Features
Indian model as wayforward
By Jehan Perera
President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s statement that district committees can be considered as part of the solution to the vexed problem of power sharing between the ethnic communities has caused a considerable furore in the Tamil community. It came as both a shock and a disappointment as the president has also been speaking about fast-tracking the national reconciliation process. The president said he is ready to reintroduce District Development Councils when former president Maithripala Sirisena proposed setting up of district councils under the provincial councils as a cost cutting measure. “Former President, I listened to your comments on District Development Councils and I am ready to do it,” the President is quoted as having said. Subsequently, the president’s media unit clarified that the President meant that the District Development Committees (DDCs) will be established within the Provincial Councils.
The president’s media unit further elaborated that the DDCs would provide a platform for coordination between the government, the provincial councils and the local governments for all executive decisions. It also said this will ensure the process is not duplicated and will reduce financial wastage. The concept of the district as the unit of devolution was tried before in 1981 by the president’s uncle, the late president J R Jayewardene during whose period the government established DDCs to be part of the solution to the ethnic conflict that was getting worse by the day. The Sri Lankan security forces had been ordered to control the growing Tamil militancy. The security forces were armed not only with guns but also with the Prevention of Terrorism Act which was abused then as it is abused today though to a much greater extent then, than it is now.
The memory of the brief period of the DDCs is an unhappy one to the Tamil community. The elections to the DDC were contested by the ruling party, the UNP, to which the president belongs. The government’s attempt to rig those elections and win them at any cost led to the catastrophic burning of the Jaffna Public Library in 1981. This seat of learning was one of the most sacrosanct institutions of Tamil civilisation that symbolised the high quality of education in the north of the country that was the envy of other parts of the country. It is therefore not surprising that the president’s media unit was quick to deny the very negative inferences made with regard to the president’s speech.
REINTERPRETING WORDS
The president’s media unit can be relied upon to accurately portray the president’s cryptic remark with regard to his willingness to resuscitate the district council system. However, the very idea of creating a complex platform for coordinating the central government, provincial councils and local government bodies for all executive decisions seems to be a difficult task. It runs the real risk of killing any possibility of decision making through a multiplicity of committees. Coordination within one level of the government is difficult enough. Coordinating between multiple levels will be even more difficult. There have been issues when two drivers sit at the wheel. Who does the Government Agent in a district report to as he also serves as the District Secretary? What is the protocol when a central deputy minister and provincial minister attend a formal meeting?
The questions noted above have been raised in the past and many remain unresolved and making further units of devolution will be confusion compounded. The irrelevance of the proposed district committees to the solution of the ethnic conflict can be seen by another problem. The provincial councils, which were formulated to be the solution to the ethnic conflict, and to represent the wishes of the people of each province, do nothing of the sort at the present time, as they are non-functional where people’s representation is concerned. For the past four years, the provincial councils have only been administrative bodies run by a presidentially appointed governor who can act, and does act arbitrarily, without consulting the people of the province. During this period, elections to the provincial councils have not been held. Far from being institutions of devolved power, the provincial councils now represent the centralised power of the state, both unfortunately and perniciously.
The ability of the government to neutralise the provincial councils by the undemocratic method of not permitting elections to be held for 4 years gives impetus to the Tamil community’s rejection of them. The provincial councils were brought into existence in 1987 as the main democratic part of the solution to the ethnic conflict. They were meant to provide the people of each province with the power to decide on locally relevant matters. But this right has been denied to them. This would be the main reason why the demand for federalism is once again coming to the fore. In a landmark judgement the Supreme Court in August 2017 with Chief Justice Priyasath Dep presiding ruled that “Advocating for a Federal form of Government within the existing State could not be considered as advocating Separatism.” The court dismissed a petition that ITAK (or Federal Party) had, as one of its “aims” and “objects” the establishment of a Separate State.
