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‘Golden Memories & Sensational Melodies’ – A Tribute to Legacy and Charity

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Presentations being made at the forum.

Continued from yesterday

So again, Kadirgamar was very, very strong on issues of national independence, national sovereignty, and territorial integrity, but he did so while at the same time being, as I said before, a very strong advocate of devolution and autonomy. The next, and I would say probably the second and final point I want to make, because this is not a lecture, is the issue of multipolar balancing. Sri Lankan society, especially Colombo society, tends to be polarized between those who are nativist, anti-Western elements, Sinhalese, ultra-nationalists, and cosmopolitan neoliberals, as they are called, who have very little respect or affection for issues of national sovereignty. So you have ultra-nationalists, and you have those who are wide-open supplicants of the West.

Lakshman Kadirgamar was neither, and he was opposed to both. Kadirgamar was very clear about the role of the United Nations and its limits in the Sri Lankan conflict, but he also made a very powerful speech endorsing universal human rights at the UN Human Rights Council.

Kadirgamar was friends, and close personal friends, with US Secretary of State Colin Powell. They were on first name terms but, I recall his dismay which he shared with me that Colin Powell told him, Lakshman you know that you cannot win this war which Kadirgamar did not adhere to, which did not prevent him from having a warm personal friendship. So, Lakshman Kadirgamar did, what is now seen as impossible in Sri Lanka, what was perfectly possible because he practiced it.

He was friends with the United States, he was friends with China and he was friends with India but, above all, he was a friend of Sri Lanka so he knew what to take from each major global player but he knew where to stop and where a line had to be drawn. He would never have, for instance, never did in his brilliant, adroit, ambidextrous balancing of United States and China and then again India and China, he would never have permitted and he never did permit any large footprint either for India or for China on the soil on this small island.

That is the lesson that has been forgotten, I am afraid, because Kadirgamar knew that balancing between the two, India and China, or even the United States and China does not mean giving each one a foothold in parts of your small island. He knew that you have to operate in the interstices, in the space between the US and China, in between India and China, not give our small space to either one, or any one of those three, and we must return to the Kadirgamar doctrine.

If I may conclude by recalling to you the famous interview that he gave ZeinabBadawi because I heard this from ZeinabBadawi herself. Now, it is out there and it is a model of how Sri Lanka must present its case. He rejected the idea of an ethnic or narrow ethnic identification by saying famously, I am not a tribalist and that is something that we must all remember and adhere to but he was no less firm and resolute in his pushback on issues of the secessionist war, terrorism, national sovereignty and independence.

So ZeinabBadawi who began the interview with her usual flair and, if I may say so, challenging attitude, told me that at the end of it, not only was she completely sort of convinced but, she and her husband, became Lakshman’s friends from that point on. So Lakshman Kadirgamar showed us how to defend the country while being friends with all; how to establish personal relations at the highest level but not giving an inch on issues of national security, national sovereignty, territorial integrity and national independence. I think the Kadirgamar doctrine, if I may call it that, must be rediscovered, re-excavated as it were and should be enshrined as the guiding foreign policy doctrine of the Sri Lankan state in these troubled times. Thank you….”

Professor Rajiva Wijesinha :

“…After those two very scintillating presentations it is going to be a bit difficult because I cannot claim to understand the personality as much as Saku did the politics as well as Dayan did. So, let me confine my remarks about a man greatly admired and greatly loved with the last few years of his life when we got comparatively close. I had met him in 1973. I had not realized he had just come to England when he dropped in when I had my parents in Oxford and stayed an evening. I had seen him on and off then, but suddenly, in 2002, his secretary called me and said that he wanted to re-establish the Board of the Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies, and he had handpicked half a dozen people.

Then he spoke to me himself and he explained what he was trying to do. I have to say that, that Board that I served on is really the only Board I served on in which one could respect everybody listen to everybody and understand he had a great mindset worked. That is when I really became very close to Dayan. Also, there was Professor Amal Jayawardena, Lecturer in political science at Colombo University, there was a very professional, quiet Foreign Service representative, Mr. Navaratnarajah, there was Professor Savithri Gunasekera, there was Nanda Godage from the Foreign Ministry and we would meet maybe once a month and it was a really scintillating discussion.

I learnt a lot from him then and this takes up from what Dayan said that he developed great relationships through the Bandaranaike Centre to fulfil the principles Dayan has laid down. To me, in an odd way, this was something like coming home because way back in 1981, after I had resigned from my university post in protest against the deprivation of Mrs. Bandaranaike’s civic rights, something I have never regretted, because the people thought I was a eccentric at the time, but later they told me you understood what JR was up to, which none of us did at the time.

