Features
Great betrayals in appointing some IGPs
by Kingsley Wickremasuriya
Rtd. Senior DIG
(continued from last week)
Lakdasa (Lucky) Kodituwakku was the Inspector-General at the time the Waymaba Provincial Council elections took place early in 1999. He was blamed for the violence and the malpractices that took place during those elections. The 17th Amendment to the Constitution was the result of a political initiative launched by MPs in the Opposition led by the UNP in 2001 as a response to the Wayamba election incidents.
This was the second betrayal by a Head of State/Government. President Chandrika Kumaratunga decided to appoint Lucky Kodituwakku the 26th IGP ignoring so many seniors over him just because of the special position he enjoyed as the Personal Security officer (PSO) of a VVIP that gave him an advantage over his seniors to canvass for the post. The Wayamba election bungling and the 17th Amendment to the Constitution was the result.
These precedents led to yet other betrayals last of which was when Deshabandu Tennakoon came to be appointed by the current President Ranil Wickremesinghe as the 36th IGP even though the Supreme Court held he was guilty of human rights violation.
Tennakoon Mudiyanselage Wanshalankara Deshabandu Tennakoon (born July 4, 1971), known as Deshabandu Tennakoon is the current Inspector General of the Sri Lankan Police. On December 14, 2023, a three-judge bench of the Supreme Court ruled that he and two of his subordinates were guilty of torturing Weheragedara Ranjith Sumangala of Kindelpitiya for alleged theft, thereby violating his fundamental rights, when the accused policemen were attached to the Nugegoda Police Division in 2010.
The Fundamental Rights Application (SC/FR 107/2011) was filled by Sumangala in the Supreme Court in March 2011, against the then Superintendent of Police, Tennakoon, Inspector of Police Bhathiya Jayasinghe, then OIC (Emergency Unit) Mirihana, Police Officer Bandara, former Sergeant Major Ajith Wanasundera of Padukka, and several other policemen. The three-judge bench consisting of Justices S. Thurairaja, Kumudini Wickremasinghe, and Priyantha Fernando, directed the National Police Commission and other relevant authorities to take disciplinary action against Tennakoon and two of his subordinates.
On November 29. 2023, President Ranil Wickremesinghe however, appointed Tennakoon as acting Inspector General of Police. He was appointed as the permanent IGP on February 26. 2024. The same day, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa claimed that the Constitutional Council, which oversees high-level appointments, saw four votes cast in favor of Tennakoon and two against with two abstentions. The speaker, chairing the council, counted the abstentions as votes against and used his own casting vote to break the tie. Premadasa pointed out that this would make the appointment illegal pointing out that the IGP can be removed through an investigation by a three-member committee if found guilty of the specified offense (s) under the Removal of Officers (Procedure) Act No. 5 of 2002.
Epilogue
It was the Dutch that introduced the concept of policing when the Colombo Municipal Council under them resolved in 1659 to appoint paid guards to protect the city by night. They were the forerunners of the police in the country.
However, under the British, the military maintained law and order for some time with these duties later assumed by the office of the fiscal. With Robert Campbell taking over as the first IGP, policing in Sri Lanka was placed on a firm footing following the Rule of Law. Several successors followed in the footsteps of Campbell. Policing, after all, “is the exercise of the Rule of Law.” This practice continued until after the introduction of legislative reforms brought local politics into the picture.
The first reported challenge to the Rule of Law between the Police and the political authority was when the Inspector-General Colonel Halland was forced to resign in the spring of 1944 due to a deteriorating relationship with the Minister for Home Affairs, Arunachalam Mahadeva.. Then came the incident where Prime Minister S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike is reported to have exhorted IGP Osmund de Silva that the police should have that ‘extra bit of loyalty to the government.’ The IGP responded that the duty of the police was to uphold the Rule of Law. Later when de Silva declined to do the Prime Minister’s bidding for police intervention against trade union action in the Colombo port, on the basis that he believed the request was not lawful, Bandaranaike removed this officer. De Silva,, the first Ceylonese IGP, was compulsorily retired and MWF Abeykoon from outside the police was appointed in his place. This set off a series of reactions ending in an attempted coup.