POSITIVE RESPONSE
The TNA which is the largest Tamil party (with ITAK as its major component) has responded positively to the president’s announcement that he intends to seek a solution to the ethnic conflict by the 75th anniversary of Independence. They have said that they will seek a solution on the basis of federalism. Their spokesperson M. A. Sumanthiran has pointed out that there are more than 25 countries in the world which have federal system and they are very much united, and contain over 40 percent of the world’s population. The United States, India, Switzerland and Malaysia are examples of federal states. The key feature in a federal state is that the government will not be able to change the way a provincial council is governed. Certainly, the government will not be able to arbitrarily postpone elections to a provincial council for four years and then run it centrally through a governor of its own choice.
On the other hand, from the time that the Tamil polity has asked for federalism, beginning in the 1950s, the Sinhalese polity has rejected it as being injurious to the country’s national sovereignty and security. There is misapprehension that federalism might be the first step to secession. The examples of the former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia are given as examples of federal states that broke up on the lines of their federal units. The Sinhalese position is that a unitary form of government would protect the country from being divided in this manner. However, even unitary states have been divided if they did not manage their ethnic relations in a constructive manner as was the case in Sudan (which divided into South Sudan) and Serbia (Kosovo). The enlightened reasoning and decision of the Sri Lankan Supreme Court in 2017 needs to be explained to the political parties and to the general population.
The 18th century English poet Alexander Pope wrote “For Forms of Government let fools contest whatever is best administered is best.” Just across the seas from Sri Lanka the world has a good example of a diverse and huge country that has held together as one and is now getting stronger and stronger, both in terms of its economic might, but also its international stature. The Indian form of government is neither wholly federal nor wholly unitary, but can take on aspects of either as the situation demands. In times of peace it is federal, in times of stress it can become unitary. This was the solution that India and Sri Lanka agreed to in the Indo-Lanka Accord of 1987 and which was distorted in the 13th Amendment. Recently in parliament, former president Mahinda Rajapaksa went one step forward to say he was for discussions on 13th Amendment plus. India has been Sri Lanka’s best saviour at the present time in terms of the economic crisis, giving Sri Lanka far more than other countries. With India’s political support to a political solution based on its own learning and experience, a viable solution can be found and Sri Lanka can forge ahead as a truly united nation to economic development.
Features
Wings of Nature: Amila Sumanapala on Sri Lanka’s dragonflies
By Ifham Nizam
Sri Lanka, often celebrated for its verdant landscapes and diverse wildlife, holds a lesser-known treasure within its waters and riparian zones: dragonflies and damselflies. These ancient insects, often overlooked, are quietly playing a crucial role in maintaining ecological balance. For Amila Sumanapala, a pioneering naturalist and entomologist, dragonflies have been more than a mere subject of study—they represent an ongoing quest to understand and protect Sri Lanka’s rich natural heritage.
In an interview with The Island, he said, “I’ve been interested in the overall diversity of animals since my school years.
“When I started as an amateur naturalist, I realised that very few people were focusing on dragonflies and damselflies. There was no one to guide me in identifying or understanding what we were observing in the field. That lack of resources and knowledge motivated me to dive deeper. I read extensively, taught myself, and invested time in understanding these remarkable insects.”
The untold story of Sri Lanka’s dragonflies
Sumanapala’s research has been instrumental in uncovering Sri Lanka’s significance as a global hotspot for dragonflies. Out of 132 species documented so far, over 50% are endemic to Sri Lanka. “Sri Lanka has a remarkable dragonfly diversity compared to its land extent. Our mountains and rainforests harbour species that are unique to very specific locations,” Sumanapala explained.
Places like the Peak Wilderness Sanctuary and Sinharaja Forest Reserve are particularly rich in dragonfly species. “These habitats are critical for some of the most elusive species. For example, several endemics in Peak Wilderness are found in just a handful of streams and wetlands,” he said, highlighting the need for their preservation. “These areas are not just pockets of biodiversity; they are also key to understanding the evolution and ecological roles of dragonflies on the island.”
