Features
Full implementation of 13A: Final solution to ‘national problem’ or end of unitary state? – Part VIII
by Kalyananda Tiranagama
Executive Director
Lawyers for Human Rights and Development
(Part VII of this article appeared on 04 Oct., 2023)
President Ranil Wickremesinghe has not been able to point out any benefit received by the people or any development activity carried out by any of the Provincial Councils for the welfare of the people in their provinces. This is what the President says in this connection:
‘‘Some individuals in our nation label provincial councils as ‘‘white elephants’’ due to these challenges. Yet, amid these limitations, provincial councils have significantly influenced Sri Lanka’s political trajectory. They have nurtured skilled political leaders and served as stepping stones to executive and parliamentary roles. Throughout history, numerous individuals who have embarked on their political journey as provincial council members have ascended to positions of power like executive presidency, premiership, cabinet membership, and other significant roles.’’
Other than nurturing and enriching some local politicians and their families and serving as stepping stones for them to enter national politics, what have the provincial councils done for the benefit of the people in their areas, to improve their living conditions, to address their grievances or to find solutions to their problems? Nothing.
Who are the skilled political leaders nurtured by Provincial Councils? What have they done for the people or the country with their skills and experience gathered at the provincial councils, other than wasting public funds and public property and enriching themselves through various deals? Perhaps, the President may not be able to answer these queries.
Other than from the politicians, there is no demand whatsoever from the people of any Provincial Council area for conducting Provincial Council elections though more than six years have elapsed since their dissolution by law. That is the best proof that the Provincial Councils have not served any useful purpose beneficial to the people in their views.
The Report of the Sub-committee on Centre – Periphery Relations recommends: (a) to do away with the Concurrent List and add the subjects to relevant Lists; (b) to repeal the rubric ‘National Policy on all Subjects and Functions from the Reserved List. (3) All Subjects and Functions not specified in any of the lists (provincial and reserved lists) should be the subject matter of the province;
This Report further states that ‘‘most of the subjects in the Concurrent List are legitimate functions to be in the ‘Provincial List. The existence of Centre Ministries such as Ministry of Rehabilitation, Social Services, Social Welfare, Women and Children, Indigenous Medicine, Disaster Relief and Agriculture has no justification, except under the wrap of Concurrent List and National Policy.
Law and Order and Police Powers: (a) Law and Order has to be the subject matter of the province. (b) Administration of Police should be through an Independent Provincial Police Commission (PPC) as in the Centre. The PPC could work in close collaboration with the National Police Commission on administrative matters. (c) The National Police can handle organized crimes, narcotics, terrorism etc.
The Sub-Committee’s Recommendation on Land Powers: (a) State land within a province should be the subject matter to be handled by the Province; (b) The State Land Commission should consist of equitable number of members representing the interests of the Centre as well as the provinces; (c) No decision of such institution can be imposed on any province without the consent of the representative of such Province.
As to how to give effect to these recommendations, the President has come out with his response in his Address to Parliament thus:
‘‘ I propose introducing several Bills to the Parliament and implementing series of new measures: a. Appointment of Divisional Secretaries.
b. Granting Authority to Provincial Councils for Education-related Services; This involves exercising all powers related to school education listed in Schedule 3 of the Provincial Councils List.
c. Establishment of Provincial Boards for Vocational and Technical Training Services;
d. Empowerment of Provincial Councils to Establish Universities
e. Authorization for Provincial Councils to Provide for Agricultural Innovation and Services.
f. Creation of Provincial Tourism Promotion Boards.
g. Amendment to the Industries Act to increase the limit for industries of national importance, the limit will be raised from Rs. 4 million to Rs. 250 million. If Parliament agrees, ready to elevate it to Rs. 500 million.
h. Establishment of District Development Councils: Develop a three-year Development Plan for each Provincial Council in alignment with Central Govt national policies. Integrate central govt development programs into this plan, customized to each jurisdiction. Execute this three-year plan via District Development Councils and entrust its implementation to Provincial Councils.
