Features
Eco Tourism and More Adventures at the Timberhead Eco Resort
Part 31 PASSIONS OF A GLOBAL HOTELIER
Dr. Chandana (Chandi) Jayawardena DPhil
President – Chandi J. Associates Inc. Consulting, Canada
Founder & Administrator – Global Hospitality Forum
chandij@sympatico.ca
Family Back
After my initial trip to the eco-resort, I managed in the Amazon – Timberhead, I usually visited it during the weekends and during visits by important groups or journalists. When my wife and son Marlon arrived in Guyana for two short holidays, they joined me on my regular trips to the resort.
They also travelled with me to different parts of Guyana and took part in food festivals, events, and a few of my public relations (PR) activities at the country’s main hotel, Forte Crest / Guyana Pegasus, which I managed as General Manager. Eight-year-old Marlon liked Guyana and even attended school in Georgetown for a short period of time. However, after her second visit to Guyana, my wife returned to Sri Lanka. Marlon spent his summers in Guyana with me thereafter.
Eco Tourists
My new experiences in the rainforest and research about eco-tourism confirmed in my mind that, in general, hard-core eco-tourists were more educated, affluent, and committed to environmental issues than the majority of ‘sun-lust’ tourists. They were also more focused on protecting our planet for future generations and were often willing to spend more, though they could be more demanding. Tourists, Pegasus guests, and locals who wanted a quick taste of Guyana’s leading eco-resort often visited Timberhead in our large pontoon for day excursions.
I quickly learned the distinction between ‘sun-lust’ tourists and hard-core eco-tourists and adapted our products, services, and communication strategies to suit both market segments. The hard-core eco-tourists, who often stayed overnight or for extended periods, were driven by a passion for nature, environmental conservation, and cultural immersion. Their motivation was to learn, experience, and contribute positively to the environment.
These eco-tourists typically chose remote, less-developed destinations offering pristine ecosystems, such as national parks, wildlife reserves, and indigenous cultural settings. They participated in activities like hiking, wildlife observation, volunteering in conservation projects, and engaging with local communities to learn about their traditions and lifestyles. Most strived to minimise their ecological footprint, often travelling in small groups, adhering to ‘leave no trace’ principles, and supporting conservation efforts through responsible tourism. Their interest in authentic connections with local communities, respect for traditions, and active contributions to local well-being benefited all our staff at Timberhead, who came from the nearby village of Santa Mission.
- Prime Minister of Guyana and his wife Yvonne at the Pegasus before the trip to Timberhead
- Prime Minister of Guyana and his wife during a less-scared moment at the Guyana Pegasus
Snakes
One day, the Supervisor of the resort, who was also the Village Captain of Santa Mission, removed an anthill close to one of the cottages. This angered a long-term guest at the resort, who came to me in an indignant mood and demanded: “How dare you allow your supervisor to break anthills in the forest! That is nature, and you must protect it as the operator of the key eco-resort in the country.”
I needed time to respond and promptly consulted the Captain. His response was clear: “Mr. Chandi, I was born in the rainforest and have never left it. I know much more about it than this Canadian tourist. Anthills attract snakes, which convert them into homes and live close to the resort. Therefore, it is for the safety of tourists that I break anthills built near the cottages.” The Captain’s rationale made sense. I stood by his decision and managed to somewhat calm the complainer by explaining the reasoning behind the action.
In my view, snakes created the biggest problem at the resort. To educate me further, the Captain shared another example: “Mr. Chandi, look at all the roofs of our cottages at Timberhead, which are now tall and sloped, as per my advice to your British company. Snakes cannot climb such roofs. At my village, all our roofs are similar. When the British team arrived here three years ago to construct the resort, they designed flat roofs without consulting the villagers. That was stupid. Luckily, your predecessor eventually consulted me. The rainforest is our land, and we know best how to be safe and survive.”
The Captain was right, and I continued to consult him on most operational matters, developing a good working relationship with him — except on one occasion.
The Prime Minister’s Nightmare
One day, our frequent guest at key events of Guyana Pegasus, loyal supporter, and my friend, the then Prime Minister (and later President) of Guyana, Sam Hinds, called me. “Chandi, I managed to find some free time this coming weekend. I would love to spend it with my family at Timberhead. Do you have a cottage free for us?” After checking the bookings, I called him back. “Yes, Sir. We have cottage for your family. I will accompany you, and everything will be on Forte’s account.” It was a good PR opportunity the hotel company.
