For nearly two decades, state universities have been under siege. They were targeted by a deliberate campaign of discreditation. Various ‘expert committees’ were set up by incumbent governments to deliberate on the problems in higher education, with minimal involvement of university communities. The sector was increasingly politicized, with undue state involvement in recruitments and appointments. Draconian measures were taken to quell student protests even as trade union action by university staff was castigated in the media. There was talk about outdated curricula and unfounded allegations that universities were ‘producing’ unemployable arts graduates. More resources were channeled into STEM education, while the social sciences and humanities were neglected. Delays in graduation brought on by programme disruptions and resource constraints were blamed entirely on the universities.

When COVID-19 hit, the education system had been defunded for decades. Skewed distribution of education infrastructure, teachers, and other resources, created a two-tiered school system that privileged a few over many. At universities, the situation was dire with student intake being hiked with no additional budget. In 2022, the economic crisis and IMF programme led to huge funding cuts and a freeze on hires. Teaching loads increased, worsened by outmigration. Rates of mental illness and self-harm rose among undergraduates as costs of living spiraled upwards. The hollow solutions proposed for universities during this period of crisis included raising ‘self-generated funds’ by attracting international students, introducing new fee-levying post-graduate courses, and commercializing research, albeit without additional administrative or academic inputs.

Calls for private universities became louder as the Wickremesinghe regime welcomed private investment in tertiary education, towing the World Bank’s mission of creating human capital for the global economy by ‘upskilling’ labour through vocational and STEM education. His government embarked upon several large-scale private higher education projects, amply subsidized with state resources. At present, several private medical schools are being vetted by the Sri Lanka Medical Council. Fee-levying students have already been enrolled to the medical faculty of the Kotelawala Defence University (KDU), and proposals are under consideration for such enrollment at other state universities, including through the establishment of parallel systems. Any questions about what these unprecedented reforms might mean for Free Education, especially for access for the underprivileged, are dismissed with pledges for student loans, which have failed elsewhere, globally.

We have now a new interim government, with the National People’s Power (NPP) in charge. Anura Kumara Dissanayake was elected, even if not with a substantial majority, as the Executive President. He promised change. The left-leaning past of NPP’s main constituent elements helped frame its image as a pro-people coalition, and its rhetoric on education gave some of us hope for change. We are now on the cusp of a decisive general election. What is the position of the main contenders, the NPP and Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), on education and especially higher education?

In the NPP’s manifesto, there is a seeming commitment to supporting Free Education, yet it is not unequivocal. With respect to the state university system, the manifesto identifies two problems: the low proportion gaining admission and the failure to create socially responsible citizens that can fulfill the needs of the job market–mirroring the World Bank’s vision. The use of the term “national university system” may signal support for state universities, yet we are uncertain what “a parallel university system that provides international-level advanced professional education” means. It is reassuring that the NPP intends to retain the University Grants Commission (UGC) and place the regulation of private higher education institutions under a separate body, in contrast to Former President Wickremesinghe’s National Education Policy Framework (NEPF). While welcoming the NPP’s plans to reduce politicization and increase student financial support, we are puzzled by the plan to offer 200 scholarships per year for high school graduates to study abroad during these times of crisis. It is striking that the NPP is silent on the mass wave of privatisation that is taking place in the higher education sector.

We note with dismay that the SJB’s manifesto does not commit to Free Education. Couched in the language of the Right to Education, its primary focus appears to be to modernize education. The SJB borrows heavily from the NEPF in its plans for universities, promising to restructure the UGC and bring the accreditation of state universities and private higher educational institutions under a single Higher Education Commission. The SJB seems preoccupied with improving the international rankings of our universities, and inviting more international universities to set up their branches in Sri Lanka, but lays out no specific plans to improve state universities.

Neither party recognizes the dire need to strengthen existing undergraduate programmes or develop student support systems at state universities.