Formulate a legal framework wherein MPs, Members of PCs and local govt bodies representing each district can collaborate effectively in this endeavour.
There can be no doubt that the President is planning to give effect to the proposals in the Report of the Sub-committee on Centre – Periphery Relations through this process.
In this speech he has taken care not to mention anything about the Northern and Eastern Provinces or the Tamil national question, so as not to unnecessarily stir up hornets’ nests.
While introducing Bills in Parliament dealing with different subjects where necessary, he may deal with most of the matters through administrative measures using his Executive Power as the President as he has already done in the case of state lands coming under the Departments of Archaeology, Forest and Wild Life.
Though there is no transfer of decentralized powers to the Central Government with the participation of provincial councils in the formulation of national policies on matters within the Provincial List as stated by him, it will certainly result in transferring powers of the Central Government to the provincial councils not only on matters within the Provincial List, but also on matters in the National List.
When this process is completed, Provincial Councils will become fully autonomous bodies effectively exercising all the powers of the Government other than the powers mentioned in the Reserved List exercised by the Central Government.
That is the common dream of Mr. R. Sampanthan shared with the President.
From the speech of the President, one can get an idea about the strategy the President is going to adopt to ensure that he can muster the support of the majority of MPs in Parliament. He proposes to do things, which will, most probably, enable him to muster not only simple majority, but also two thirds majority in Parliament required for bringing about amendments to the Constitution, if the need arises. These are his proposals:
An advisory council to guide the Governors – consisting of Chairman of the Provincial Supervisory Committee, Chairman of the District Development Committee and MPs representing political parties within the Province.
Currently, there are 45 functioning Ministries in the Provincial Councils. Oversight committees can be established for these Ministries with parliamentarians who have no other responsibilities being appointed as their heads.
Let us see how the President’s strategy works to muster the majority support required to bring about revision of laws, including constitutional amendments:
In the present Govt there are 22 Cabinet Ministers and 38 State Ministers.
There will be 25 District Development Councils for the 25 Districts in the country. The Chairman of each District Development Committee will invariably be a Member of Parliament representing the District. These 25 Chairmen of District Development Committees will be entitled to additional perks as those of State Ministers. That was the practice in the District Development Committees functioned in President Jayewardene’s time.
In addition, they will be members of the Advisory Council set up to guide the Governors. All the MPs representing political parties within the Province will also be members of the Advisory Council.
45 Oversight committees will be established for the 45 Provincial Council Ministries with 45 parliamentarians who have no other responsibilities being appointed as their heads. They will be entitled to additional perks as the Heads of the Oversight Committees. This offer of the opportunity of being appointed as the Heads of the Oversight Committees will certainly lure more and more MPs to support these moves.
Moreover, as the real motive of bringing these reforms is hidden and undisclosed, the Chief Ministers and Members of the Provincial Councils in the other seven Provinces will undoubtedly bring pressure on their parties to support these moves. The President is well aware of this.
Following the revision of these laws concerning PCs and enactment of new laws, PC Elections Act to be amended.
Then the Northern and Eastern Provinces will be merged through a resolution passed by Parliament to that effect, the Provincial Council Elections will be held, and the North – East Provincial Council can start its march towards its final goal of establishing the State of Tamil Eelam with international support.
Unless the people see through this diabolical scheme and rise up openly against it compelling their political leaders and MPs to come forward to defeat it, that will open the gates for the ending of Sri Lanka as a unitary state.
Inevitable Outcome of Granting 13+ – Establishment of Separate State of Tamil Ealam with International Support
President Wickremesinghe talks of finding a final solution to the Tamil People’s problem acceptable to them, of providing a solution to the Tamil national problem satisfactory to the Tamil People, and addressing the grievances of the People in the North and the East for meaningful devolution of power. If President Wickremesinghe honestly thinks that he can bring about national unity, national reconciliation among Sinhala and Tamil communities by acceding to the demands of Tamil political parties, he must be living in a fool’s paradise.