And JR, a couple of months later, stopped my taking on the post of Director of Studies for which I had been selected by the Board of the BCIS, which included Mrs. Bandaranaike, Mervyn de Silva, a really distinguished Board and the then Director, Dr. Udugama. And someone said, JR will never forgive you because you are the only person of his class who kicked him in his teeth, something I feel very proud of still, 45 years later.

Concluded



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At Asia’s crossroads, Sri Lanka must decide how it will join the future

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The first official meeting was the Governors’ Business Session, and it was chaired by the President of Uzbekistan, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, as host of the annual meeting. Pic courtesy: Ministry of Finance , Kingdom of Tonga

In the ancient Silk Road city of Samarkand, where merchants once connected civilisations through trade and ideas, a new conversation unfolded from 3–6 May at the 59th Annual Meetings of the Asian Development Bank.Political leaders, central bank governors, investors, innovators and development partners gathered under a compelling theme: “Crossroads of Progress: Advancing the Region’s Connected Future.”

The message resonating across the forum was unmistakable. Asia and the Pacific are entering a decisive decade in which connectivity, technology and regional cooperation will shape economic power and social resilience. Supply chains are being redesigned. Artificial intelligence is transforming productivity. Energy systems are becoming increasingly interconnected. Financing models are evolving to accommodate climate pressures and development needs. Countries that move quickly and cohesively are likely to benefit from this transformation. Those trapped in internal fragmentation risk falling behind.

The Annual Meetings demonstrated that the future envisioned by the ADB is no longer theoretical. Across the region, governments are already repositioning themselves to participate in a more integrated Asian economy. Discussions focused heavily on cross-border infrastructure, digital innovation, energy interconnection, sustainable finance and regional policy harmonisation.

One recurring theme was that “integration is power.” In an era marked by geopolitical uncertainty and economic disruption, regional cooperation is increasingly viewed as the foundation of resilience. From trade corridors and logistics systems to energy-sharing mechanisms such as the ASEAN Power Grid, policymakers emphasised that countries can no longer afford to operate in isolation.

The conversations in Samarkand also reflected how development itself is being redefined. Data, digital infrastructure and artificial intelligence are becoming as important as roads, ports and airports. Governments across Asia are already deploying AI-enabled public services, fintech systems, smart agriculture and real-time disaster response technologies to improve efficiency and social inclusion.

Equally important was the recognition that public financing alone will not be enough to meet the region’s ambitions. The ADB repeatedly stressed the need for innovative financing mechanisms capable of mobilising private capital while strengthening domestic fiscal systems. Climate adaptation, energy transition and infrastructure expansion will require development finance that is scalable, catalytic and capable of attracting long-term investor confidence.

For Sri Lanka, the discussions carried particular significance.

Having emerged from one of the gravest economic crises in its post-independence history, Sri Lanka today stands at a delicate juncture. The country possesses many of the advantages needed to participate meaningfully in Asia’s next growth phase: strategic geographic positioning, human capital, maritime access and longstanding relationships with multilateral institutions such as the ADB. Yet the gap between potential and preparedness remains considerable.

While many Asian economies appear to have moved toward greater institutional maturity and long-term policy coordination, Sri Lanka continues to wrestle with recurring political instability, governance concerns, debt restructuring pressures and inconsistencies in economic policymaking. Questions surrounding legal processes, public sector reforms and policy continuity continue to affect investor confidence and national coherence.

The challenge facing Sri Lanka is therefore not merely economic. It is fundamentally institutional and political.

The larger Asian story unfolding in Samarkand was one of countries aligning national purpose with regional opportunity. Whether through digital transformation, energy integration or climate financing, many nations appear increasingly focused on continuity, coordination and long-term execution. Sri Lanka, by contrast, still appears engaged in resolving foundational questions about governance, accountability and economic direction.

This does not diminish the country’s prospects. Rather, it highlights the urgency of reform and policy harmonisation if Sri Lanka is to become a meaningful participant in the region’s connected future.

The ADB’s vision for Asia is ultimately centered on resilience through cooperation. It is a vision in which countries strengthen themselves not in isolation, but through deeper engagement with regional systems of trade, finance, energy and technology. For Sri Lanka, this presents both an opportunity and a warning.

The opportunity lies in leveraging multilateral partnerships, embracing digital modernisation, strengthening institutional credibility and integrating more deeply into emerging regional networks. The warning is that Asia’s transformation is accelerating. Countries unable to build stable governance structures and coherent development strategies may struggle to capture its benefits.