Beyond the manifestos, we are troubled by recent media reports of a meeting at which President Anura Kumara Dissanayake spoke of the need to improve human capital and create a workforce to align with global demands. This is very much in line with the World Bank’s vision for education, outlined in its Sri Lanka Country Partnership Framework 2024 to 2027 and referred to in its Sri Lanka Development Update October 2024. We are also deeply concerned about the recent appointment of a senior administrator of a non-state higher education institute as a member of the UGC.

It is with these developments in mind, and with the will to struggle in the cause of Free Education in the country, we demand that all contenders at the upcoming General Elections make their position on Free Education clear. We call for the following from the new Government that is to be formed:

* Prioritise education in the national budget

* Remove the freeze on hires at state universities

* Support state universities to strengthen undergraduate programmes, including those in the arts streams.

* Support state universities to develop student support services, including affordable food, accommodation and mental health services

* Halt efforts to introduce fee-levying undergraduate degree programmes at state universities

* Expand higher education based on a consultative process that considers the country’s and people’s needs

* Adopt a transparent process when making appointments to the UGC and relevant committees

Signed by:

*  Ahilan Kadirgamar, University of Jaffna

*  A. M. Navaratna Bandara, formerly University of Peradeniya

*  Anushka Kahandagamage, formerly University of Colombo

*  Aruni Samarakoon, University of Ruhuna

*  Ashanthi Ekanayake, University of Peradeniya

*  Bahirathy J. Rasanen, University of Jaffna

*  Crystal Baines, formerly University of Colombo

*  Dhanuka Bandara, University of Peradeniya

*  F.M .Nawastheen, Open University of Sri Lanka

*  Fazeeha Azmi, University of Peradeniya

*  Gameela Samarasinghe, University of Colombo

*  H. Sriyananda, Open University of Sri Lanka

*  Harshana Rambukwella, formerly Open University of Sri Lanka

*  Hasini Lecamwasam, University of Peradeniya

*  J. Prince Jeyadevan, University of Jaffna

*  Jayadeva Uyangoda, Professor Emeritus, University of Colombo

*  Kanchuka Dharmasiri, University of Peradeniya

*  Kasun Gajasinghe, formerly University of Peradeniya

*  Kaushalya Perera, University of Colombo

*  Krishan Siriwardhana, University of Colombo

*  Krishantha Fedricks, University of Colombo

*  Kumudu Kusum Kumara, formerly University of Colombo

*  Liyanage Amarakeerthi, University of Peradeniya

*  M. A. Nuhman, formerly University of Peradeniya

*  Maduranga Kalugampitiya, University of Peradeniya

*  Mahendran Thiruvarangan, University of Jaffna

*  Mahishi Ranaweera, University of Kelaniya

*  Mohamed Navaz, South Eastern University of Sri Lanka

*  N. Savitri Kumar, Professor Emeritus, University of Peradeniya

*  N. Sivakaran, University of Jaffna

*  Nicola Perera, University of Colombo

*  Pavithra Ekanayake, University of Peradeniya

*  Pavithra Jayawardena, University of Colombo

*  Pradeep Peiris, University of Colombo

*  Rajan Hoole, formerly University of Jaffna

*  Ramesh Ramasamy, University of Peradeniya

*  Ramila Usoof, University of Peradeniya

*  Ramya Kumar, University of Jaffna

*  Rohan Laksiri, University of Ruhuna

*  Rumala Morel, University of Peradeniya

*  S. Jeevasuthan, University of Jaffna

*  S. Jeyasankar, Eastern University of Sri Lanka

*  S. Sivasegaram, formerly University of Peradeniya

*  Sahani Situbandara, University of Peradeniya

*  Sasinindu Patabendige, formerly University of Jaffna

*  Selvaraj Vishvika, formerly University of Peradeniya

*  Shamala Kumar, University of Peradeniya

*  Shermal Wijewardene, University of Colombo

*  Siri Hettige, Professor Emeritus, University of Colombo

*  Sivamohan Sumathy, University of Peradeniya

*  Sudesh Mantillake, University of Peradeniya

*  Tasneem Hamead, formerly University of Colombo

*  Thiru Kandiah, formerly University of Peradeniya

*  Udari Abeyasinghe, University of Peradeniya

*  Unnathi Samaraweera, University of Colombo

*  Upul Abeyrathne, University of Peradeniya

*  Vasanthi Thevanesam, Professor Emeritus, University of Peradeniya

*  Vijaya Kumar, Professor Emeritus, University of Peradeniya

*  Yathursha Ulakentheran, University of Jaffna

by GEORGE BRAINE