Then onward ‘The Rule of Law’ took a backstage, and politics the upper hand. The result was that those who showed ‘that extra bit of loyalty to the government’ received rewards through coveted positions like ambassadorial appointments post-retirement. In June 1990, during his tenure as IGP, Ernest Perera instructed police officers at all police stations in the Eastern Province to surrender to the LTTE on the direction of President Ranasinghe Premadasa. This resulted in the subsequent mass murder of over 600 unarmed police by the LTTE The massacre triggered the start of the second Eelam War. Perera retired from the police service on November 29, 1993 and post-retirement, from 1994 to 1995 served as Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner in Malaysia. This is just one example.
In contrast, while all this happened in the top echelons of the police what happened down below is seen in the W.T. Jayasinghe Committee (1995) report. It said that undue pressure was brought to bear in the matter of appointments, promotions, postings, and even transfers. These undue pressures were mostly from politicians and those close to politicians. This was one of the main reasons for the breakdown of discipline, loss of morale, and high incidence of corruption in the police.
The interference did not stop with personnel matters like transfers, promotions, etc. It extended even to operational matters like criminal investigations. As a result of the increasing incidence of interference by MPs in investigations, the Committee said that some of the officers who were fair and acted impartially were removed and transferred from their stations overnight at the instance of the MP because the offender happened to be a supporter of the MP.
Others who had a well-known track record of corruption or inefficiency were promoted over the heads of conscientious and dedicated officers. They also pointed out how in recent years junior officers have been promoted over their seniors, ostensibly on the grounds of outstanding merit. This affected the morale of the entire Service.
The Committee further held that the sole function of the police during that time was to safeguard the interests of the rulers. Even after Independence, the stance of the police did not change. The prime duty of the police then became the safety of the State. In the process, the police saw their immediate role to be safeguarding the interests of the government in power which eventually took the form of safeguarding the interests of the MPs of the ruling party. The relationship between the police officer and the MP became a particularly sensitive one, much more so than that with other government officials, because of the special demands of constituents close to the MP to help them escape the rigorous application of the law by the police.
Epilogue
‘Perhaps within the last 50 years, it was during the Dowbiggin period that the Ceylon Police, generally speaking, enjoyed its highest reputation, and it would most probably have gone from strength to strength as a Police force but for the unfortunate Sinhala-Muslim Riots of 1915. They served to disturb the sense of proportion of that otherwise robust-minded Inspector-General, and obsessed him with what might be described as a Riot complex’.
From that time on, the force which had been gradually emancipating itself from its undoubtedly military origin on this Island and from, its military traditions, began to go back to them. Parades and drills with band accompaniments, rifle practices, route marches, bayonet charges, and similar military- exercises of which there were so many complaints made, occupied most of the time of the members of the force. Lapses and defaults on the part of the men in respect of these matters were punished with fatigues, penalty drills, confinement to barracks, and similar military punishments.
The Force was thus fast falling away from Blackstone’s conception of what a Police Force should be: ~ LEGAL CUSTODIANS APPOINTED TO PRESERVE THE PEACE, TO KEEP WATCH AND WARD IN THE DISTRICTS, AND TO BRING CRIMINALS TO JUSTICE. They were thus shaped and trained mainly to meet the emergency of riots.
Furthermore. facing the riot of 1915 which broke out between Sinhalese Buddhists and Muslim Ceylon Moors, he authorized the use of draconian measures, including execution, flogging, and imprisonment.
This would not have mattered very much if it was only a brief episode in the history of the Force. Still, Inspector-General Dowbiggin continued in the office of Inspector-General of Police for more than 20 years after the riots, and the militarization of the police went on much to the distaste, and even to the perturbation of the public.
But in those days, there was very little the public could do to alter that state of things, and so they endured what they thought could not be cured. Despite this military bent, considerable work of a true police character was done in his time, and several very efficient Ceylonese officers adorned the force in those days.
