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Great betrayals in appointing some IGPs

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by Kingsley Wickremasuriya
Rtd. Senior DIG

(continued from last week)

Lakdasa (Lucky) Kodituwakku was the Inspector-General at the time the Waymaba Provincial Council elections took place early in 1999. He was blamed for the violence and the malpractices that took place during those elections. The 17th Amendment to the Constitution was the result of a political initiative launched by MPs in the Opposition led by the UNP in 2001 as a response to the Wayamba election incidents.

This was the second betrayal by a Head of State/Government. President Chandrika Kumaratunga decided to appoint Lucky Kodituwakku the 26th IGP ignoring so many seniors over him just because of the special position he enjoyed as the Personal Security officer (PSO) of a VVIP that gave him an advantage over his seniors to canvass for the post. The Wayamba election bungling and the 17th Amendment to the Constitution was the result.

These precedents led to yet other betrayals last of which was when Deshabandu Tennakoon came to be appointed by the current President Ranil Wickremesinghe as the 36th IGP even though the Supreme Court held he was guilty of human rights violation.

Tennakoon Mudiyanselage Wanshalankara Deshabandu Tennakoon (born July 4, 1971), known as Deshabandu Tennakoon is the current Inspector General of the Sri Lankan Police. On December 14, 2023, a three-judge bench of the Supreme Court ruled that he and two of his subordinates were guilty of torturing Weheragedara Ranjith Sumangala of Kindelpitiya for alleged theft, thereby violating his fundamental rights, when the accused policemen were attached to the Nugegoda Police Division in 2010.

The Fundamental Rights Application (SC/FR 107/2011) was filled by Sumangala in the Supreme Court in March 2011, against the then Superintendent of Police, Tennakoon, Inspector of Police Bhathiya Jayasinghe, then OIC (Emergency Unit) Mirihana, Police Officer Bandara, former Sergeant Major Ajith Wanasundera of Padukka, and several other policemen. The three-judge bench consisting of Justices S. Thurairaja, Kumudini Wickremasinghe, and Priyantha Fernando, directed the National Police Commission and other relevant authorities to take disciplinary action against Tennakoon and two of his subordinates.

On November 29. 2023, President Ranil Wickremesinghe however, appointed Tennakoon as acting Inspector General of Police. He was appointed as the permanent IGP on February 26. 2024. The same day, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa claimed that the  Constitutional Council, which oversees high-level appointments, saw four votes cast in favor of Tennakoon and two against with two abstentions. The speaker, chairing the council, counted the abstentions as votes against and used his own casting vote to break the tie. Premadasa pointed out that this would make the appointment illegal pointing out that the IGP can be removed through an investigation by a three-member committee if found guilty of the specified offense (s) under the Removal of Officers (Procedure) Act No. 5 of 2002.

Epilogue

It was the Dutch that introduced the concept of policing when the Colombo Municipal Council under them resolved in 1659 to appoint paid guards to protect the city by night. They were the forerunners of the police in the country.

However, under the British, the military maintained law and order for some time with these duties later assumed by the office of the fiscal. With Robert Campbell taking over as the first IGP, policing in Sri Lanka was placed on a firm footing following the Rule of Law. Several successors followed in the footsteps of Campbell. Policing, after all, “is the exercise of the Rule of Law.” This practice continued until after the introduction of legislative reforms brought local politics into the picture.

The first reported challenge to the Rule of Law between the Police and the political authority was when the Inspector-General Colonel Halland was forced to resign in the spring of 1944 due to a deteriorating relationship with the Minister for Home Affairs, Arunachalam Mahadeva.. Then came the incident where Prime Minister S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike is reported to have exhorted IGP Osmund de Silva that the police should have that ‘extra bit of loyalty to the government.’ The IGP responded that the duty of the police was to uphold the Rule of Law. Later when de Silva declined to do the Prime Minister’s bidding for police intervention against trade union action in the Colombo port, on the basis that he believed the request was not lawful, Bandaranaike removed this officer. De Silva,, the first Ceylonese IGP, was compulsorily retired and MWF Abeykoon from outside the police was appointed in his place. This set off a series of reactions ending in an attempted coup.