It is common knowledge that the majority of Tamil people in Sri Lanka live not in the Northern and the Eastern Provinces, but in the other seven Provinces. Outside the North and the East, thousands of Tamil People live with the Sinhala People with amity and friendship, working in cooperation and understanding. There is no discord or racial clashes among them.
Thousands of Sinhala people visit Hindu Kovils during the Vel festival. They gather on road sides making offerings to Vel Perahera. During the Kataragama festival season thousands of Tamil Hindu pilgrims engage in their annual walk from the North to Kataragama across Sinhala areas. They are well received and treated by Sinhala People.
Hundreds of Sinhala Buddhist pilgrims visit Nagadeepa Temple. They well received by Tamil People. There is no discrimination. The main problem is lack of proper communication due to language barriers. If this barrier is overcome, it will not be difficult to bring about real national unity, harmony and national reconciliation among the Sinhala and Tamil People.
In this connection, I can cite my own experience of an effort that I made to bring this issue to the attention of Authorities as I think it is relevant. In 2003 and 2004, I conducted four orientation programmes for the Army and Police officers in Jaffna and Kankesanthurai Divisions on human rights and international humanitarian law at the request of UNHCR.
Dr. Laksiri Fernando of Colombo University, S. G. Puchihewa and Nimal Punchihewa, former President of the Elections Commission, participated with me in conducting these programs. We were staying in Jaffna Social Centre and they had got down three young girls to prepare food for us. I talked to them and they told us that they were jobless graduates from Sabaragamuwa University, as they had no jobs they were engaging in that type of work and that there were many others like them.
(To be concluded)
Features
Eastern University and the making of a culture of peace
by Jehan Perera
There is an important change in the way peace is being understood in Sri Lanka. The notion that peacebuilding is not simply the responsibility of governments, politicians and peace organisations, but is also a responsibility of educational institutions, appears to be permeating the consciousness of at least a section of the academic community. This was visible on International Peace Day at an event held at Eastern University by the Faculty of Health-Care Sciences. The event was unusual not least because the medical and nursing faculty of the university had decided that peacebuilding was relevant to its academic and professional responsibilities.
Peacebuilding has too often been treated as something undertaken after conflict, when the fighting has stopped and the immediate task is to rebuild relationships between communities. But peace cannot be sustained by governments and peace organisations alone. If it is to become long lasting, the values and practices of peace have to become part of the institutions through which a society educates its younger generations. Universities and other educational institutions are therefore important to peacebuilding. They are among the places where the foundations of a culture of peace can either be built or neglected.
The experience of the Faculty of Health-Care Sciences at Eastern University provides a practical example of what this can mean. Led by its Dean, Prof Thillainathan Sathaananthan, the faculty organised an event which went beyond the ordinary academic scope of a medical faculty. University academics are experts in writing project proposals and applying for research grants. On this occasion, the members of the Faculty of Health-Care Sciences used those skills to apply for a UNESCO grant that they won to conduct an International Peace Day event. The significance lies less in the Rs 200,000 grant than in the decision to use the university’s institutional capacity and resources to invest in peacebuilding. The event at Eastern University needs to be understood as more than a successful university programme. It represents a possible paradigm shift in peace thinking.
Institutional Commitment
The Peace Day event obtained the support of the university administration, including Vice Chancellor Prof P Peratheepan, and reached out to secondary schools in the vicinity to mobilise their attendance. The event itself was meticulously organised. There were cultural items including traditional and modern dance and song in the three languages, performed by combinations of solo, duet and multiple singers, dancers and actors drawn in part from nearby secondary schools. There was a panel discussion by senior academics on the general theme of peacebuilding and how to prepare for it. A discussion among the students followed, where each student spoke on behalf of a religion that was not theirs. This is significant because peacebuilding cannot remain an idea discussed by specialists at conferences. It has to become part of the way institutions educate and prepare people for life in a plural society.