Dragonflies as ecosystem indicators
Beyond their beauty, dragonflies play a critical ecological role. “Dragonflies and damselflies have an amphibious lifecycle,” Sumanapala said. “Their larval stages are fully aquatic, while the adults are aerial predators. They lay their eggs in water, often within aquatic plants or riparian zones. Some species are very habitat-specific and require pristine, unpolluted water bodies to breed.”
This sensitivity to water quality makes dragonflies excellent bioindicators—organisms whose presence or absence can signal the health of an ecosystem. “When you see dragonflies thriving, it is a sign of a healthy aquatic environment,” Sumanapala shared. “They help control populations of other insects, including pests and mosquitoes, making them essential for ecosystem balance.”
The growing threats
Despite their ecological importance, dragonflies face growing threats across Sri Lanka. “Habitat destruction remains the largest challenge outside protected areas,” Sumanapala said. “The clearance of riparian vegetation, pollution of streams and wetlands, and poorly planned development projects are devastating these habitats. Climate change adds another layer of complexity.”
Changes in rainfall patterns have already begun to impact dragonfly populations. “We’ve observed significant fluctuations during dry spells and periods of erratic rainfall,” Sumanapala noted. “When rains are delayed or occur in short, intense bursts, the aquatic habitats required for dragonfly larvae become unstable. Early findings also suggest that climate change will shrink the suitable habitats for many endemic species, especially those confined to mountain regions.”
However, Sumanapala remains hopeful that proactive conservation strategies could mitigate these threats. “While the existing protected area network provides some level of security, more needs to be done. Policies around land use planning and sustainable development must be strengthened, and cumulative impacts of projects should be carefully considered.”
Role of communities and citizen scientists
For Sumanapala, conservation is not a job reserved for scientists alone—it is a collective effort. “If communities protect their natural waterways and the surrounding vegetation, they automatically safeguard dragonflies and many other species,” he explained. “These insects can thrive even in human-modified habitats if key elements, like clean water and plant cover, are preserved.”
Sumanapala emphasised the role of citizen science, where individuals contribute to scientific research by sharing field observations. “Citizen scientists are invaluable, especially in countries like ours where resources for biodiversity research are limited. Every observation, every record helps us better understand distribution patterns and population trends.”
Uncovering the unknown
Sumanapala’s contributions extend far beyond observation. His fieldwork has already led to significant discoveries. “So far, I’ve discovered and named a new species, rediscovered species that were once thought extinct, and recorded several new country-specific species. I’ve also updated distribution ranges and documented the natural history of lesser-known species.”
Yet, he believes this is just the beginning. “Large parts of Sri Lanka remain underexplored, particularly in the north and central regions. There is much more to uncover in terms of dragonfly diversity, behaviour, and their interactions with ecosystems.”
Message to young scientists
Sumanapala’s journey is as inspiring as it is instructive. For budding entomologists and naturalists, his advice is straightforward: start small but think big. “Biodiversity is vast, and the more time you spend observing, the more you’ll learn. Start with the animals and plants in your own surroundings—your garden, local parks, or paddy fields. Learn the basics, study the species around you, and expand your curiosity from there.”
He sees a bright future for young scientists in Sri Lanka, particularly in biodiversity studies. “There’s so much more to discover here. Whether it’s dragonflies or any other group of organisms, Sri Lanka has a wealth of biodiversity waiting to be explored. If you have the passion and curiosity, you can build a lifelong journey contributing to science and conservation.”
Lifelong commitment to Nature
For Sumanapala, studying dragonflies is more than a profession—it is a commitment to nature. His work stands as a testament to the power of curiosity, perseverance, and dedication. As climate change and human activity continue to reshape ecosystems, the insights from his research serve as a guide for preserving Sri Lanka’s natural heritage.
“Every dragonfly has a story to tell—of adaptation, survival, and beauty,” he said. “By protecting them, we protect the ecosystems they depend on, and ultimately, we protect ourselves.”
As Sri Lanka moves forward, voices like Sumanapala’s remind us that even the smallest creatures can play a monumental role in our planet’s survival—and that every effort counts.