I moved to Boralessa, my ancestral village, in 1977. Many villagers – who made a living as masons, carpenters, workers in tile factories and brick kilns – supplemented their income by brewing pot arrack. The main ingredient, coconut toddy, was readily available and so was the demand. Pot arrack was a cottage industry: the males did the brewing and the women sold it from home. Some of my immediate neighbours were brewers, the small-time mudalali across the road being the main supplier for the area. In the evenings, a steady clientele of regulars could be seen going into his house. As the evening drew on, drunks, mainly middle-aged men, would be staggering down the road, some singing bawdy songs and others picking quarrels with anyone around, using the foulest language.

Clearly, the producing and selling of pot arrack was illegal. So, why didn’t the police crackdown? The MP for the area, who also happened to be a cabinet minister, had requested the police to go easy on the pot arrack dealers. Those who indulged in the business were not well off and it provided an essential supplementary income to “feed their families”, never mind the damage done to the consumers’ health and family harmony. Anyhow, not to be put off, the police also went around to the dealers every month collecting their cut!

Distribution

When the supply exceeded local demand, the brewers found a ready market in nearby Negombo and further afield in Colombo and the suburbs. Transport was through two modes, train and car. In those days, I was teaching at the Kelaniya University and took the “office train” to work. Boralessa has a tiny railway station, manned by an agent (not a station master), with no security whatsoever. Men with four-gallon plastic containers filled with pot arrack would be hiding in the bushes around the station, and, as the train was pulling off, make a mad dash and scramble on to the train. The containers would be quickly hidden in the toilets or under seats. Although this was a daily spectacle witnessed by hundreds of passengers, not once did I see a raid by railway security, the police, or excise officers.

Transport by car was more spectacular. The chosen model was the sleek Austin Cambridge A50, vintage 1950s, perhaps the fastest and most manoeuvrable car in those days of tight import restrictions. Cars loaded with pot arrack would set off for Colombo, both day and night. The natural boundary between the north western province, where Boralessa is located, and the western province, where Colombo is, happens to be the Ma Oya river, crossed by the legendary Kochchikade bridge. Once the cars carrying pot arrack crossed the bridge, they were under a new jurisdiction and at the mercy of the police. Avoiding the main road on which a number of police stations were located, the drivers took circuitous back roads, but the police did their best to stop the cars. So it was a cat and mouse game – roadblocks, checkpoints, ambushes, gunfire, and high speed chases, the stuff of thriller movies. One of these drivers, I’ll call him Primus, recently told me of being fired on when he sped past the police. He is still alive to tell the tale, about 90 now.

Dankotuwa, a nearby town that was surrounded by large coconut plantations (providing the essential ingredient for pot arrack), also supplied the brew to the Colombo area. The best of the liquor, on par or even better than the legitimate variety, whether from Boralessa or Dankotuwa, was known as “Dankotuwa Special”. Many local musicians in those days were heavy drinkers, and a top musician told me not long ago that whenever he managed to get a bottle of the coveted “Dankotuwa Special”, he would get together with another well-known musician to enjoy the treat.

From pot arrack to kasippu

In the 1980s, due to various reasons, the supply of coconut toddy declined, but the demand for illicit liquor prevailed. Ever creative, villagers found a new way to continue with production. Instead of toddy, they began to use sugar dissolved in water, with generous doses of added yeast, to produce alcohol. This was kasippu.

The 1980s were a turning point for Boralessa because a large number of villagers began to travel to Italy, both illegally and legally, in search of work. Because the “Italians” had brought more prosperity to the villagers, the local MP, took a hands-off approach to the illicit trade; the police were given a free rein and could arrest and prosecute illegal brewers.