The Faculty of Health-Care Sciences at Eastern University has provided a model through its Peace Medicine course modules that were introduced to the curricular as a compulsory core course over 10 years ago. Two senior academics, Dr Kuveriel Eliyas Karunakaran and Dr Thillainathan Sathaananthan, have written a book on “Peace Medicine- A Health Care Concern” that was published five years ago. Its Peace Medicine Module integrates principles of medical ethics, compassion, equity, social justice and community engagement into health education and practice. In his introduction, former Vice Chancellor of Eastern University, Prof T Jayasingam noted “This book is an introduction to a theme which had already been operating in the Faculty of Health Care Sciences as a course.”
Doctors, nurses and health workers know better than anyone the harm that war and violence does. They are the people who treat the wounds and trauma that violence leaves behind. In a hospital, a patient is not asked what their religion or ethnicity is before they are treated. Health care is one of the places where peace is practised every day. The Faculty has therefore found a way of connecting its professional responsibilities with the wider social responsibility of peacebuilding. The question is whether this experience can be replicated throughout the country, at universities and at other educational institutions, so that peacebuilding becomes part of the consciousness of education itself. If that happens on a sufficient scale, it can begin to generate a culture of peace that becomes increasingly difficult to reverse.
Local Action
The Eastern University event corresponded closely to the United Nations theme for this year’s International Day of Peace, “Invest in Peace – For Everyone, Everywhere, Every Day”, which honours the “everyday architects of peace”, people driving local action, laying the groundwork for stability and building lasting peace from the ground up. The emphasis on investment is important. An investment means that something is put in: time, courage and resources. There is no more violent conflict in Sri Lanka today. But the absence of war does not automatically produce a culture of peace. The factors that fed the country’s conflict have not disappeared from the world. Racism, corruption and the violation of laws and human rights are the raw materials of conflict. So too are unresolved grievances, discrimination and the failure to recognise the suffering of others.
A country that does not deal with its past does not escape it. The past can return in the next generation. This is why the experience of Eastern University needs to be replicated countrywide, both at universities and at other educational institutions. The objective should not be to turn every academic discipline into peace studies. Rather, peacebuilding needs to become part of the consciousness of education itself. Eastern University shows that a medical faculty can develop Peace Medicine. A law faculty can examine the relationship between justice, rights and peace. Faculties of education can prepare teachers to work in diverse communities, while the humanities and social sciences can examine the different narratives through which communities understand their histories. Every institution can find its own way of making peacebuilding relevant to what it teaches.
Sri Lanka has had many declarations, pledges and programmes in the past. What matters is whether these produce changes in behaviour and institutional practice. Peacebuilding requires confronting difficult issues rather than avoiding them. It requires respect for different identities, but also engagement across those identities. It requires dealing with grievances in the present while also addressing unresolved issues from the past. It requires truth, accountability, reparations and guarantees of non-recurrence. It requires people to learn that the rights of another community do not diminish their own rights. The International Peace Day event at Eastern University was evidence of a change in the way at least some academics in a part of the country deeply affected by war are thinking about their responsibilities. Peace needs to be invested in and the most important investment will be in the minds of those who will inherit the future.
Features
Quality assured education commodities
by Ahilan Kadirgamar
I have always noticed the little paper tags that are inside the packaging of some products that say quality assured or quality control. I often wonder who might have checked the product and stamped that tag, but I also forget the tag soon enough. Decades later, when I entered academia, I was taken aback by the emphasis placed on quality assurance in our universities. It is not something that could be forgotten and done away with; the entire university system is obsessed with quality assurance.
Beginning with the staff induction programme, quality assurance is drilled into the newly recruited lecturers. It is the norm, not seen as doing any harm and only trying to improve quality. It is accepted as given, and not questioned. Quality Assurance Cells and Committees are omnipresent and hover above the Departments and, at times, even the Faculty Boards. Quality Assurance reviews are feared by the Deans and Vice Chancellors. University life itself seems secondary to the rule of quality assurance. What do we make of this system of quality assurance and what are its implications for our university system?