Then onward ‘The Rule of Law’ took a backstage, and politics the upper hand. The result was that those who showed ‘that extra bit of loyalty to the government’ received rewards through coveted positions like ambassadorial appointments post-retirement. In June 1990, during his tenure as IGP, Ernest Perera instructed police officers at all police stations in the Eastern Province to surrender to the LTTE on the direction of President Ranasinghe Premadasa. This resulted in the subsequent mass murder of over 600 unarmed police by the LTTE The massacre triggered the start of the second Eelam War. Perera retired from the police service on November 29, 1993 and post-retirement, from 1994 to 1995 served as Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner in Malaysia. This is just one example.

In contrast, while all this happened in the top echelons of the police what happened down below is seen in the W.T. Jayasinghe Committee (1995) report. It said that undue pressure was brought to bear in the matter of appointments, promotions, postings, and even transfers. These undue pressures were mostly from politicians and those close to politicians. This was one of the main reasons for the breakdown of discipline, loss of morale, and high incidence of corruption in the police.

The interference did not stop with personnel matters like transfers, promotions, etc. It extended even to operational matters like criminal investigations. As a result of the increasing incidence of interference by MPs in investigations, the Committee said that some of the officers who were fair and acted impartially were removed and transferred from their stations overnight at the instance of the MP because the offender happened to be a supporter of the MP.

Others who had a well-known track record of corruption or inefficiency were promoted over the heads of conscientious and dedicated officers. They also pointed out how in recent years junior officers have been promoted over their seniors, ostensibly on the grounds of outstanding merit. This affected the morale of the entire Service.

The Committee further held that the sole function of the police during that time was to safeguard the interests of the rulers. Even after Independence, the stance of the police did not change. The prime duty of the police then became the safety of the State. In the process, the police saw their immediate role to be safeguarding the interests of the government in power which eventually took the form of safeguarding the interests of the MPs of the ruling party. The relationship between the police officer and the MP became a particularly sensitive one, much more so than that with other government officials, because of the special demands of constituents close to the MP to help them escape the rigorous application of the law by the police.

Epilogue

‘Perhaps within the last 50 years, it was during the Dowbiggin period that the Ceylon Police, generally speaking, enjoyed its highest reputation, and it would most probably have gone from strength to strength as a Police force but for the unfortunate Sinhala-Muslim Riots of 1915. They served to disturb the sense of proportion of that otherwise robust-minded Inspector-General, and obsessed him with what might be described as a Riot complex’.

From that time on, the force which had been gradually emancipating itself from its undoubtedly military origin on this Island and from, its military traditions, began to go back to them. Parades and drills with band accompaniments, rifle practices, route marches, bayonet charges, and similar military- exercises of which there were so many complaints made, occupied most of the time of the members of the force. Lapses and defaults on the part of the men in respect of these matters were punished with fatigues, penalty drills, confinement to barracks, and similar military punishments.

The Force was thus fast falling away from Blackstone’s conception of what a Police Force should be: ~ LEGAL CUSTODIANS APPOINTED TO PRESERVE THE PEACE, TO KEEP WATCH AND WARD IN THE DISTRICTS, AND TO BRING CRIMINALS TO JUSTICE. They were thus shaped and trained mainly to meet the emergency of riots.

Furthermore. facing the riot of 1915 which broke out between Sinhalese Buddhists and Muslim Ceylon Moors, he authorized the use of draconian measures, including execution, flogging, and imprisonment.

This would not have mattered very much if it was only a brief episode in the history of the Force. Still, Inspector-General Dowbiggin continued in the office of Inspector-General of Police for more than 20 years after the riots, and the militarization of the police went on much to the distaste, and even to the perturbation of the public.