Features
‘UN fudged Lankan casualty figures’ – Lord Naseby
by Palitha Senanayake
The United Nations Human Rights Council at its 57th session adopted a resolution extending the mandate of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) Project on Sri Lanka Accountability by one year. Babu Ram Pant, Deputy Regional Director for South Asia at Amnesty International, has commented extensively on this resolution.
International perversion
The source of these allegations of human rights violations against Sri Lanka is the controversial report called the ‘Dharusman (UNPOE pr United Nations Panel of Experts.) report,’ which the UN Secretary-General commissioned in 2010 after Sri Lankan forces defeated LTTE terrorism. The Secretary-General justified the commissioning of this report, stating that ‘the report is for his personal knowledge.’ This is a strange move to start with because in the UN, HR violation investigations are commissioned by resolutions of the UN Security Council and never by the UN Secretary-General ‘for his knowledge’ in his personal capacity. However, since the report was published, it received authenticity and UN and international blessings to make a case against Sri Lanka.
This ‘international perversion’, however, does not end there. In its mandate, the report further maintained that its task was to look into the ‘accountability to the International Humanitarian and Human Rights law, on the final stages of the Sri Lankan conflict’. This, again, is twisted advocacy to suit one’s agenda as what logically applies to the situation is only international humanitarian law and certainly not Human Rights law.
Expert Opinion
Confronted by these allegations of the UNSG and his ‘experts’, the Sri Lankan government in 2012 hired a team of independent experts, whose expertise in international conflicts and international law was beyond question. This team comprised
Professor DM Crane
Sir Desmond De Silva QC
Rodney Dixon QC
Professor Michael Newton -Professor of the Practice of law, Vanderbilt University School of Law.
Major General Sir John Holmes DSO OBE MC- UN Under-Secretary for Humanitarian Affairs 2007-2010
These eminent persons had served on various international investigation panels. After studying the issues in detail, they submitted their reports to the government of Sri Lanka. They were all in agreement that the Sri Lankan case should be viewed under International Humanitarian Law and not under International Human Rights law.
The applicability of IHRL and its relevance can be explained as follows. It is an accepted fact that the LTTE was the most organized terrorist unit in the world. This fact signifies that the conflict in Sri Lanka was an armed conflict between two sets of forces, namely the SL security forces and the LTTE.
In such a context, international law, as spelt out by the ICRC statute, is very clear in stating that the law that applies to an armed conflict is international humanitarian law, and not International Human Rights law.
Further, as the above experts on international law have pointed out, “International law provides civilian protection while simultaneously allowing for military objectives to be fulfilled, which is the central goal of International Humanitarian Law (IHL). The death of civilians during a conflict, no matter how grave or regrettable, does not in itself constitute a war crime. In particular, the three principals
1. Distinction
2. Military necessity and
3. Proportionality
should guide the legality of action under IHL.
Distinction means that no civilians should be targeted intentionally, Military necessity means that targeting of the particular object should be necessary for the advancement of the troops, and Proportionality is that, the collateral damage (civilian and property) should be justifiable to the military advantage anticipated to be achieved’ – Sir Desmond de Silva QC Page 23.
Therefore, if Sri Lankan forces are to be made guilty of war crimes, charges may have to be brought either on the grounds of intentionally targeting civilians, attacking with no military necessity or for disproportionate killings, over and above the military advantage.
Tendentious allegation
In addition to the above, the Darusman report, makes another tendentious allegation against the Sri Lankan forces. It says in paragraph 137:
137. In the limited surveys that have been carried out in the aftermath of the conflict, the percentage of people reporting dead relatives is high. The number of credible sources has estimated that there could have been as many as 40,000 civilian deaths. Two years after the end of the war, there is still no reliable figure for civilian deaths, but multiple sources of information indicate that a range of up to 40,000 civilian deaths cannot be ruled out at this stage. Only a proper investigation can lead to the identification of all of the victims and the formulation of an accurate figure for the total number of civilian deaths.