The Hinds family enjoyed the four-hour journey with me, their visit to Santa Mission, and their accommodation and meals at Timberhead. During dinner, I asked, “Captain, any after-dinner activities for the Prime Minister’s family?” “Yes, Mr. Chandi. I will personally lead a one-hour night trail in the rainforest.”
Prime Minister of Guyana and his wife Yvonne at the Pegasus before the trip to Timberhead
Captain directed us on the adventure he was leading. We formed a human line, each person holding the hands of their neighbour. Captain held my hand, I held the Prime Minister’s hand, followed by Mrs Hinds, their daughter, and finally their teenage son.
At the start, Captain issued a big warning: “Whatever happens, don’t let go of your neighbour’s hand or attempt to return to the cottage alone. There is no moon tonight, and it would be impossible to find your way. Hold tight, and let’s march!”
As I held Sam Hinds’ palm tightly, Captain commenced his brisk walk. It was totally dark on this moonless night, but after a while, my eyes adjusted slightly, helped by the faint glow of foxfire — a bioluminescent effect caused by certain fungi on decomposing leaves.
Despite this faint glow, the darkness remained intimidating. The forest’s cacophony of noises and the occasional rustling near our feet heightened the tension. I felt the cold sweat of the Prime Minister’s palm and realised I was not the only one petrified. The thought of encountering a venomous snake only added to the fear.
Finally, Captain broke the silence: “We will now turn back. Thirty more minutes. Keep holding hands!” Relief swept over the group when we faintly saw the fire torches of the resort in the distance. Back at the cottages, no one spoke or thanked the Captain. The Hinds family and I retired quietly for the night.
Decision Lime
Tired and reflective, I looked up at the roof of my cottage that night and made two decisions:
1. Never to go on a night trail in a forest again in my life.
2. To ban night trails at Timberhead forever.
The next morning, after breakfast, I had a decisive chat with the Captain. “What was the likelihood of the Prime Minister or one of us trampling on a venomous snake last night?”
The Captain’s reply was unsettling: “Of course, it’s possible. This is the Amazon, and all types of snakes live here.” He elaborated: “Snakes are more likely to bite during the day when they’re warm-blooded. At night, they’re cold-blooded and tend to move away from footsteps. But, yes, there’s still a risk.”
Realising the gravity of the situation, I put my foot down. “Captain, I am not discussing this any further. From this moment, Timberhead Eco Resort is banning night trails. When I return to Georgetown, I will put this in
writing.” The Captain was visibly displeased.
During our return journey, the Prime Minister was happy to hear about the immediate ban of night trails. I thought to myself, “If a guest were to die from a snakebite during a night trail, I’d probably end up in prison in Guyana!” The Captain didn’t speak to me for a month, but my decision, made in 1994, remains in effect to this day, thirty years later.
Features
The Easter investigation must not become ethno-religious politics
Representatives of almost all the main opposition parties were in attendance at the recent book launch by Pivithuru Hela Urumaya leader Udaya Gammanpila. The book written by the PHU leader was his analysis of the Easter bombing of April 2019 that led to the mass killing of 279 persons, caused injuries to more than 500 others and caused panic and shock in the entire country. The Easter bombing was inexplicable for a number of reasons. First, it was perpetrated by suicide bombers who were Sri Lankan Muslims, a community not known for this practice. They targeted Christian churches in particular, which led to the largest number of casualties. The bombing of Sri Lankan Christian churches by Sri Lankan Muslims was also inexplicable in a country that had no history of any serious violence between the two religions.
There were two further inexplicable features of the bombing. The six suicide bombings took place almost simultaneously in different parts of the country. The logistical complexity of this operation exceeded any previously seen in Sri Lanka. Even during the three decade long civil war that pitted the Sri Lankan military against the LTTE, which had earned international notoriety for suicide attacks, Sri Lanka had rarely witnessed such a synchronised operation. The country’s former Attorney General, Dappula de Livera, who investigated the bombing at the time it took place, later stated, upon retirement, that there was a “grand conspiracy” behind the bombings. That phrase has remained central to public debate because it suggested that the visible perpetrators may not have been the only planners behind the attack.