But in those days, there was very little the public could do to alter that state of things, and so they endured what they thought could not be cured. Despite this military bent, considerable work of a true police character was done in his time, and several very efficient Ceylonese officers adorned the force in those days.

The political decision taken by Premier SWRD Bandaranaike, in appointing an officer out of the Police Service who had no experience or who knew little of the police or the Police Ordinance, just because they were bridge partners, was flawed. It almost ended up in a calamity with the country confronted with a military coup as a result. Similarly, the decision taken by President Kumaratunga to appoint Lucky Kodituwakku who had been out of the Police service for nearly two decades just because this officer happened to have had a close association with her family in his official capacity, too was equally flawed. It did nothing good either to the reputation of the Police or to themselves other than to bring dishonor by way of Wayamba Election episode culminating in the 17th Amendment to the Constitution.

The Rule of Law is deeply embedded in our soil going as far back as Elara’s love of justice, stronger than the affection for his own son who he executed him for killing a calf. The Inspector General of Police is the professional head of the Sri Lanka Police. Alas, we have seen how successive IGPs failed to restore the Rule of Law but were quite complacent with the political onslaughts against their domains cutting their authority under their own feet with none so brave to cry’ Enough is Enough’ except for one brave officer, Cyril Herath, who threw the lure of higher office out of the window and stood firm by his own convictions and principles.

If the highest in the land have not yet learned their lessons from the very calamities they have brought upon this land then what role does the Rule of Law have to play? ‘Quis Custodiet Ipsos custodes?’. Who Guards the Guards?



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Rethinking post-disaster urban planning: Lessons from Peradeniya

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University of Peradeniya

A recent discussion by former Environment Minister, Eng. Patali Champika Ranawaka on the Derana 360 programme has reignited an important national conversation on how Sri Lanka plans, builds and rebuilds in the face of recurring disasters.

His observations, delivered with characteristic clarity and logic, went beyond the immediate causes of recent calamities and focused sharply on long-term solutions—particularly the urgent need for smarter land use and vertical housing development.

Ranawaka’s proposal to introduce multistoried housing schemes in the Gannoruwa area, as a way of reducing pressure on environmentally sensitive and disaster-prone zones, resonated strongly with urban planners and environmentalists alike.

It also echoed ideas that have been quietly discussed within academic and conservation circles for years but rarely translated into policy.

One such voice is that of Professor Siril Wijesundara, Research Professor at the National Institute of Fundamental Studies (NIFS) and former Director General of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Peradeniya, who believes that disasters are often “less acts of nature and more outcomes of poor planning.”

Professor Siril Wijesundara

“What we repeatedly see in Sri Lanka is not merely natural disasters, but planning failures,” Professor Wijesundara told The Island.

“Floods, landslides and environmental degradation are intensified because we continue to build horizontally, encroaching on wetlands, forest margins and river reservations, instead of thinking vertically and strategically.”

The former Director General notes that the University of Peradeniya itself offers a compelling case study of both the problem and the solution. The main campus, already densely built and ecologically sensitive, continues to absorb new faculties, hostels and administrative buildings, placing immense pressure on green spaces and drainage systems.

“The Peradeniya campus was designed with landscape harmony in mind,” he said. “But over time, ad-hoc construction has compromised that vision. If development continues in the same manner, the campus will lose not only its aesthetic value but also its ecological resilience.”

Professor Wijesundara supports the idea of reorganising the Rajawatte area—located away from the congested core of the university—as a future development zone. Rather than expanding inward and fragmenting remaining open spaces, he argues that Rajawatte can be planned as a well-designed extension, integrating academic, residential and service infrastructure in a controlled manner.

Crucially, he stresses that such reorganisation must go hand in hand with social responsibility, particularly towards minor staff currently living in the Rajawatte area.

“These workers are the backbone of the university. Any development plan must ensure their dignity and wellbeing,” he said. “Providing them with modern, safe and affordable multistoried housing—especially near the railway line close to the old USO premises—would be both humane and practical.”