Now, this is the figure that is widely quoted to discredit Sri Lanka’s armed forces. Further a figure of 40,000 appears somewhat ‘disproportionate’ in a conflict of this nature and therefore it can be used to make the Sri Lankan forces out to be guilty under international law although the claims made by the UNPOE have not been substantiated.
The Darusman report contradicts the number of ‘dead persons during the conflict’ furnished by the UN country team stationed in the conflict zone for that specific purpose. The US State Department report says the number of deaths is 6,710 from January 2009 to April 2009. The UN’s Country team report prepared by Gordon Weise, the country team leader, states that the figure of casualties is 7,714 from January 2nd to 13th May 2009. The two reports have a basis on daily counts, and they were prepared on the current basis while the conflict was raging, whereas this Darusman report, having come after two years since the end of the battle, presents a figure of 40,000 casualties without a basis or naming a source for the same.
Here is how the Panel justifies its reasons for questioning the first COG (UN Country team) figure:
135.
The number calculated by the United Nations Country Team provides a starting point but is likely to be too low for several reasons. First, it only accounts for the casualties that were observed by the networks of observers who were operational in LTTE-controlled areas. Many victims may not have been observed at all. Second, after the United Nations stopped counting on May 13th, the number of civilian casualties likely proliferated. Due to the intensity of the shelling, many civilians were left where they died and were never registered, brought to a hospital, or even buried. This means that, in reality, the total number could easily be several times that of the United Nations figures.
The country team was stationed in the war zone to prevent and record violations of the international laws of conflict, and the most crucial part of that operation was recording the number of dead in the fighting. The members of this panel, before casting aspersions on the quality of the information found on the Country-Team report, should do well to re-examine the authenticity of their own information sources because their sources, such as the Tamil Diaspora and the ‘Peace’ NGOs, could be highly partisan since they have lost their relevance (and also contributions) since this conflict came to an end.
Lord Naseby
On 01 November 2017, Lord Naseby, a member of the British House of Lords, moved a resolution in the British Parliament to the effect that the number of civilians killed in the final stage of the Sri Lankan conflict was around 7,000 and not 40,000. Accordingly, he suggested to the Parliament that Britain should change its perspective towards the Sri Lankan issue at the UN Human Rights Commission.
Even though Lord Naseby’s assertion is based on the reports of the Defense Attaché of the British Embassy in Colombo at the time of the war, it needs loads of optimism to expect that the British Government will accept these statistics and change its official position towards Sri Lanka at international forums, especially at the UN Human Rights Council where they have co-sponsored the US resolution against Sri Lanka.
Lord Naseby, subsequently airing his views to Mandy Clerk of the British media, stated, “I went into the civilian factor of this war because the figures I had did not add up to the official figures. So, I applied under the freedom of information, requesting the reports of the Defense Attaché of our embassy in Colombo at the time of the war. I received 26 reports, but that did not include the final few days of the war situation. So, I made another appeal, and there I received a further 12 reports. These reports had enough evidence to prove that nobody in the Sri Lankan government ordered to kill people and that was not the intention. The reports said that the casualty figure is around 7,200 civilians and the report further mentioned that a quarter of those casualties could be the LTTE cadres because they did not wear a uniform towards the last stages of the conflict. Then I went to the University Teachers of Jaffna, which is a professional organization of Tamil University teachers, and they said, ‘ it is about 7000’.
Verified Official Statistics
The Department of Census and Statistics performs its customary population survey for the whole of Sri Lanka every 10 years, but due to the LTTE activity, it has not been able to collect data in the North and East since the 1981 survey. Thus, during these years, the officers of respective kachcheries have been issuing population estimates when required for official purposes. However, since the conflict ended in 2009, and given the conflicting claims made by interested parties, including the Catholic Church, the Department commenced an exclusive survey for the northern province in June 2011. This survey was specially designed to ascertain, with verification, the number of people living as well as those who have died, especially during 2009 so that death certificates could be issued on account of them to their next of kin.
