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Full implementation of 13A: Final solution to ‘national problem’ or end of unitary state? – Part VIII

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Ranil and Sampanthan

by Kalyananda Tiranagama
Executive Director
Lawyers for Human Rights and Development

(Part VII of this article appeared on 04 Oct., 2023)

President Ranil Wickremesinghe has not been able to point out any benefit received by the people or any development activity carried out by any of the Provincial Councils for the welfare of the people in their provinces. This is what the President says in this connection:

‘‘Some individuals in our nation label provincial councils as ‘‘white elephants’’ due to these challenges. Yet, amid these limitations, provincial councils have significantly influenced Sri Lanka’s political trajectory. They have nurtured skilled political leaders and served as stepping stones to executive and parliamentary roles. Throughout history, numerous individuals who have embarked on their political journey as provincial council members have ascended to positions of power like executive presidency, premiership, cabinet membership, and other significant roles.’’

Other than nurturing and enriching some local politicians and their families and serving as stepping stones for them to enter national politics, what have the provincial councils done for the benefit of the people in their areas, to improve their living conditions, to address their grievances or to find solutions to their problems? Nothing.

Who are the skilled political leaders nurtured by Provincial Councils? What have they done for the people or the country with their skills and experience gathered at the provincial councils, other than wasting public funds and public property and enriching themselves through various deals? Perhaps, the President may not be able to answer these queries.

Other than from the politicians, there is no demand whatsoever from the people of any Provincial Council area for conducting Provincial Council elections though more than six years have elapsed since their dissolution by law. That is the best proof that the Provincial Councils have not served any useful purpose beneficial to the people in their views.

The Report of the Sub-committee on Centre – Periphery Relations recommends: (a) to do away with the Concurrent List and add the subjects to relevant Lists; (b) to repeal the rubric ‘National Policy on all Subjects and Functions from the Reserved List. (3) All Subjects and Functions not specified in any of the lists (provincial and reserved lists) should be the subject matter of the province;

This Report further states that ‘‘most of the subjects in the Concurrent List are legitimate functions to be in the ‘Provincial List. The existence of Centre Ministries such as Ministry of Rehabilitation, Social Services, Social Welfare, Women and Children, Indigenous Medicine, Disaster Relief and Agriculture has no justification, except under the wrap of Concurrent List and National Policy.

Law and Order and Police Powers: (a) Law and Order has to be the subject matter of the province. (b) Administration of Police should be through an Independent Provincial Police Commission (PPC) as in the Centre. The PPC could work in close collaboration with the National Police Commission on administrative matters. (c) The National Police can handle organized crimes, narcotics, terrorism etc.

The Sub-Committee’s Recommendation on Land Powers: (a) State land within a province should be the subject matter to be handled by the Province; (b) The State Land Commission should consist of equitable number of members representing the interests of the Centre as well as the provinces; (c) No decision of such institution can be imposed on any province without the consent of the representative of such Province.

As to how to give effect to these recommendations, the President has come out with his response in his Address to Parliament thus:

‘‘ I propose introducing several Bills to the Parliament and implementing series of new measures: a. Appointment of Divisional Secretaries.

b. Granting Authority to Provincial Councils for Education-related Services; This involves exercising all powers related to school education listed in Schedule 3 of the Provincial Councils List.

c. Establishment of Provincial Boards for Vocational and Technical Training Services;

d. Empowerment of Provincial Councils to Establish Universities

e. Authorization for Provincial Councils to Provide for Agricultural Innovation and Services.

f. Creation of Provincial Tourism Promotion Boards.

g. Amendment to the Industries Act to increase the limit for industries of national importance, the limit will be raised from Rs. 4 million to Rs. 250 million. If Parliament agrees, ready to elevate it to Rs. 500 million.

h. Establishment of District Development Councils: Develop a three-year Development Plan for each Provincial Council in alignment with Central Govt national policies. Integrate central govt development programs into this plan, customized to each jurisdiction. Execute this three-year plan via District Development Councils and entrust its implementation to Provincial Councils.

Formulate a legal framework wherein MPs, Members of PCs and local govt bodies representing each district can collaborate effectively in this endeavour.