Corporate speak
Universities globally have been going through major changes with neoliberal education policies. In many countries, universities increasingly became corporatised to be run like businesses in the 1980s. As state support for universities declined, cost cutting became the norm. They started hiring adjunct or part-time staff. Many public non-fee levying universities around the world began to charge fees. Decade by decade, tuition fees became more and more exorbitant, forcing students to take student loans. The total student debt in the United States now stands at close to US$ 2 trillion; which is about 20 times the GDP of Sri Lanka. As the higher education landscape transformed in the West, university administrations began to recruit Presidents, Vice Chancellors and administrative officials with corporate backgrounds and experience.
Such corporatisation of universities in the West has since been imported into countries like Sri Lanka, introducing a new corporate vocabulary, including quality assurance, graduate competencies, programme outcomes, intended learning outcomes, etc. University teaching has become secondary to documenting so-called outcomes. The teacher-student relationship, the environment of the lecture hall and even administering the university have been over-determined by the processes of ensuring quality. How did such major changes come about in such a short time? Indeed, academics of just two generation ago, would never have heard of these terms and processes in the Sri Lankan university system.
World Bank Trojan horse
Since the early 2000s there have been a number of World Bank projects that have drastically changed the character of Sri Lankan universities. Quality assurance as a central agenda within universities, and many other changes to the working of our universities, came through these World Bank initiatives. The Improving Relevance and Quality of Undergraduate Education (IRQUE) project and Higher Education for the 21st Century (HETC) project were two such earlier projects that set up the Quality Assurance and Accreditation Unit (QAAU) under the University Grants Commission (UGC) and established systematic quality assurance reviews for state universities. The public often thinks these are grants from the World Bank to modernise our universities. However, they are not grants but loans.
The most recent such project, Accelerating Higher Education Expansion and Development (AHEAD) is a US$ 100 million loan from the World Bank implemented from 2018 to 2023, which consolidated the quality assurance structures from the earlier projects. Furthermore, these projects are implemented with tremendous arrogance, prioritising their implementation over all other concerns in the universities, when the project over six years for example accounts for just one fourth of our budget allocation for universities this year.
The AHEAD project drastically changed course curricula, sought to increase student enrolment in science, technology, engineering, mathematics (STEM) disciplines, commercialise the university research agenda and create university-business linkages. All of this was pushed to supposedly help us face development challenges. We have heard the ideological attack on our universities and even students claiming they are “unemployable graduates”. These changes to our higher education system were supposedly going to create jobs and increase employment.
The irony of the AHEAD project is that just as it was ending in 2023, apparently after having reached its targets, the Sri Lankan economy was collapsing. The World Bank often gets the direction of causality wrong. It is the economy that creates jobs for graduates, and not the training or kind of graduates that create jobs. It is decades of World Bank policies, and those of its ideological twin the IMF, that have led to such high youth unemployment, not only in Sri Lanka but also in many other countries in the global South.
Sri Lanka entered an IMF agreement in March 2023 and started a new Country Partnership Framework with the World Bank in June 2023. These programmes have little to say about, and actively discourage, government initiatives that aim to create an industrial policy or an employment creation policy. Instead, they push for austerity measures, which not only restrict the allocation for education among other sectors, but also end up contracting the economy to the detriment of increasing employment. Their goal is the commercialisation of higher education, to make universities into businesses and run them like factories.
In this context, the ideology of quality assurance is powerful. The International Organisation for Standardisation (ISO), whose different standards are necessary for marketing, is the institution that came up with the concept of “quality assurance”. It promoted quality assurance as a process of identifying defected products. Therefore, when the World Bank promotes this conceptual framing, our students are, in fact, seen as products on the assembly line, with quality assurance processes aiming to prevent the release of defected products from the university system. For the US$ 100 million we borrowed for the AHEAD project and the many more million dollars in similar World Bank projects, there is no evidence of increased employment of graduates.
Commodity fetishism
Over a century and a half ago, Karl Marx critiqued the economic analysis prevalent at that time that associated some inherent or monetary value for commodities without considering the social relations that underlie the production of those commodities. Marx called this commodity fetishism. Furthermore, he theorised that such commodity fetishism was also a reason for the alienation of human beings from the world. If our labour and what we produce is seen devoid of the social relations that underlie them, we lose our connection with the people and the world. In this process we become alienated from what we produce and the world.