Samarkand itself offered a symbolic reminder of this reality. Historically, it flourished because it connected worlds. Today, Asia is once again building new networks of connection – digital, financial, infrastructural and geopolitical.

The question confronting Sri Lanka is whether it can align its political will and economic resilience quickly enough to travel alongside the region’s next decade of growth rather than watch it from the margins.

By Sanath Nanayakkare

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CBSL and Australia’s S4IE programme partner to advance digital financial literacy for MSMEs

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Dr. P. Nandalal Weerasinghe, Governor of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka, and Matthew Duckworth, Australian High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, at the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding

The Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) has entered into a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Australia’s Skills for an Inclusive Economy (S4IE) programme to launch a pilot initiative aimed at enhancing digital financial literacy among micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs). Recognised as a vital engine of Sri Lanka’s economic recovery and inclusive development, MSMEs stand to benefit from targeted interventions designed to improve access to finance, strengthen institutional coordination, and foster a more supportive enabling environment.

The pilot will test evidence-based approaches, the outcomes of which will inform future policy design and programming. CBSL intends to scale successful measures in collaboration with national and international partners.

Commenting on the partnership, Dr. P. Nandalal Weerasinghe, Governor of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka, stated: “This initiative reflects CBSL’s dedication to practical, evidence-based solutions. The pilot enables us to test and refine methodologies that can be expanded over time to deliver sustainable outcomes for MSMEs across the country.”

His Excellency Matthew Duckworth, Australian High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, emphasied the program’s long-term vision: “Australia is pleased to partner with the Central Bank of Sri Lanka on this initiative. From the outset, our focus has been on building systems and partnerships that are both sustainable and scalable, ensuring benefits extend well beyond the pilot phase.”

The initiative aligns with broader efforts to promote inclusive economic growth and strengthen institutional capacity. It reflects Australia’s ongoing partnership with Sri Lanka in support of reforms that advance economic stability, resilience, and shared prosperity.

Representing the Australian High Commission, Zoe Kidd, First Secretary (Development), and R. Sivasuthan, Senior Programme Officer, reaffirmed Australia’s commitment to close collaboration with CBSL. Their aim is to ensure the pilot yields actionable insights and sustainable outcomes, with a clear pathway toward future scaling.

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Higher power costs and a weakening rupee set to strain Sri Lankan kitchen budgets

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Adding to the existing pressures, the Public Utilities Commission of Sri Lanka (PUCSL) has approved a revision of electricity tariffs for the second quarter of 2026, effective from today for users who consume over 180 electricity units. This increase arrives just as the Sri Lankan rupee faces renewed pressure, having recorded a 3.6% depreciation against the US dollar year-to-date. The convergence of a weaker currency and higher power costs creates renewed pressure on the cost of living.

For the average Sri Lankan household, this policy shift is not just a line item on a utility bill; it is a catalyst for a broader inflationary trend. Even before this revision, headline inflation had already shown signs of a sharp ascent, with the Colombo Consumer Price Index (CCPI) surging to 5.4% in April 2026, a stark jump from the 2.2% recorded only a month prior.

This statistical climb is most painfully visible at the local marketplace. At the Narahenpita Economic Centre, the cost of essentials has become highly volatile: beans have climbed to Rs. 700/kg, while carrots have reached Rs. 400/kg. The protein basket is equally strained, with Kelawalla fish priced at Rs. 2,980/kg. With the new electricity tariffs taking effect, the food manufacturing industry now faces fresh overheads for processing, refrigeration, and packaging. These increased costs will inevitably trickle down to the retail shelf, threatening to push these prices even higher.

While global energy markets offered a brief moment of relief with Brent crude prices dipping by over $6 per barrel last week, the domestic impact of a depreciating rupee means that the cost of imported fuel and raw materials remains high.

This invisible pressure, combined with the visible hike in electricity rates, leaves little room for families to breathe.

Despite these immediate challenges, the broader economic framework shows pockets of resilience, according to the Central Bank’s economic indicators. Industrial production in food and apparel grew steadily earlier this year, and the government recorded a notable budget surplus of Rs. 169.7 billion in the first two months of 2026.

However, as the nation moves into the second quarter, the strength of this fiscal discipline will be tested against the lived reality of its citizens. As the new rates come into effect from today, Sri Lankans are left to wait and see just how much further their kitchen budgets can be stretched.

By Sanath Nanayakkare

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