The political decision taken by Premier SWRD Bandaranaike, in appointing an officer out of the Police Service who had no experience or who knew little of the police or the Police Ordinance, just because they were bridge partners, was flawed. It almost ended up in a calamity with the country confronted with a military coup as a result. Similarly, the decision taken by President Kumaratunga to appoint Lucky Kodituwakku who had been out of the Police service for nearly two decades just because this officer happened to have had a close association with her family in his official capacity, too was equally flawed. It did nothing good either to the reputation of the Police or to themselves other than to bring dishonor by way of Wayamba Election episode culminating in the 17th Amendment to the Constitution.
The Rule of Law is deeply embedded in our soil going as far back as Elara’s love of justice, stronger than the affection for his own son who he executed him for killing a calf. The Inspector General of Police is the professional head of the Sri Lanka Police. Alas, we have seen how successive IGPs failed to restore the Rule of Law but were quite complacent with the political onslaughts against their domains cutting their authority under their own feet with none so brave to cry’ Enough is Enough’ except for one brave officer, Cyril Herath, who threw the lure of higher office out of the window and stood firm by his own convictions and principles.
If the highest in the land have not yet learned their lessons from the very calamities they have brought upon this land then what role does the Rule of Law have to play? ‘Quis Custodiet Ipsos custodes?’. Who Guards the Guards?
Features
The Division Bell Mystery
Tales of Mystery and Suspense 3
The murder, in a private dining room in the house, is of a financier with whom the government was negotiating a loan. When this seemed difficult the Minister of Home Affairs agreed to lead discussions, since he had known Mr Oissel the financier when they were young. Hence the private dinner, but when the Minister stepped out for a vote, Oissel was shot just as the Division Bell rang.
The Brahms and Simon detective novels, the first of which I wrote about last week, were amongst several books by the pair that Robert Scoble gave me when I was in Australia towards the end of last year. Amongst them was another thriller of a very different sort, though that too was written and set between the wars.
Called The Division Bell Mystery, it was set in the House of Commons, the first such book I believe, and was by Ellen Wilkinson, a Labour MP who became Minister of Education in Attlee’s government after the war, having served previously as Parliamentary Private Secretary to several ministers. Her hero Robert West is also a PPS, but a conservative, and his Minister, of Home Affairs, is an old style aristocrat, not much loved by the less orthodox Prime Minister, who nevertheless needs his support on many occasions.
The murder, in a private dining room in the house, is of a financier with whom the government was negotiating a loan. When this seemed difficult the Minister of Home Affairs agreed to lead discussions, since he had known Mr Oissel the financier when they were young. Hence the private dinner, but when the Minister stepped out for a vote, Oissel was shot just as the Division Bell rang.
West was just outside the door when the shot was heard, and when he opened it saw only the dead body with a revolver beside it. The assumption that this was suicide was however challenged by Oissel’s grand-daughter Annette, who was his heir, on the grounds that he would never have killed himself. But her view was given greater credence by the Inspector put in charge of the case who said there were no burn marks on the body which would have been the case had Oissel fired the pistol himself.
Matters are complicated by the fact that Oissel’s flat had been burgled while he was at dinner, and Jenks the policeman allocated to him, who had served the Home Secretary and seemed more acceptable to Oissel than someone from the Security Service, had been killed. Matters get even more complicated when Annette says her grand-father’s notebook in which he wrote his secrets in cipher was missing.
That was found in Jenks’ pocket, and then a photographer came to West to say he had been asked by Jenks to photograph this. More worryingly for West, he finds in the Home Secretary’s drawer a few pages from the notebook with what appears to be an interpretation of the cipher.
Overwhelmed by all this he confides in a recently created peer who knows all about the business world, who insists that they leave the house party at which they had met over dinner and discuss the matter with the Prime Minister who promptly summons the Home Secretary.
But the Home Secretary had gone to Scotland to launch a ship over the weekend, so the meeting could take place only on the morning of the Monday, when difficult questions were expected on the adjournment motion. He admits at the meeting that he had got Jenks to take the notebook, and also that he knew the code since it had been created by him and Oissel when they were young.