According to Professor Wijesundara, housing complexes built near existing transport corridors would reduce daily commuting stress, minimise traffic within the campus, and free up valuable land for planned academic use.

More importantly, vertical housing would significantly reduce the university’s physical footprint.

Drawing parallels with Ranawaka’s Gannoruwa proposal, he emphasised that vertical development is no longer optional for Sri Lanka.

“We are a small island with a growing population and shrinking safe land,” he warned.

“If we continue to spread out instead of building up, disasters will become more frequent and more deadly. Vertical housing, when done properly, is environmentally sound, economically efficient and socially just.”

Peradeniya University flooded

The veteran botanist also highlighted the often-ignored link between disaster vulnerability and the destruction of green buffers.

“Every time we clear a lowland, a wetland or a forest patch for construction, we remove nature’s shock absorbers,” he said.

“The Royal Botanic Gardens has survived floods for over a century precisely because surrounding landscapes once absorbed excess water. Urban planning must learn from such ecological wisdom.”

Professor Wijesundara believes that universities, as centres of knowledge, should lead by example.

“If an institution like Peradeniya cannot demonstrate sustainable planning, how can we expect cities to do so?” he asked. “This is an opportunity to show that development and conservation are not enemies, but partners.”

As climate-induced disasters intensify across the country, voices like his—and proposals such as those articulated by Patali Champika Ranawaka—underscore a simple but urgent truth: Sri Lanka’s future safety depends not only on disaster response, but on how and where we build today.

The challenge now lies with policymakers and planners to move beyond television studio discussions and academic warnings, and translate these ideas into concrete, people-centred action.

By Ifham Nizam ✍️

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Superstition – Major barrier to learning and social advancement

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At the initial stage of my six-year involvement in uplifting society through skill-based initiatives, particularly by promoting handicraft work and teaching students to think creatively and independently, my efforts were partially jeopardized by deep-rooted superstition and resistance to rational learning.

Superstitions exerted a deeply adverse impact by encouraging unquestioned belief, fear, and blind conformity instead of reasoning and evidence-based understanding. In society, superstition often sustains harmful practices, social discrimination, exploitation by self-styled godmen, and resistance to scientific or social reforms, thereby weakening rational decision-making and slowing progress. When such beliefs penetrate the educational environment, students gradually lose the habit of asking “why” and “how,” accepting explanations based on fate, omens, or divine intervention rather than observation and logic.

Initially, learners became hesitant to challenge me despite my wrong interpretation of any law, less capable of evaluating information critically, and more vulnerable to misinformation and pseudoscience. As a result, genuine efforts towards social upliftment were obstructed, and the transformative power of education, which could empower individuals economically and intellectually, was weakened by fear-driven beliefs that stood in direct opposition to progress and rational thought. In many communities, illnesses are still attributed to evil spirits or curses rather than treated as medical conditions. I have witnessed educated people postponing important decisions, marriages, journeys, even hospital admissions, because an astrologer predicted an “inauspicious” time, showing how fear governs rational minds.

While teaching students science and mathematics, I have clearly observed how superstition acts as a hidden barrier to learning, critical thinking, and intellectual confidence. Many students come to the classroom already conditioned to believe that success or failure depends on luck, planetary positions, or divine favour rather than effort, practice, and understanding, which directly contradicts the scientific spirit. I have seen students hesitate to perform experiments or solve numerical problems on certain “inauspicious” days.

In mathematics, some students label themselves as “weak by birth”, which creates fear and anxiety even before attempting a problem, turning a subject of logic into a source of emotional stress. In science classes, explanations based on natural laws sometimes clash with supernatural beliefs, and students struggle to accept evidence because it challenges what they were taught at home or in society. This conflict confuses young minds and prevents them from fully trusting experimentation, data, and proof.