There can be no doubt that the President is planning to give effect to the proposals in the Report of the Sub-committee on Centre – Periphery Relations through this process.

In this speech he has taken care not to mention anything about the Northern and Eastern Provinces or the Tamil national question, so as not to unnecessarily stir up hornets’ nests.

While introducing Bills in Parliament dealing with different subjects where necessary, he may deal with most of the matters through administrative measures using his Executive Power as the President as he has already done in the case of state lands coming under the Departments of Archaeology, Forest and Wild Life.

Though there is no transfer of decentralized powers to the Central Government with the participation of provincial councils in the formulation of national policies on matters within the Provincial List as stated by him, it will certainly result in transferring powers of the Central Government to the provincial councils not only on matters within the Provincial List, but also on matters in the National List.

When this process is completed, Provincial Councils will become fully autonomous bodies effectively exercising all the powers of the Government other than the powers mentioned in the Reserved List exercised by the Central Government.

That is the common dream of Mr. R. Sampanthan shared with the President.

From the speech of the President, one can get an idea about the strategy the President is going to adopt to ensure that he can muster the support of the majority of MPs in Parliament. He proposes to do things, which will, most probably, enable him to muster not only simple majority, but also two thirds majority in Parliament required for bringing about amendments to the Constitution, if the need arises. These are his proposals:

An advisory council to guide the Governors – consisting of Chairman of the Provincial Supervisory Committee, Chairman of the District Development Committee and MPs representing political parties within the Province.

Currently, there are 45 functioning Ministries in the Provincial Councils. Oversight committees can be established for these Ministries with parliamentarians who have no other responsibilities being appointed as their heads.

Let us see how the President’s strategy works to muster the majority support required to bring about revision of laws, including constitutional amendments:

In the present Govt there are 22 Cabinet Ministers and 38 State Ministers.

There will be 25 District Development Councils for the 25 Districts in the country. The Chairman of each District Development Committee will invariably be a Member of Parliament representing the District. These 25 Chairmen of District Development Committees will be entitled to additional perks as those of State Ministers. That was the practice in the District Development Committees functioned in President Jayewardene’s time.

In addition, they will be members of the Advisory Council set up to guide the Governors. All the MPs representing political parties within the Province will also be members of the Advisory Council.

45 Oversight committees will be established for the 45 Provincial Council Ministries with 45 parliamentarians who have no other responsibilities being appointed as their heads. They will be entitled to additional perks as the Heads of the Oversight Committees. This offer of the opportunity of being appointed as the Heads of the Oversight Committees will certainly lure more and more MPs to support these moves.

Moreover, as the real motive of bringing these reforms is hidden and undisclosed, the Chief Ministers and Members of the Provincial Councils in the other seven Provinces will undoubtedly bring pressure on their parties to support these moves. The President is well aware of this.

Following the revision of these laws concerning PCs and enactment of new laws, PC Elections Act to be amended.

Then the Northern and Eastern Provinces will be merged through a resolution passed by Parliament to that effect, the Provincial Council Elections will be held, and the North – East Provincial Council can start its march towards its final goal of establishing the State of Tamil Eelam with international support.

Unless the people see through this diabolical scheme and rise up openly against it compelling their political leaders and MPs to come forward to defeat it, that will open the gates for the ending of Sri Lanka as a unitary state.

Inevitable Outcome of Granting 13+ – Establishment of Separate State of Tamil Ealam with International Support

President Wickremesinghe talks of finding a final solution to the Tamil People’s problem acceptable to them, of providing a solution to the Tamil national problem satisfactory to the Tamil People, and addressing the grievances of the People in the North and the East for meaningful devolution of power. If President Wickremesinghe honestly thinks that he can bring about national unity, national reconciliation among Sinhala and Tamil communities by acceding to the demands of Tamil political parties, he must be living in a fool’s paradise.

It is common knowledge that the majority of Tamil people in Sri Lanka live not in the Northern and the Eastern Provinces, but in the other seven Provinces. Outside the North and the East, thousands of Tamil People live with the Sinhala People with amity and friendship, working in cooperation and understanding. There is no discord or racial clashes among them.