He thought he should resign, and even contemplated suicide, but the Prime Minister told him that that would be even worse for the government, and that he should go home to bed. The Prime Minister said that he himself would handle the question, which he did with aplomb, insisting that confidentiality was needed until the inquest. What had happened would be made clear then, he declared, leaving West and Inspector Blackit and Lord Dalbeattie what seemed the impossible task of solving the murder.
Dalbeattie had suggested that West ask a female Labour MP who was very fond of him to get what information she could from the staff. That there was some involvement there had become clear when West, going back late one night to collect a briefcase he had left in a dining room, found someone lurking in the dark in the corridor outside the private rooms. Room J, where the murder had happened, was meant to be guarded throughout by a policeman, but he had left the room having felt dizzy, and it seemed that his coffee had been drugged. West’s sudden appearance however had prevented anyone else getting into the room.
Dalbeattie decides to recreate the scene of the murder and has a dinner party in Room J on the Tuesday night, inviting West and Annette and the society hostess at whose house he had met, and also Patrick Kinnaird, an MP who was engaged to Annette, as well as the Permanent Secretary to the Home Ministry.
After coffee Inspector Blackit comes in with Grace, the Labour MP who had got the confidence of the staff, and a journalist who had also been helpful, and just as they say they think they are on the track the division bell rings. Grace jumps up and tells the Inspector that that provides the solution and they get a ladder, and sure enough find the revolver in the space where the bell is. Directed at the place where Oissel had sat, it had been primed to go off with the ringing of the bell. The waiter who had helped to set things up made clear who the murderer had been.
The reason for the murder and the confused motives of all those involved made for a fascinatingly intricate mix. But also impressive in the book were the descriptions of the isolation possible in the crowded premises of the house, the forceful characterization of the members – Grace based on the writer, the society hostess based on Nancy Astor, the first female MP – and the laid back nature of senior politicians which West realized had to change in the brave new world of high finance.
Features
The challenge of keeping value-based politics alive
The current outbreak of anti-immigrant protests in Durban, South Africa is bound to have taken many a subscriber to value-based politics or political idealism quite by surprise. After all, this is evidence that despite the historic accomplishments of nation-builders of the stature of the late President Nelson Mandela it cannot be taken for granted that identity politics, including racism in its worst forms, is no more in South Africa.
At the time of this writing details are scarce on the substantive root causes of the protests but it could very well be that economic grievances, particularly on the part of the majority community in South Africa, are contributing considerably to the disaffection. Shrinking employment and material prospects are likely to figure majorly among the factors igniting the unrest.
Fortunately, the local authorities in Durban are losing no time in calling for peaceful co-existence among the relevant communities and are pointing to the vital importance of stepping-up national integration processes. Apparently, immigrants in sizable numbers from neighbouring countries are present in Durban. However, international TV footage of the protests quoted some local authorities as saying that the majority of the immigrants in some centres that housed them were not illegal migrants and had the documents that entitle them to be in Durban.
In the Durban protests the world has fresh proof of the socially divisive consequences of the gathering globe-wide economic disaffection, touched off particularly by the continuing crisis in West Asia. Going ahead, the world would need to brace for increasing identity-based unrest of the kind it is just witnessing in South Africa.
Considering that the material lot of ordinary people everywhere could only aggravate progressively, with the US and Iran showing no signs of negotiating an end to their confrontation any time soon, it will be left to the more democratic and progressive sections of the world community to initiate positive measures collectively to bring a measure of relief to the discontented.
The swiftness with which such relief will be provided would depend crucially on the importance those sections taking up these undertakings attach to value-based politics as opposed to Realpolitik of power politics.
Going by these yardsticks, Italy could be considered to be moving in the right direction. Recently Italy came to the fore in initiating the collective named, ‘Rome Coalition for Food Security and Access to Fertilizer’, which has as one of its aims the swift provision of fertilizer to economically weak African countries.
In a recent statement Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Antonio Tajani, said that a principal aim of the project was to ensure that the farmers of Africa gained easy access to fertilizer, considering that food security is a growing concern among some of Africa’s economically vulnerable countries.
