that forcefully bringing a sleek word that implies social deference to the front, like Sir John, feels syntactically peculiar or even inappropriate to a native speaker of these local languages.

The “First Name Dilemma” is another type of rather quaint occurrence. In the West, calling your boss simply “John” is seen as a gesture that is egalitarian, free and open. In South Asia, calling an elder or superior by their first name feels somewhat jarringly rude. Conversely, using just “Mr Perera” can also feel too cold, official and even distant. “Perera Sir” or “Silva Sir” strikes the perfect culturally mitigatory concession, as it maintains a warm, personal connection by using the surname while also overtly and safely conveying a layer of professional public respect by adding the word “Sir” as a suffix or a postfix.

Yet for all that, it is worth noting that fundamentally, all languages are symbolic expressions of human thought and human intelligence. Whether expressed as spoken, written or sign language, all dialects are means of human communication. The type of words like “Sir” that we use in the English Language and the real context in which they are used indicate our thoughts in our human intellect. When they are used appropriately, they reflect our commitment to uninhibited respect and even admiration. While the British people and even their Monarch might feel quite a bit confused to hear someone called “Perera Sir”, right across Sri Lanka and its neighbouring nations. Yet for all that, it is simply the most natural and fusion technique to bridge and integrate traditional deference and admiration with modern expressive English.

by Dr B. J. C. Perera
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
An independent freelance correspondent.

Continue Reading

Features

The Murder Room

Published

on

Tales of Mystery and Suspense – 8

The Murder Room gets its title from a room of that name in a museum dedicated to Victorian memorabilia, including famous murders, which are featured in that room. But the first murder in the story occurs outside, when one of the trustees, who had been against renewing the lease of the building – which would have meant the museum having to close – is set on fire when he comes to the museum late one evening to pick up the car in which he went away for weekends. This was a regular habit, and the murderer had obviously lain in wait, with a can of petrol, and set him on fire.

James

I took several books with me when I went to England earlier this year, but as usual I read hardly any of them, finding enough and more of interest in the shelves of those I stayed with. My first stop was at New College, where, as on several previous occasions I stayed in what is known as the Bishop’s Room, on the topmost storey of the Warden’s Lodgings. Sadly, I shall not stay there again, for my friend who has been Warden there for a decade now, Miles Young, retires this year.

The bookshelves there have much of interest though on the last couple of occasions I have concentrated on the detective stories, which Miles says are not his, but came with the house. The second I read this time was by the generally workmanlike P. D. James, whose Adam Dalgliesh is in the long line of whimsical but efficient detectives that has Hercule Poirot at its head. Though I had not been impressed by the one novel I read, featuring James’ female detective, Dalgliesh, I liked it, and this novel confirmed my affection.

The Murder Room

gets its title from a room of that name in a museum dedicated to Victorian memorabilia, including famous murders, which are featured in that room. But the first murder in the story occurs outside, when one of the trustees, who had been against renewing the lease of the building – which would have meant the museum having to close – is set on fire when he comes to the museum late one evening to pick up the car in which he went away for weekends. This was a regular habit, and the murderer had obviously lain in wait, with a can of petrol, and set him on fire.

The other two trustees, his brother and his sister, obviously benefited from his death, for they promptly renewed the lease. The employees of the museum also clearly benefited, for they had all found some sort of refuge here. These included the caretaker/cleaner, who lived in a cottage on the premises, a manager who was unpaid but used the place for his research, the receptionist, who also looked after the flat at the museum which was used by the sister, and two volunteers plus a gardener’s boy.

The caretaker, Tally, came across the fire before discovery had been intended, for an evening class everyone knew she went to on Fridays had been cancelled. On her way in she was knocked off her bicycle by a speeding car, the driver of which stopped to make sure she was safe, before speeding off again. She manages then to summon everyone else, including Dalgliesh, who had visited the museum for the first time a few days earlier, brought by a friend who relished its strange attractions.

The museum has to be closed for a few days while investigations are carried out, but in the course of them the friend brings some transatlantic visitors, and when they are in the Murder Room a chest (in which a body had been supposed to have been hidden in Victorian times) is opened, and a body found there. That murder, the autopsy indicated, had taken place around the time of the first murder.

The body was that of a girl who had attended a finishing school part-owned by the Dupayne sister. When Tally, by chance, sees the man who had knocked her down, and identifies him as a Lord who was known for his philanthropy, Dalgliesh realises that there are wheels within wheels here. The Lord confesses that he belonged to a group that met for promiscuous sex in the flat, and that he had planned to meet the girl there but she had not turned up.

Lord Martlesham, when the girl failed to appear, thought he should get away after the fire broke out. It was then that he had bumped into Tally, and his stopping to make sure she was all right indicated that he could not have been the murderer. Dalgliesh then deduced that the murderer had seen the girl at the window of the murder room, from which she must have seen the preparations for the murder. That was why she too had been killed.

Dalgliesh then has a fair idea of who the murderer was, but in waiting for proof, he leaves room for yet another murder to happen. For Tally, who had been mulling over something said on the night of the murder, asking about the petrol that caused the fire, realized that she had not mentioned petrol herself. This happened on her way back to her cottage, and not having a phone herself she goes into the museum to call, and then gets back to her cottage and locks herself in.

But then she hears her cat howling and goes out to find him strung up. She cuts him down, but when she goes back to the cottage the murderer is waiting and knocks her down. That happens in the section called The Third Victim, but this is in fact a boy on a motorbike knocked down by the speeding car of the escaping murderer. So Dalgliesh is able to effect an arrest when he turns up as summoned, and fortunately is in time to resuscitate Tally and send her to hospital.

The reason for the murder and the identity of its perpetrator are then fairly straightforward, though the background to the second murder introduces an element of loose living that contrasts with the Victorian age, or at least the image it projected – undercut though that is by the murders highlighted in the Murder Room with their sexual overtones.

And there is another louche element in the adventures of the gardener’s boy, who lives with a Major who is homosexual, though he declares, truthfully it seems, that he was not attracted at all to the boy but had given him shelter because of his vulnerability. He is generally charming, but capable of rages, in one of which he knocked down the major, though he was forgiven. He had taken shelter with Tally, who was fond of him but decided she preferred to live alone, which was why she had sent him away the day before she was attacked.

The murdered brother was a psychiatrist, and it turns out that the mysterious weekends he spent away from his London home were spent at country inns, where he took long walks to clear his mind of the demons his practice kept bringing into it. His profession also contributed to his death, in addition to his standing in the way of the museum continuing to exist, for one of his patients, connected to the murderer, had set fire to herself.

Solid plotting, with all the loose ends tied up, of incidents and the bizarre cast of characters.

Continue Reading

Trending