In the manufacture of kasippu, the fermentation process would take place in large, rusty barrels over a few days, and the barrels had to be hidden from the police. The village had enough hiding places – coconut groves, a weed-choked irrigation tank, long abandoned paddy fields, culverts, a thickly wooded area – for the purpose. The bottom of my property has a pond surrounded by overgrown shrubs, and one day I found two barrels there. After I spoke with the prime suspect, the barrels disappeared.

Not all barrels were properly sealed, so passing lizards, rats, snakes and other creepy-crawlies would fall in. To improve the “kick”, ammonia fertiliser, rusty barbed wire, and anything handy was added. Kasippu, unlike pot arrack, is very much a poison brew.

A grocery store not far from my house probably sold tons of sugar every week. This could be estimated from the lorry loads of sugar that were unloaded there. It also showed how much illicit liquor was brewed in the village.

The Italian sojourn brought prosperity and some villagers developed a taste for whiskey. The dealer across the road, who had given up his illicit trade because he now had two sons in Italy, once boasted to me that he now drank only “whiskey”.

Effects on the Lifestyle

A large number of villagers, both young and the elderly, consumed kasippu. I now realise that many, who worked as masons and carpenters, were alcoholics and this caused problems well beyond the immediate households.

Sundays were reserved for heavy drinking, which meant that being severely hungover, nobody turned up for work on Mondays. A head carpenter I knew, who built roofs (backbreaking work under a blazing sun), with a small team of assistants, dreaded Tuesdays because getting his men to turn-up for work took all morning. First, Anthony would call them, and they dutifully promised to turn-up at the worksite. But often, they didn’t. Then, Anthony would have to go around to their homes in a hired tuk, pleading and coaxing the men to join him. This was repeated weekly and Anthony was fed up till the pandemic hit and put an end to house construction.

Kasippu

also affected family harmony because the men were habitually drunk, broke, and in poor health, leaving the womenfolk to keep the home fires burning. Domestic abuse was common. I know of broken homes where the women had fled, unable to bear their misery.

Beer

About ten years ago, a liquor store opened in Boralessa. Hard liquor was too expensive for most locals but beer sales exceeded expectations. The consumers were mainly young men, who had not developed a taste for the hard stuff. Perhaps, they had also seen the scourge that kasippu caused, even within their families, and spurned the stuff. Most evenings, they would converge on the beer shop and hang out for hours, even sitting on the railway tracks.

Boralessa had come a long way from the days of pot arrack. People still drank, some copiously, but I no longer see anyone staggering down the quiet Kiragara Road that runs along my property, singing bawdy songs. Most of the heavy drinkers have passed away, and the younger generations, bolstered by cash infusions from abroad, have become “respectable”. But I do miss the old Boralessa, where moonshine was king and daredevil drivers played cat and mouse games with the police.

by Jehan Perera

The NPP’s main attraction at the presidential election, and one of its key campaign promises, was to bring a halt to the corruption that has increasingly held the country in its thrall. Large scale corruption from top to bottom and encompassing both the public and private sectors became normalised following the opening up of the economy in the late 1970s. Huge development projects and foreign aid provided opportunities for corruption to those in positions of power. The collapse of the economy in 2022 and accompanying hardships to the masses of people has stiffened the resolve of the general population to get rid of corruption and those implicated in it. As a political party that never wielded political power, only the NPP, among front running parties, was spared the blame.

The issue of cleansing the country of its Augean Stables has come to the centre of people’s governance concerns and nothing else can overshadow it. The vain attempt by some of the opposition parties to whip up ethnic nationalism is not gaining any traction. With the sole exception of the NPP, there is no mainstream political party, with those accused of corruption in their midst, that can convince the electorate that they will have the political will to tackle the problem of corruption. Therefore, arguments of the opposition political parties that the government is failing to deliver on its promises, such as increasing the salaries of public servants and reducing the cost of living, are not having an impact on an electorate whose primary aspiration is to get rid of corruption and those who have been complicit in that corruption.