The other inexplicable factor was that intelligence services based in India repeatedly warned their Sri Lankan counterparts that the bombings would take place and even gave specific targets. Later investigations confirmed that warnings were transmitted days before the attacks and repeated again shortly before the explosions, yet they were not acted upon. It was these several inexplicable factors that gave rise to the surmise of a mastermind behind the students and religious fanatics led by the extremist preacher Zahran Hashim from the east of the country, who also blew himself up in the attacks. Even at the time of the bombing there was doubt that such a complex and synchronised operation could have been planned and executed by the motley band who comprised the suicide bombers.
Determined Attempt
The book by PHU leader Gammanpila is a determined attempt to make explicable the inexplicable by marshalling logic and evidence that this complex and synchronised operation was planned and executed by Zahran himself. This is a possible line of argumentation in a democratic society. Competing interpretations of public tragedies are part of political discourse. However, the timing of the intervention makes it politically more significant. The launch of the PHU leader’s book comes at a critical time when the protracted investigation into the Easter bombing appears to be moving forward under the present government.
The performance of the three previous governments at investigating the bombing was desultory at best. The Supreme Court held former President Maithripala Sirisena and several senior officials responsible for failing to act on prior intelligence and ordered compensation to victims. This judicial finding gave legal recognition to what victims had long maintained, that there was a grave dereliction of duty at the highest levels of the state. In recent weeks the investigation has taken a dramatic turn with the arrest and court production of former State Intelligence Service chief Suresh Sallay on allegations linked directly to the attacks. Whether these allegations are ultimately proven or disproven, they indicate that the present phase of the investigation is moving beyond negligence into possible complicity.
This is why the present moment requires political sobriety. There is a danger that the line of political division regarding the investigation into the Easter bombing can take on an ethnic complexion. The insistence that the suicide bombers alone were the planners and executors of the dastardly crime makes the focus invariably one of Muslim extremism, as the suicide bombers were all Muslims. This may unintentionally narrow public attention away from the unanswered questions regarding intelligence failures, possible political manipulation, and the allegations of a broader conspiracy that remain under active investigation. The minority political parties representing ethnic and religious minorities appear to have realised this danger. Their absence from the book launch was politically significant. It suggests an unwillingness to be drawn into a narrative that could once again stigmatise an entire community for the crimes of a handful of extremists and their possible handlers.
Another Tragedy
It would be another tragedy comparable in political consequence to the havoc wreaked by the Easter bombing if moderate mainstream political parties, such as the SJB to which the Leader of the Opposition belongs, were to subscribe to positions merely to score political points against the present government. They need to guard against the promotion of anti-minority sentiment and the fuelling of majority prejudice against ethnic and religious minorities. Indeed, opposition leader Sajith Premadasa in his Easter message said that justice for the victims of the 2019 Sri Lanka Easter Sunday attacks remains a fundamental responsibility of the state and noted that seven years on, both past and present governments have failed to deliver accountability. He added that building a society grounded in trust and peace, uniting all ethnicities, religions and communities, is vital to ensure such tragedies do not occur again.
Sri Lanka’s post war history offers too many examples of how unresolved security crises become vehicles for majoritarian mobilisation. The Easter tragedy itself was followed by waves of anti-Muslim suspicion and violence in some parts of the country. Responsible political leadership should seek to prevent any return to that atmosphere. There are many other legitimate issues on which the moderate and mainstream opposition parties can take the government to task. These include the lack of decisive action against government members accused of corruption, the passing of the entire burden of rising fuel prices on consumers instead of the government sharing the burden, and the failure to hold provincial council elections within the promised timeframe. These are issues that touch the daily lives of citizens and the health of democratic governance. They offer the opposition ample ground on which to build credibility as a government in waiting.
The search for truth and justice over the Easter bombing needs to continue until all those responsible are identified, whether they were direct perpetrators, negligent officials, or political actors who may have exploited the tragedy. This is what the victim families want and the country needs. But this search must not be turned into a partisan and religiously divisive matter such as by claiming that there are more potential suicide bombers lurking in the country who had been followers of Zaharan. If it is, Sri Lanka risks replacing one national tragedy with another. coming together to discredit the ongoing investigations into the Easter bombing of 2019 is an unacceptable use of ethno-religious nationalism to politically challenge the government. The opposition needs to find legitimate issues on which to challenge the government if they are to gain the respect and support of the general public and not their opprobrium.
by Jehan Perera
Features
China’s new duty-free regime for Africa: Implications for Global Trade and Sri Lanka
* The new duty-free regime for Africa, announced by Chinese President Xi Jinping in February, is the most generous unilateral nonreciprocal trade concession offered by any country to developing countries since the beginning of the modern rule based international trading system.