Thousands of Sinhala people visit Hindu Kovils during the Vel festival. They gather on road sides making offerings to Vel Perahera. During the Kataragama festival season thousands of Tamil Hindu pilgrims engage in their annual walk from the North to Kataragama across Sinhala areas. They are well received and treated by Sinhala People.

Hundreds of Sinhala Buddhist pilgrims visit Nagadeepa Temple. They well received by Tamil People. There is no discrimination. The main problem is lack of proper communication due to language barriers. If this barrier is overcome, it will not be difficult to bring about real national unity, harmony and national reconciliation among the Sinhala and Tamil People.

In this connection, I can cite my own experience of an effort that I made to bring this issue to the attention of Authorities as I think it is relevant. In 2003 and 2004, I conducted four orientation programmes for the Army and Police officers in Jaffna and Kankesanthurai Divisions on human rights and international humanitarian law at the request of UNHCR.

Dr. Laksiri Fernando of Colombo University, S. G. Puchihewa and Nimal Punchihewa, former President of the Elections Commission, participated with me in conducting these programs. We were staying in Jaffna Social Centre and they had got down three young girls to prepare food for us. I talked to them and they told us that they were jobless graduates from Sabaragamuwa University, as they had no jobs they were engaging in that type of work and that there were many others like them.

(To be concluded)



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Concept of living wage and cost of living

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The International Labour Organisation (ILO) now defines a living wage as the wage level necessary for workers and their families to afford a decent standard of living, given national circumstances, for normal hours of work. This standard of living is operationalised through the cost of essential goods and services, typically including food, housing, healthcare, education, transport, and a modest allowance for contingencies and social participation.

In contrast, “cost of living” in economics is a broader price index concept that tracks the overall prices of a representative consumption basket but is not inherently normative about what constitutes decency or dignity.

Living wage methodologies effectively translate a cost-of-living basket, specified for a given family size and living standard, into a monthly income requirement for workers, thereby linking real wages to human development objectives rather than only to market productivity.

Methodologies for computing a living wage

Most contemporary living wage estimates follow a structured “cost of a basic but decent life” approach built around three steps: defining a reference family, costing a normative consumption basket, and converting that cost into a wage per worker.

The Anker methodology, widely used in global supply chains and in Sri Lanka, is a leading example: it defines a model family (e.g., 2 adults and approximately 2–3 children), estimates the cost of a low-cost nutritious diet, adequate housing, and non-food essentials, and then allocates that cost over expected number of full-time workers per family.

Within the Anker framework, the food component is based on locally appropriate diets meeting caloric and nutritional norms, priced using local market surveys and adjusted for waste and home preparation.

Housing costs are derived from standards for minimally acceptable housing (e.g., durable materials, sufficient space, basic services), using rents or imputed rental values from empirical fieldwork. Other essential expenditures, health, education, transport, clothing, and a small margin for unexpected events, are typically estimated as a percentage mark-up over food and housing costs, derived from national household survey data.

Finally, the methodology sets a reference number of workers per family, divides total family living costs by this number to get a net living wage, and then adjusts to a gross living wage by adding payroll taxes and mandatory deductions. Periodic updates are made using consumer price indices (CPIs) to reflect inflation or deflation and, where necessary, new field surveys to capture structural shifts in prices and consumption patterns.

Sri Lanka’s living wage estimates and their link to cost of living (Anker Methodology)

Sri Lanka has been the subject of several living wage studies, notably for the tea estate sector and for urban and rural areas, using the Anker methodology.

In the tea estate sector, an updated 2024 Anker report estimates the cost of a “basic but decent” standard of living for a typical family at about LKR 78,067 per month (approximately USD 260), implying a gross living wage of LKR 48,584 per month (USD 160) and a net, take-home living wage of LKR 44,357.