The arrest and incarceration of two key members of the former government would satisfy the electorate for the time being that the government is serious about tackling the problem of impunity that has accompanied corruption. One of those arrested on charges related to an unregistered luxury vehicle has a history of violent behaviour. But he has never been arrested before, perhaps due to his family ties with the country’s pre-colonial nobility and perceived ability to pull in the votes of that sector of society. However, the government has now arrested both him and another former member of the government, who has himself behaved violently in parliament no less, on the relatively minor charges of possessing unregistered vehicles. This is not comparable to the billions that many others of their compatriots have been accused of misappropriating. But it is a start.

MAIN ISSUE

In the eyes of the electorate, therefore, the NPP government is seen as being serious in delivering on its promises as it has begun to tackle the main problem of corruption without delay and taking on some of the giants of the previous government. The charges against the two former government members will be difficult to dispute because they are based on evidence at hand, which are unregistered motor vehicles. The more complex cases involving billions, for which evidence is harder to obtain, can lead to lengthy legal procedures and eventual acquittal as has happened many times in the past when corruption cases were brought before the courts by previous governments. But the present cases are more straightforward with less likelihood of acquittal.

As a result, the opposition’s critiques of the government are not gaining traction amongst the people at this point of time. This is particularly the case with regard to the IMF agreement which was negotiated by the previous government. Another criticism being made is that it is not delivering on its election time promise to increase salaries of public servants and reduce the cost of living. However, while the people will want their economic hardships to be mitigated as soon as possible, they also realise that the government has been in power only a month and needs to pass a new budget to redistribute resources from areas of less priority to areas of high priority. Changes of tax structures will require a change in laws which is not possible at this time as parliament is dissolved.

Also, the economic promises made by the NPP need to be seen in the context of promises made by its rivals at the presidential election. These included incredible relief packages, claiming they would increase the monthly welfare payments for vulnerable groups and debt relief initiatives, such as raising allowances for disabled individuals and the extremely poor and waiving specific farmer loans, provide instant cash relief or reduce taxes significantly, creating millions of jobs and raising salaries across the board, promising higher wages for government workers and essential sectors and obtain massive foreign investment or debt relief within a short timeframe, which was unlikely given the country’s credit rating and international relations. It has now become a case of the pot calling the kettle black.

LIKELY PARTNERS

The desire for change in the overall system of corrupt governance, which was summarised as “system change” by the Aragalaya protest movement, will continue to be the campaign theme with the greatest resonance to the electorate at the forthcoming parliamentary elections. There is a likelihood that even those who did not vote for the NPP at the presidential election would now vote for the NPP as they too want a corruption-free government. On the other hand, as seen at the Elpitiya local government election last month, people also tend to vote on a sentimental basis for those they personally know or who have helped them, which would benefit former government members who have done favours at the local level. At Elpitiya, the NPP obtained 47 percent of the vote and secured half of the seats on offer but with a larger percentage voting for other parties.

The situation in those parts of the country in which the ethnic and religious minorities predominate would also make it difficult for the NPP to win the majority of seats. The NPP’s main focus of attention has previously been the majority community and the party’s top leadership is also drawn from the same ethnic and religious background. This suggests that the natural inclination of the ethnic and religious minorities will be to vote for parties championing their sectional interests rather than opt for a national party that has not worked much amongst them. However, the minorities are also disillusioned by their own political leaders and the younger generation in particular are more interested in integrating with the mainstream society and the national economy rather than to live segregated.

The conclusion from this analysis is that the government is unlikely to win a 2/3 majority that would enable it to engage in constitutional amendment by itself. But it may be able to win a simple majority, though that, too, is not given. The best case scenario for the country is if the government will need to work in partnership with the other parties that will be elected to parliament to pass new laws and to institute constitutional amendments. This will require consultation, compromise and consensus with the opposition as opined by former President Ranasinghe Premadasa. The litmus test for the opposition parties would be to cooperate with the government when it comes to enacting new laws relating to putting an end to corruption and impunity unlike in the past when corruption and impunity dominated the scene. The NPP may find its most likely partners in the ethnic and religious minority parties that have not become compromised by being in the governments of the past.