This survey was spearheaded by the following officers for each of the regions as follows,
Jaffna – S Udayakumaran (Head of the District Statistics office)
Mannar – M. Vithiyananthaneshan (Head of the District Statistics offic)
Kilinochchi – K.Velupillai (Head of the District Statistics office)
Vavuniya – M. Thyagalingam (Head of the District Statistics office)
Mullaitivu – N. Gangatharan (Head of the District Statistics office)
Following are the results of this survey
Thus, the above schedule gives the death toll as 8,998 during the period, including 1,067 who died due to old age/sickness, and the numbers are enumerated on the house-to-house survey regarding the cause of death. Death certificates were issued to all persons in this schedule and even those that did not explain their cause of death and stated as ‘not stated.’ People do not disclose the cause of death for various reasons, and most of such undisclosed deaths fall into the category ‘other’, meaning deaths due to terrorism. Therefore, it is possible that the number of deaths due to conflict situation was 7,442 (6,858+ 584).
Now, these death counts are reported of persons who were born and lived in the five districts where the conflict raged and also in the districts from where the LTTE used human shields. Therefore, when the Darusman report claims 40,000 deaths, such additional deaths have to be of people who were not born or did not live in these districts.
In modern times, dominant nations do not have to use weapons to subjugate others. They could just as well ‘Weaponize human rights’ to achieve the same end. That way, they could wear the cloak as the “Champions of Human rights,” hiding their authentic characters as killers, decimators and dominators.
Features
SL women to the fore; Prez shines in India
Cass has always maintained that if you want a job done well give it to a woman. Of course, there will be exceptions but generally that maxim holds. Eleanor Roosevelt, a power in her own right, said; “A woman is like a tea bag – you can’t tell how strong she is until you put her in hot water.”
Women are generally incorruptible and can resist the temptation of flesh and spirit. How many men down the corridors of history have fallen from their pedestals – King Solomon and the Hebrew man of great strength Samson of Biblical times and thereafter – to the charms (or wiles) of female temptresses. How many famous women holding positions of kingship or governance have sacrificed their positions for the attraction of a man? None at all, Cass believes. All down the ages, men have taken bribes; in contrast to so few women. Corruption of the spirit? Comes to mind a meteoric Christian preacher and self-appointed Prophet, now claiming to be consecrated a Bishop. Plenty of such publicity seeking Buddhist monks are also around. They claim having attained higher states on the Path to Nibbana, or worse, pronounce persons following their teaching and meditation as now Sovan, their samsaric cycle reduced to a mere seven rebirths. Corruption of the spirit in lay persons can be causing aberration of the mind.
Second female Chief Justice
Sri Lankan women are proud that the 48th Chief Justice of the country is a woman, the second after Dr Shirani Bandaranayake whose very elevation to the position during the time of G L Peiris being Minister of Justice was critiqued. She suffered a short stormy career which was most rudely terminated by Prez Mahinda Rajapaksa. We recall the insults she was subjected to by some MPs who were delegated to question her and the manner of her ejection from the official residence.
Here is a Head of the Judiciary who possesses qualifications, has risen correctly, meaning through meritocracy to the position, and is accepted. This last fact was proven in the ceremonial welcome she received, which the media detailed.
In acknowledging her reception, Chief Justice Murdu Fernando said; “I am indeed honoured and privileged to serve … and I pledge my unwavering commitment to uphold the integrity, independence and dignity of our judiciary as an independent and impartial arbiter of justice.” We believe her and Cass more so, because she is a woman who promises thus.
CJ Fernando continued thus: “I also recognise the significance of this achievement to all women of the legal profession and those aspiring …. any other chosen field… This milestone is not just for me, but for all those who have fought for equality,…to break down barriers, the glass ceiling and who have believed in the power of perseverance… Justice is not a mere ideal; it is a living, breathing force that impacts families, communities and nations. It is our duty to ensure that the rule of law is applied fairly and impartially, without fear or favour and that every individual who enters this hallowed institution, regardless of their background, finds a system that listens, understands, and seeks to protect their rights.”