* Yet, it is a clear violation of the cornerstone of the multilateral trade law, the Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) principle.
* Hence, its implications on developing countries, without duty-free access to China, will be extremely negative. Sri Lanka is one of the few developing countries without duty-free access to China.
On 14 February, 2026, Chinese President Xi Jinping announced that China will grant zero-tariff treatment to 53 African nations, effective 01 May, 2026. Under this new unilateral policy initiative, China would eliminate all import tariffs on all goods imported from all the countries in Africa, except Eswatini. China already enforces a zero-tariff policy for 33 Least Developed Countries (LDCs) in Africa. Now this policy would be extended to non LDCs as well. This policy initiative clearly aims at reducing the continuously expanding trade deficit between China and Africa. In 2024, China’s trade surplus against Africa was recorded at US $ 61 billion.
This trade initiative, a precious gift amidst ongoing global trade tensions, is the most generous unilateral nonreciprocal trade concession given by any country to developing countries, since the beginning of the modern rule based international trading system.
Though this landmark announcement has far-reaching implications on global trade, as much as President Trump’s “Liberation Day” tariffs, it was almost overlooked by the global media.
Implications for Global Trade
This Chinese policy initiative, though very generous, is a clear violation of the Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) principle and the “Enabling Clause” of the International Trade Law. The MFN principle is the cornerstone of the multilateral trading system under the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and is enshrined in Article I of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). It mandates that any trade advantage, privilege, or immunity granted by a WTO member to any country must be extended immediately and unconditionally to all other WTO members. Though, the GATT “Enabling Clause” allows developed nations to offer non-reciprocal preferential treatment (lower tariffs) to developing countries without extending them to all WTO members, this has to be done in a non-discriminatory manner. By extending tariff concessions only to developing countries in Africa, China has also breached this requirement.
This deliberate violation of the MFN principle by China occurs less than 12 months after the announcement of “Liberation Day” tariffs by President Trump, which breached Article I (MFN) and Article II (bound rates) of the GATT. However, it is important to underline that the objectives of the actions by the two Presidents are poles apart; the US objective was to limit imports from all its trading partners, and China’s objective is to increase imports from African countries.
Though the importance of the MFN principle of the WTO law had eroded over the years due to the proliferation of preferential trade agreements and unilateral preferential arrangements, the WTO members almost always obtained WTO waivers, whenever they breached the MFN principle. Now the leaders of the main trading powers have decided to violate the core principles of the multilateral trading system so brazenly, the impact of their decisions on the international trading system will be irrevocable.
Implications for Sri Lanka
China’s unilateral decision to provide zero-tariff treatment to African countries will have a strong adverse impact on Sri Lanka. Currently, all Asian countries, other than India and Sri Lanka, have duty-free access, for most of their exports, into the Chinese market through bilateral or regional trade agreements, or the LDC preferences. Though Sri Lanka, India and China are members of the Asia Pacific Trade Agreement (APTA), preferential margins extended by China under APTA to India and Sri Lanka are limited.
The value of China’s imports from Sri Lanka had declined from US$ 650 million in 2021 to US$ 433 million by 2025. However, China’s exports to Sri Lanka increased significantly during the period, from US$ 5,252 million to US$ 5,753 by 2025. This has resulted in a trade deficit of US$ 5,320 million. Sri Lanka’s exports to China may decline further from next month when African nations with duty-free access start to expand their market share.
Let me illustrate the challenges Sri Lanka will face in the Chinese market with one example. Tea (HS0902) is Sri Lanka’s third largest export to China, after garments and gems. Sri Lanka is the largest exporter of tea to China, followed by India, Kenya and Viet Nam. During the last five years the value of China’s imports of tea from Sri Lanka had declined significantly, from US$76 million in 2021 to US$ 57 million by 2025. Meanwhile, imports from our main competitors had increased substantially. Most importantly, imports from Kenya increased from US$ 7.9 million in 2021 to US$ 15 million in 2025. For tea, the existing tariff in China for Sri Lanka is 7.5% and for Kenya is 15%. From next month the tariff for Kenya will be reduced to 0%. What will be its impact on Sri Lanka exports? That was perhaps explained by a former Ambassador to Africa, when he urged Sri Lankan exporters to “leverage duty free access from Kenya” to expand their exports to China!