For urban Sri Lanka, the Anker Living Wage Reference Value was originally set at LKR 84,231 per month in April 2022, corresponding to a net living wage of LKR 77,492 plus social security contributions. After cumulative inflation of about 36.9 percent between April 2022 and June 2025, the updated gross urban living wage is estimated at approximately LKR 115,291 per month (around USD 385), consisting of a net living wage of LKR 106,068 and social security contributions of LKR 9,223

These Sri Lankan figures are explicitly derived from cost-of-living calculations: they incorporate the cost of food, housing, utilities, health, education, and other essentials at local prices and then convert these into wages per adult worker, assuming roughly 1.7–1.8 full-time earners per family. Because living wage estimates are indexed to actual price dynamics, periods of high inflation, as Sri Lanka experienced in 2022–2023, translate almost mechanically into sharp upward revisions in living wages, underlining the tight coupling between living wage levels and the evolving cost of living.

Comparative living wages: Sri Lanka and other countries

Cross-country comparisons require careful normalisation because living wages reflect local prices, family structures, and social norms, but several datasets provide a structured basis for comparison. [asia.floorwage](https://asia.floorwage.org/living-wage/calculating-a-living-wage/)

The Asia Floor Wage Alliance, for example, publishes a regional living wage benchmark expressed in purchasing power parity (PPP) terms, with a 2024 benchmark of 1,750.54 PPP dollars per month converted into local currencies using country-specific PPP exchange rates.

Using this PPP-based approach, the 2024 living wage equivalent for Sri Lanka is estimated at around LKR 158,353 per month, assuming a PPP exchange rate of about 90.5 Sri Lankan rupees per PPP dollar.

This PPP-normalised figure is substantially higher than the Anker 2024–2025 estate-sector and urban living wage estimates in nominal rupees, partly because the Asia Floor Wage benchmark is set to ensure a more harmonised standard across Asian garment-producing economies and uses a single PPP wage target.

These figures indicate that, within this PPP-based framework, Sri Lanka’s living wage in local currency is relatively high compared to countries such as India and Bangladesh, but the comparison reflects both different PPP exchange rates and domestic price structures.

From a cost-of-living perspective, this pattern is consistent with Sri Lanka being a lower-middle-income country with relatively higher prices for some essentials compared with low-income South Asian economies, especially after recent macroeconomic and inflationary shocks.

Global patterns and high-income economies

Global datasets covering more than 200 countries show that typical-family living wage levels, whether calculated in PPP or nominal terms, tend to correlate positively with national income levels, with North America, Western Europe, and Australia displaying the highest living wage values.

In this global distribution, living wages in middle- and low-income regions of Asia, Africa, and Latin America are lower in absolute terms, though the ratio of living wage to median wages or statutory minimum wages can be high, underscoring the gap between decent-work standards and prevailing labour market outcomes.

Interestingly, some studies note that rural living wage estimates can be relatively high in poorer countries because limited infrastructure and service availability raise the cost of accessing a given standard of living, such as safe water, transport, and education.

For Sri Lanka, rural Anker living wage benchmarks similarly reveal the importance of non-food costs, such as transportation to schools, health facilities, and workplaces, in shaping the total family budget, despite lower nominal rents in many rural areas.

Living wage, social policy, and Sri Lanka’s development trajectory

The emerging international consensus around a living wage is rooted in the human rights-based notion of a “decent life” rather than a subsistence minimum or an arbitrarily set statutory floor.

From a social science perspective, incorporating living wage benchmarks into wage-setting institutions, collective bargaining, and social dialogue reorients labour markets toward social reproduction, intergenerational mobility, and social cohesion, rather than merely cost competitiveness.

For Sri Lanka, where recent crises have eroded real wages and increased household vulnerability, living wage estimates such as the Anker urban and estate-sector benchmarks provide an analytically rigorous yardstick for evaluating whether current wage policies and social transfers are adequate relative to the actual cost of a basic but decent life.

Comparisons with regional PPP-based benchmarks like the Asia Floor Wage suggest that, while Sri Lanka’s living wage requirement in local currency is relatively high, the country also faces significant affordability challenges, especially for low-paid workers in export sectors and informal employment, whose earnings often fall short of these normative thresholds.

In policy terms, the living wage framework highlights the need for coordinated approaches that combine wage-setting reforms, inflation-sensitive social protection, and productivity-enhancing investments, so that rising living-cost-consistent wages do not simply translate into inflationary spirals or employment losses.