Worse still, superstition nurtures dependency; students wait for miracles instead of practising problem-solving, revision, and conceptual clarity. Over time, this mindset damages curiosity, reduces confidence, and limits innovation, making science and mathematics appear difficult, frightening, or irrelevant. Many science teachers themselves do not sufficiently emphasise the need to question or ignore such irrational beliefs and often remain limited to textbook facts and exam-oriented learning, leaving little space to challenge superstition directly. When teachers avoid discussing superstition, they unintentionally reinforce the idea that scientific reasoning and superstitious beliefs can coexist.

To overcome superstition and effectively impose critical thinking among students, I have inculcated the process to create a classroom culture where questioning was encouraged and fear of being “wrong” was removed. Students were taught how to think, not what to think, by consistently using the scientific method—observation, hypothesis, experimentation, evidence, and conclusion—in both science and mathematics lessons. I have deliberately challenged superstitious beliefs through simple demonstrations and hands-on experiments that allow students to see cause-and-effect relationships for themselves, helping them replace belief with proof.

Many so-called “tantrik shows” that appear supernatural can be clearly explained and exposed through basic scientific principles, making them powerful tools to fight superstition among students. For example, acts where a tantrik places a hand or tongue briefly in fire without injury rely on short contact time, moisture on the skin, or low heat transfer from alcohol-based flames rather than divine power.

“Miracles” like ash or oil repeatedly appearing from hands or idols involve concealment or simple physical and chemical tricks. When these tricks are demonstrated openly in classrooms or science programmes and followed by clear scientific explanations, students quickly realise how easily perception can be deceived and why evidence, experimentation, and critical questioning are far more reliable than blind belief.

Linking concepts to daily life, such as explaining probability to counter ideas of luck, or biology to explain illness instead of supernatural causes, makes rational explanations relatable and convincing.

Another unique example that I faced in my life is presented here. About 10 years ago, when I entered my new house but did not organise traditional rituals that many consider essential for peace and prosperity as my relatives believed that without them prosperity would be blocked.  Later on, I could not utilise the entire space of my newly purchased house for earning money, largely because I chose not to perform certain rituals.

While this decision may have limited my financial gains to some extent, I do not consider it a failure in the true sense. I feel deeply satisfied that my son and daughter have received proper education and are now well settled in their employment, which, to me, is a far greater achievement than any ritual-driven expectation of wealth. My belief has always been that a house should not merely be a source of income or superstition-bound anxiety, but a space with social purpose.

Instead of rituals, I strongly feel that the unused portion of my house should be devoted to running tutorials for poor and underprivileged students, where knowledge, critical thinking, and self-reliance can be nurtured. This conviction gives me inner peace and reinforces my faith that education and service to society are more meaningful measures of success than material profit alone.

Though I have succeeded to some extent, this success has not been complete due to the persistent influence of superstition.

by Dr Debapriya Mukherjee
Former Senior Scientist
Central Pollution Control Board, India ✍️

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Race hate and the need to re-visit the ‘Clash of Civilizations’

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Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese: ‘No to race hate’

Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has done very well to speak-up against and outlaw race hate in the immediate aftermath of the recent cold-blooded gunning down of several civilians on Australia’s Bondi Beach. The perpetrators of the violence are believed to be ardent practitioners of religious and race hate and it is commendable that the Australian authorities have lost no time in clearly and unambiguously stating their opposition to the dastardly crimes in question.

The Australian Prime Minister is on record as stating in this connection: ‘ New laws will target those who spread hate, division and radicalization. The Home Affairs Minister will also be given new powers to cancel or refuse visas for those who spread hate and a new taskforce will be set up to ensure the education system prevents, tackles and properly responds to antisemitism.’

It is this promptness and single-mindedness to defeat race hate and other forms of identity-based animosities that are expected of democratic governments in particular world wide. For example, is Sri Lanka’s NPP government willing to follow the Australian example? To put the record straight, no past governments of Sri Lanka initiated concrete measures to stamp out the evil of race hate as well but the present Sri Lankan government which has pledged to end ethnic animosities needs to think and act vastly differently. Democratic and progressive opinion in Sri Lanka is waiting expectantly for the NPP government’ s positive response; ideally based on the Australian precedent to end race hate.