We are now in a world where our students themselves are fetishised as commodities for the market. Universities are no longer communities concerned about knowledge and human growth, but mere factories producing commodities, which have to be produced without defects to be marketed. In this way, quality assurance has become the cause for the alienation of students, academics and our universities themselves, from the larger relationship with our economy and society.
Our university system does need reform. It is grossly underfunded and not providing the financial support and facilities for our students. Universities have become hierarchical spaces without the academic freedom and democratic ethos necessary for producing knowledge. Academics and students need to engage more with their communities to make their learning and research meaningful, not to mention their contribution to and integration with society. However, when it comes to even questions of governance and regulation of the universities, such concerns are merely reduced to improving quality. In our contemporary times, this singular focus on quality assurance, as opposed to addressing the larger structural issues, is crippling our universities. There may be no way out, but to put back quality assurance where it started, those little tags on goods, to perhaps be noticed but quickly forgotten.
Ahilan Kadirgamar is a political economist and Senior Lecturer, University of Jaffna.
(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies)
Features
Thailand’s biggest new global star …
The entertainment scene, globally, is agog with excitement, and, why not!
Yes, a new global star has emerged … from Thailand, and she hit the headlines by winning America’s Got Talent.
Rattikarn Amloy, known to millions by her stage name Nene Royal, was crowned the winner of America’s Got Talent (AGT) Season 21 at the live finale at Pasadena Civic Auditorium, California, taking home the USD 1 million grand prize.
The 16-year-old rocker, from the holiday island of Phuket (I’ve been to Phuket, courtesy Tourism Authority of Thailand), has struck a power chord around the world, and is the first Thai national ever to win the hit NBC show.
She beat nine other finalists, including runner-up magician Geno Ploeger, after a blistering final performance.
Nene’s story is pure rock and roll fairy-tale. She says she picked up a guitar at age seven, fell in love at the first chord, and taught herself mostly by watching videos online. That dedication earned her a music scholarship to Kajonkiet International School Phuket.
Her audition at America’s Got Talent — a swaggering, shredding rendition of The Cranberries’ classic ‘Zombie’ — exploded online, amassing over 200 million views across AGT’s platforms, more than any act this season.
She kept wowing: ‘Hysteria’ by Muse, then ‘Black Hole Sun’ by Soundgarden which earned her Spice Girl Mel B’s Golden Buzzer, sending her straight to the live shows.
For the final, she unleashed ‘Seven Nation Army’ by The White Stripes. Judge Howie Mandel shouted: “You should win. Give her the million, America.” Mel B praised her “mysterious, mystical stage presence”.
And for the grand finale, she lived every teen rocker’s dream — performing on stage, alongside US rock giants Linkin Park.
When host Terry Crews announced her as winner, the teenager collapsed to the stage floor in tears. “I’m very happy and you know I’m emotional right now,” she said.
And Thailand erupted. Her school held watch parties, posting: “You did it, congratulations, champion. We are so proud of you.”
Even Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul sent a personal congratulation. He had earlier hosted Nene at Government House in July, where she played guitar while he sang a Thai rock song. His office said her talent “brought pride to Thai people.”
Corporate Thailand also rallied behind her — Charoen Pokphand Foods, owned by billionaire Dhanin Chearavanont, even rented a giant billboard in Times Square, New York, to cheer her on.
With her blistering guitar solos, rock-ballad shrieks and fearless spirit, little Nene Royal has just become Thailand’s biggest new global star.
What’s more, this amazing teenager will be bringing her powerful vocals, guitar skills and signature rock-metal style to the stage, as opening act, before one of the world’s biggest rock bands, America’s Avenged Sevenfold, in Singapore, on 13 October.
Unfortunately, we are still to see a local artiste, grab the spotlight, on a global scale … like Thailand’s Nene.
Yes, they do shine, but mostly on social media, and that, too, with the aid of AI (Artificial Intellegence).
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