For empirical research in Sri Lanka, these benchmarks open avenues for micro-level analysis of wage gaps, household coping strategies, gendered labour outcomes, and the distributional effects of macroeconomic adjustment, all anchored to a transparent and internationally recognised living wage methodology.

(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT, Malabe. The views and opinions expressed in this article are personal.)

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Buddhist philosophy and the path to lasting peace

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Echoes of ‘The Walk for Peace’

The international Walk for Peace’ reaching Colombo, joined by a large number of monks and devotees, led by spiritual leader Ven Bhikku Pannakara, with the peace dog ‘Aloka,’ completing the 161 km journey.The walk commenced in Dambulla on April 22 following the main ceremony at the Jaya Sri Maha Bodhi in Anuradhapura.Pic by Nishan S.Priyantha

by Ven. Dr. Kirinde Assaji Nayaka Thero
Chief Incumbent, Gangaramaya Temple, Hunupitiya, Colombo

Throughout human history, one of the greatest and most complex challenges has been the establishment of lasting peace and the maintenance of harmonious coexistence. While peace is often understood simply as the absence of war or armed conflict, a deeper, spiritual perspective reveals it as a profound state of social and mental harmony. It is an ideal that must be cultivated within individuals as well as across societies.

Buddhism offers one of the most practical and timeless philosophies of peace. The teachings of the Buddha are rooted in non-violence and the four sublime virtues—loving-kindness, compassion, sympathetic joy, and equanimity. Central to this philosophy is the idea that true peace in the world begins with inner peace within the individual. Conflict, the Buddha taught, arises not on battlefields but within the human mind, driven by greed, hatred, and delusion. Without overcoming these negative forces, lasting peace in the external world remains unattainable.

In today’s world, marked by geopolitical tensions, economic competition, and social unrest—this inward approach to peace is more relevant than ever. Despite technological advancement, humanity continues to grapple with violence and division. The Buddha’s teaching points instead to an internal struggle: a battle against anger, jealousy, and ignorance. Rather than weapons of destruction, Buddhism promotes wisdom, compassion, patience, and discipline as the tools to overcome conflict.

The path to peace begins with understanding its causes. Just as muddy water becomes clear when left undisturbed, the human mind achieves clarity and calm when negative emotions are subdued. This principle is reflected in the Buddha’s intervention during a historic dispute between the Sakya and Koliya clans over water, where he reminded them of the greater value of human life, thereby preventing bloodshed.

In a world increasingly threatened by conflict over limited resources and political power, such lessons remain highly relevant. The Buddha also emphasised the principle of moral causation—actions have consequences.

Yadisaṃ vapate bijaṃ tadisaṃ harate phalaṃ
Kalyaāṇakariī kalyaṃ papakariī ca papakaṃ
Pavutthaṃ tata te bijaṃ phalaṃ paccanubhossasiti

“As one sows the seed, so does one reap the fruit.

The doer of good receives good results, and the doer of evil receives evil results.

Dear one, whatever seed you have planted, you will experience the corresponding fruit of it.”

At the heart of Buddhist ethics is respect for life. All beings fear harm and seek happiness, and therefore, violence against others cannot lead to true well-being. This message is particularly significant in an era where the race for power and advanced weaponry continues to overshadow compassion and humanity.

The fundamental moral discipline in Buddhism is respect for life and opposition to harming living beings. The Buddha taught that all beings desire happiness, and fear suffering, and that harming others will not lead to happiness.

Sabbe tasanti dandassa
sabbe bhayanti maccuno
attanam upamam katva
na haneyya na ghataye.

“All tremble at violence; all fear death. Comparing others with oneself, one should neither kill nor cause others to kill.”

Despite technological advancement, the world appears to be moving backwards in terms of compassion and peace. Power-driven politics and the race for advanced weaponry cannot provide lasting solutions. Global leaders, diplomats, and policymakers must urgently recognise the importance of the tolerant, balanced, and non-violent approach taught in Buddhism. Protecting the right to life of all beings, and acting with compassion beyond divisions of race, religion, or politics, is the only true foundation for world peace.