(The writer is a retired public servant and a former Chairman of WTO Committee on Trade and Development. He can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)
by Gomi Senadhira
Features
Daughter in the spotlight …
Jeevarani Kurukulasuriya was a famous actress and her name still rings a bell with many. And now in the spotlight is her daughter Senani Wijesena – not as an actress but as a singer – and she has been singing, since the age of five!
The plus factor is that Senani, now based in Australia, is also a songwriter, plays keyboards and piano, dancer, and has filmed and edited some of her own music videos.
Says Senani: “I write the lyrics, melody and music and work with professional musicians who do the needful on my creations.”
Her latest album, ‘Music of the Mirror’, is made up of 16 songs, and her first Sinhala song, called ‘Nidahase’, is scheduled for release this month (April) in Colombo, along with a music video.
‘Nidahase’,
says Senani, is a song about Freedom … of life, movement, love and spirit. Freedom to be your authentic self, express yourself freely and Freedom from any restrictions.
In fact, ‘Nidahase’ is the Sinhala translated version of her English song ‘Free’ which made Senani a celebrity as the song was nominated for a Hollywood Music in Media Award in the RnB /Soul category and reached the Top 20 on the UK Music weekly dance charts, as well as No. 1 on the Yes Home grown Top 15, on Yes FM, for six weeks straight.
Senani went on to say that ‘Nidahase’ has been remixed to include a Sri Lankan touch, using Kandyan drums and the Thammattama drum, with extra music production by local music producer Dilshan L. Silva, and Australia-based Emmy Award winning Producer and Engineer Sean Carey … with Senani also in the scene.
The song was written (lyrics and melody) and produced by Senani and it features Australian musicians, while the music video was produced by Sri Lanka’s Sandesh Bandara and filmed in Sri Lanka.

First Sinhala song scheduled for release this month … in Colombo
Senani’s music is mostly Soul, Funk and RNB – also Fusion, using ethnic sounds such as the tabla, sitar, and sarod – as well as Jazz influenced.
“I also have Alternative Music songs with a rock edge, such as ‘New Day’, and upcoming releases ‘Fly High’ and ‘Whisper’“, says Senani, adding that she has also recorded in other languages, such as Hindi and Spanish.
“As much of my fan base are Sri Lankans, who have asked me to release a song in the Sinhala language, I decided to create and release ‘Nidahase’ and I plan to release other original Sinhala songs in the future.
Senani has a band in Australia and has appeared at festivals in Australia, on radio and TV in Australia, and Sri Lanka.
She trained as a vocalist, through Sydney-based Singing Schools, as well as private tuition, and she has 5th Grade piano music qualifications.
And this makes interesting reading:
“I graduated from the University of Newcastle in Australia with a Bachelor of Medicine and I work part time as a doctor (GP) and an Integrative Medicine practitioner, with a focus on nutrition, and spend the rest of the time dedicated to my music career.”
Senani hails from an illustrious family. In addition to her mum, Jeevarani Kurukulasuriya, who made over 40 films, including starring in the first colour movie ‘Ranmuthu Duwa’, her dad is Dr Lanka Wijesena (retired GP) and she has two sisters – all musical; one is a doctor, while the other is a dietitian/ psychotherapist.
-
News5 days ago2025 GCE AL: 62% qualify for Uni entrance; results of 111 suspended
-
Features2 days agoRanjith Siyambalapitiya turns custodian of a rare living collection
-
News2 days agoGlobal ‘Walk for Peace’ to be held in Lanka
-
Business6 days agoHour of reckoning comes for SL’s power sector
-
Editorial5 days agoSearch for Easter Sunday terror mastermind
-
Opinion4 days agoHidden truth of Sri Lanka’s debt story: The untold narrative behind the report
-
Editorial6 days agoIdeological confusion and identity crisis
-
Opinion5 days agoIs there hope for Palestine?