Meanwhile, it is apt to remember that inasmuch as those forces of terrorism that target white communities world wide need to be put down their counterpart forces among extremist whites need to be defeated as well. There could be no double standards on this divisive question of quashing race and religious hate, among democratic governments.

The question is invariably bound up with the matter of expeditiously and swiftly advancing democratic development in divided societies. To the extent to which a body politic is genuinely democratized, to the same degree would identity based animosities be effectively managed and even resolved once and for all. To the extent to which a society is deprived of democratic governance, correctly understood, to the same extent would it experience unmanageable identity-bred violence.

This has been Sri Lanka’s situation and generally it could be stated that it is to the degree to which Sri Lankan citizens are genuinely constitutionally empowered that the issue of race hate in their midst would prove manageable. Accordingly, democratic development is the pressing need.

While the dramatic blood-letting on Bondi Beach ought to have driven home to observers and commentators of world politics that the international community is yet to make any concrete progress in the direction of laying the basis for an end to identity-based extremism, the event should also impress on all concerned quarters that continued failure to address the matters at hand could prove fatal. The fact of the matter is that identity-based extremism is very much alive and well and that it could strike devastatingly at a time and place of its choosing.

It is yet premature for the commentator to agree with US political scientist Samuel P. Huntingdon that a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ is upon the world but events such as the Bondi Beach terror and the continuing abduction of scores of school girls by IS-related outfits, for instance, in Northern Africa are concrete evidence of the continuing pervasive presence of identity-based extremism in the global South.

As a matter of great interest it needs mentioning that the crumbling of the Cold War in the West in the early nineties of the last century and the explosive emergence of identity-based violence world wide around that time essentially impelled Huntingdon to propound the hypothesis that the world was seeing the emergence of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Basically, the latter phrase implied that the Cold War was replaced by a West versus militant religious fundamentalism division or polarity world wide. Instead of the USSR and its satellites, the West, led by the US, had to now do battle with religion and race-based militant extremism, particularly ‘Islamic fundamentalist violence’ .

Things, of course, came to a head in this regard when the 9/11 calamity centred in New York occurred. The event seemed to be startling proof that the world was indeed faced with a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ that was not easily resolvable. It was a case of ‘Islamic militant fundamentalism’ facing the great bulwark, so to speak, of ‘ Western Civilization’ epitomized by the US and leaving it almost helpless.

However, it was too early to write off the US’ capability to respond, although it did not do so by the best means. Instead, it replied with military interventions, for example, in Iraq and Afghanistan, which moves have only earned for the religious fundamentalists more and more recruits.

Yet, it is too early to speak in terms of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Such a phenomenon could be spoken of if only the entirety of the Islamic world took up arms against the West. Clearly, this is not so because the majority of the adherents of Islam are peaceably inclined and want to coexist harmoniously with the rest of the world.

However, it is not too late for the US to stop religious fundamentalism in its tracks. It, for instance, could implement concrete measures to end the blood-letting in the Middle East. Of the first importance is to end the suffering of the Palestinians by keeping a tight leash on the Israeli Right and by making good its boast of rebuilding the Gaza swiftly.

Besides, the US needs to make it a priority aim to foster democratic development worldwide in collaboration with the rest of the West. Military expenditure and the arms race should be considered of secondary importance and the process of distributing development assistance in the South brought to the forefront of its global development agenda, if there is one.

If the fire-breathing religious demagogue’s influence is to be blunted worldwide, then, it is development, understood to mean equitable growth, that needs to be fostered and consolidated by the democratic world. In other words, the priority ought to be the empowerment of individuals and communities. Nothing short of the latter measures would help in ushering a more peaceful world.

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