Sri Lanka, as a nation nourished by the essence of Buddhism, has long upheld this principle. The Sri Lankan tradition, rooted in boundless loving-kindness and compassion, strives to uphold human values even amidst the harsh realities of global politics. From the respect shown by King Dutugemunu towards King Elara, to Sri Lanka’s stance at the 1951 San Francisco Peace Conference invoking the words “Hatred is never appeased by hatred,” to recent humanitarian acts in rescuing sailors in distress—these all reflect a single philosophy: valuing human life above all divisions.

The presentation of a “Joint Declaration for Peace” by the Mahanayake Theros at Gangaramaya Temple recently reaffirmed Sri Lanka’s commitment to global peace. Despite global power struggles, Sri Lanka continues to stand as a symbol of compassion and peace, reminding the world that human kindness is more powerful than weapons.

Institutions such as the Gangaramaya Temple have played a vital role in fostering social harmony. Through charitable, educational, and cultural programmes, the temple has encouraged unity across religious and ethnic lines, while also promoting interfaith dialogue and cooperation.

The annual Navam Maha Perahera, organised by the temple, stands as a powerful symbol of national unity, bringing together people from diverse backgrounds in a shared celebration. Similarly, vocational training and educational initiatives have helped empower young people from all communities, strengthening social cohesion.

A recent “Walk for Peace,” led by Venerable Pannakara Thero and supported by the monastic community, further underscored this commitment. More than a physical journey, it represented a spiritual effort to cultivate peace within the human heart and spread a message of compassion to the wider world.

One of the most touching aspects of the event was the participation of a dog named “Aloka,” which accompanied the monks throughout the journey. This simple yet powerful image reflected the Buddhist teaching that all living beings value life and deserve compassion, highlighting the universal nature of peace.

Ultimately, the Buddha’s message remains clear: peace cannot be achieved through hatred or violence. True peace arises from self-discipline, moral conduct, and the cultivation of a pure mind. As the teaching states, avoiding evil, doing good, and purifying one’s mind is the path laid down by the Buddha.

Let us plant the seeds of peace within our hearts and nurture them with loving-kindness. (“Sabba papassa akarananṃ – kusalassa upasampadā – sacitta pariyodapanaṃ – etaṃ Buddhana sasanaṃ”)

In a time when global tensions continue to rise, this timeless message serves as a powerful reminder that lasting peace begins within each individual—and that compassion remains humanity’s greatest strength.

“Devo vassatu kalena – sassa sampatti hetu ca
Pito bhavatu loko ca – rajaā bhavatu dhammiko”

(“May the rains fall at the right time, bringing about abundant harvests.

May the world be joyful and prosperous.

May the ruler be righteous and just.”)

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Peace march and promise of reconciliation

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Peace walk in progress

The ongoing peace march by a group of international Buddhist monks has captured the sentiment of Sri Lankans in a manner that few public events have done in recent times. It is led by the Vietnamese monk Venerable Thich Pannakara who is associated with a mindfulness movement that has roots in Vietnamese Buddhist practice and actively promoted among diaspora communities in the United States. The peace march by the monks, accompanied by their mascot, the dog Aloka, has generated affection and goodwill within the Buddhist and larger community. It follows earlier peace walks in the United States where monks carried a similar message of mindfulness and compassion across communities but without any government or even media patronage as in Sri Lanka.

This initiative has the potential to unfold into an effort to nurture a culture of peace in Sri Lanka. Such a culture is necessary if the country as the country prepares to move beyond its history of conflict towards a more longlasting reconciliation and a political solution to its ethnic and religious divisions. The government’s support for the peace march can be seen as part of a broader attempt to shape such a culture. The Clean Sri Lanka programme, promoted by the government as a civic responsibility campaign focused on environmental cleanliness, ethical conduct and social discipline, provides a useful framework within which such initiatives can be situated. Its emphasis on collective responsibility and shared public space makes it sit well with the values that peacebuilding requires.

government’s previous plan to promote a culture of peace was on the occasion of “Sri Lanka Day” celebrations which were scheduled to take place on December 12-14 last year but was disrupted by Cyclone Ditwah. The Sri Lanka Day celebrations were to include those talented individuals from each and every community at the district level who had excelled in some field or the other, such as science, business or arts and culture and selected by the District Secretariats in each of the 25 districts. They were to gather in Colombo to engage in cultural performances and community-focused exhibitions. The government’s intention was to build up a discourse around the ideas of unity in diversity as a precursor to addressing the more contentious topics of human rights violations during the war period, and issues of accountability and reparations for wrongs suffered during that dark period.