BRAVO! A whole lot said simply but sincerely and giving us Ordinaries hope for the future, which promises to be so different from how it has been these past decades.
Champion of animals
We ordinaries usually cheer those who fight for or even protest the rights of animals. But Cass feels that those who shout out now for the rights of marauding animals are way out. In this category is another woman who has been making a mark – this time a black mark – by organising roadside protests and speaking out for the right of animals to live and roam around freely: monkeys of all kinds, wild pigs and other animals who destroy crops from paddy to fruit, particularly banana and papaw; sugar cane to vegetables. She is Dr. Ajantha Perera. Who is of greater importance to the world at large – human beings or animals? Who calls for precedence when safety and life itself are at stake? Humans of course. In this instance the animals destroy the plantation of farmers, small holders et al and thus are a positive menace. They impoverish those engaged in agriculture and cause immense frustration and misery. You nurture a clump of fruit trees or a vegetable plot with your life’s toil and then one morning you rise to see it all destroyed. These animals are wantonly destructive. So who needs help and saving? The farmers of course!
Cass asked an experienced ex Sri Lankan civil servant who worked with rural people what he thought of the Minister of Agriculture’s pronouncement in Parliament that farmers could use any method to get rid of marauding animals. He said the minister was correct. Cassandra’s gut feeling is the same: the problem of crop destruction by animals being so severe. A good sign: sterilisation of monkeys has begun. Better late than never.
Please note that Cass has not included elephants as marauding animals. There the blame is shared by intruding human beings. That conflict is very different from the monkey, porcupine, pig incursion of agricultural lands.
Another quirk of ours?
Earlier in this Cry, oops sorry, Song of Celebration, Cass expressed hope in the turn we think the country has been taken on after the new government came to power. But due to the Speaker, now resigned, a slur has been cast, a stain impressed. He seems to have used and exhibited the highest academic qualification fraudulently, or a PhD he acquired from an institution that cannot award doctorates that are recognised and accepted by global academia. Some claimed that it was a minor matter. Not at all. In a dispensation claiming to be honest and against all forms of corruption, one of the highest being deceptive about his academic qualifications is dishonest and equal to corruption.
We have had many Drs of Phil sprouting up recently, Cass thinks after Viyathmaga professors gathered around Prez hopeful, Gotabaya R. They could all be thus: having been conferred doctorates but the conferring universities may not be recognised nor even be universities proper. One knows degrees can be bought in the US. We recall how Mervyn Silva from Kelaniya used the prefix Dr claiming it was a doctorate. Was it in alternate medicine and from a sort of university set up an acupuncture specialist?
Cass’s point here is that claiming or exhibiting academic qualifications is a new quirk in our collective psyche. There are great men who have refused honours they did not mentally work for. Many professionals of high calibre are conferred doctorates by well recognised universities but do not use the prefix. We hope this near manic yen for high academic qualifications of Prof and Dr will die down.
Stupendous waste of funds
Wednesday December 18 headline in The Island: “Govt. intends to save Rs 1,200 mn by reducing ex-Presidents’ security.” Why only intend? Should have been done long ago. What threat is there for any of them, the widow included? Cass says, and it makes sense, will anyone expend even that much energy to throw a stone at any of them? They must travel unescorted or not travel at all. They live in fortressed mansions, also provided by us the heavily burdened taxpayers. Didn’t any of them realise that the money spent so uselessly on their security could have fed so many families who are now suffering near starvation.
Then the other scandal that came to light in Parliament on Tuesday December 17. The millions taken for personal use by those in power from the President’s Fund. Even minding her own business Cass roiled with anger to know Rambukwella’s balcony walk for whatever purpose cost us poor Sri Lankans millions for his long Australian hospital stay. Thank goodness all this will end.
Let’s conclude this song of today on another celebratory note. We were proud to see Prez Disanayake in India given a warm welcome. He carried himself perfectly: proud but with no hauteur; indicated or gave the impression we are a small poor country but with national pride. Gratitude to India was expressed. Thank you, Mr President.
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