The statement went on to mention that some 30 countries hailing from the Mediterranean region, the Middle East, the Balkans as well as the FAO had been invited to join the coalition. The venture is far-seeing in that food security is main among the reasons for social discontent which in turn could degenerate into endemic political turmoil and bloodshed. Separatist violence and geographical fragmentation of countries wouldn’t be too far behind these developments, as Africa itself has often proved.
It is hoped that more G7 countries would take the cue from Italy and do what they could to ease the hardships of economically distressed countries, particularly of the global South. In these efforts they would need to break rank with the US, which is today brutally indifferent to the consequences of its policy of making ‘America First’, come what may.
Going by current developments, the Trump administration seems to be blithely oblivious to the wider, deleterious effects of its policy course in West Asia. Besides rendering Iran militarily and otherwise impotent nothing else seems to matter to Washington, as regards West Asia. This is policy short-sightedness of an extreme kind. After all, right now West Asia could be said to be sitting on the proverbial powder keg.
On the other hand, Iran is not giving the world the impression that it is doing anything constructive to get out of the policy straitjacket that it wove for itself decades ago. Rather than enter into a policy of ‘live and let live’ in relation to Israel in particular and initiate a process of reconciliation with the latter, it has chosen to operate within policy parameters that continue to damn Israel. This has put Israel always on the ‘defensive’ so to speak and prevented the opening up of space for meaningful dialogue.
That said, Israel is obliged to explore the possibilities of entering into a negotiatory process with the Arab-Islamic world that could lead to a de-escalation of tensions and bloodshed. It cannot continue to look at its neighbours through lenses that distort them as archetypal enemies who should be ‘wiped off completely from the face of the earth.’
In other words, the need is urgent for Realpolitik to give way to value-based politicks. Italy is beginning to prove that the latter approach could be pursued with some success. May be the EU and the UK could throw their weight behind these initiatives as well and establish that international politics could be refashioned on the basis of humane, civilized norms. The UN would need to be fully supportive of these moves and prove an organizational nucleus of the operations that follow.
In fact the time is ripe for people of conscience to collectively stand up on the side of peace and say ‘No’ to war and violence. Organizations such as the ICRC, the WHO and Medicines Sans Frontiers have already taken up this call. Referring to the widespread destruction of health facilities and their dehumanizing results these organizations have said, among other things, that ‘This is not a failure of the law. It is a failure of political will.’
True, ‘failure of political will’ among those powers that matter accounts for the runaway, uncontrollable nature of war and destruction in contemporary times, but more fundamentally it is a failure of the human conscience. It could very well be that the phenomenal levels to which violence and war have been unleashed today have had the effect of deadening consciences. This is a matter for urgent study and wide discussion.
Features
Vesak celebrations … with Cuteefly
I would describe Indunil Kaushalya Dissanayaka as innovative and creative, and she operates under the name of Cuteefly.
Indunil always comes up with something novel to celebrate special occasions, and she does it with candles … and that’s her profession.
She was in the spotlight when she created a happening scene, with candles, for Christmas, Sinhala and Tamil New Year, and Valentine’s Day.
As lanterns light up Sri Lanka for Vesak, the Colombo-based candle maker is quietly turning wax and wick into little pieces of the festival.

Candles reflecting Vesak themes
Her candles reflect Vesak themes – light, peace, remembrance, giving, etc., to enable you to fill your Vesak celebration with devotion and beauty.
Among her Vesak creations is a lotus-shaped soy candle, scented with sandalwood, lavender, etc., meant to burn during this Vesak Poya Day.

Indunil Kaushalya Dissanayaka: Customers
praise her for her creativity
These handcrafted Vesak candles are perfect for offering at the temple, she says.
What makes her creations so novel is that they come in different shapes, scents, themes, and all are handmade.
What’s more, her customers have heaped praise on her for her creativity.
According to Indunil, her creations are perfect as a thoughtful gift … to bring beauty, unity, and light into every moment.
Says Indunil: “Our beautifully handcrafted Unity candles are designed with premium detail and love, making them perfect for celebrations, gifts, and meaningful occasions.”
Cuteefly, says Indunil, is available online.
Readers could contact Indunil on 0778506066 for more details.
He Facebook Page is: Cuteefly.

Handmade with love
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