Positive Response

The invitation to the international monks appears to have emerged from within Buddhist religious networks in Sri Lanka that have long maintained links with the larger international Buddhist community. The strong support extended by leading temples and clergy within the country, including the Buddhists Mahanayakes indicates that this was not an isolated effort but one that resonated with the mainstream Buddhist establishment. Indeed, the involvement of senior Buddhist leaders has been particularly noteworthy. A Joint Declaration for Peace in the world, drawing on Sri Lanka’s own experience, and by the Mahanayakes of all Buddhist Chapters took place in the context of the ongoing peace march at the Gangaramaya Temple in Colombo, with participation from the diplomatic community. The declaration, calling for compassion, dialogue and sustainable peace, reflects an effort by religious leadership to assert a moral voice in favour of coexistence.

The popular response to the peace march has also been striking. Large numbers of people have been gathering along the route, offering flowers, water and support to the monks. Schoolchildren have been lining the roads, and communities from different religious backgrounds extend hospitality. On the way, the monks were hosted by both a Hindu temple and a mosque, where food and refreshments were provided. These acts, though simple, carry a message about the possibility of harmony among Sri Lanka’s diverse communities. It helps to counter the perception that the Buddhist community in Sri Lanka is inherently nationalist and resistant to minority concerns that was shaped during the decades of war and reinforced by political mobilisation that too often exploited ethnic identity.

By way of contrast, the peace march offers a different image. It shows a readiness among ordinary people to embrace values of compassion and coexistence that are deeply embedded in Buddhist teaching. The Metta Sutta, one of the most well-known discourses in Buddhism, calls for boundless goodwill towards all beings. It states that one should cultivate a mind that is “boundless towards all beings, free from hatred and ill will.” This emphasis on universal compassion provides a moral foundation for peace that extends beyond national or ethnic boundaries. The monks themselves emphasised this point repeatedly during the walk. Venerable Thich Pannakara reminded those who gathered that while acts of generosity are commendable, mindfulness in everyday life is even more important. He warned that as people become unmindful, they are more prone to react with anger and hatred, thereby contributing to conflict.

More Initiatives

The presence of political leaders at key moments of the march has emphasised the significance that the government attaches to the event. Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya paid her respects to the peace march monks in Kandy, while President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is expected to do so at the conclusion of the march in Colombo. Such gestures signal an alignment between political authority and moral aspiration, even if the translation of that aspiration into policy remains a work in progress. At the same time, the peace march has not been without its shortcomings. The walk did not engage with the Northern and Eastern parts of the country, regions that were most affected by the war and where the need for reconciliation is most acute. A more inclusive geographic reach would have strengthened the symbolic impact of the initiative.

In addition, the positive impact of the peace march could have been increased if more effort had been taken to coordinate better with other civic and religious groups and include them in the event. Many civil society and religious harmony groups who would have liked to participate in the peace march found themselves unable to do so. There was no place in the programme for them to join. Even government institutions tasked with promoting social cohesion and reconciliation found themselves outside the loop. The Clean Sri Lanka Task Force that organised the peace march may have felt that involving other groups would have made it more complicated to organise the events which have proceeded without problems.

The hope is that the positive energy and goodwill generated by this peace march will not dissipate but will instead inspire further initiatives with the requisite coordination and leadership. The march has generated public discussion, drawn attention to the values of mindfulness and compassion, and created a space in which people can imagine a different future. It has been a special initiative among the many that are needed to build a culture of peace. A culture of peace cannot be imposed from above nor can it emerge overnight. It needs to be nurtured through multiple efforts across society, including education, religious engagement, civic initiatives and political reform. It is within such a culture that the more difficult questions of power sharing, justice and reconciliation can be addressed in a constructive manner.

by Jehan Perera

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