Opinion
Drought, El Nino, agriculture and food security: What Sri Lanka can do
By Prof. W.A.J.M. De Costa
Senior Professor and Chair of Crop Science,
Faculty of Agriculture, University of Peradeniya
At present, Sri Lanka is going through a prolonged rain-free period. Several parts of the country are experiencing an unprecedent drought with the Udawalawe reservoir running almost dry for the first time in fifty years. It is reported that water levels of most tanks and reservoirs are below 50% of their capacity. Agriculture, being an activity of extreme sensitivity to the variations in climate, has taken a severe hit. We see images of dried and scorched crops and the inevitable pleadings and protests from the farmers demanding water from reservoirs be released to their fields along with demands for compensation for crop losses. While the climatic variations are beyond our control, the question arises as to whether we could have anticipated the drought and put measures in place to better manage its potential impacts on Agriculture. An analysis of these issues, while coming too late to alleviate the present crisis, will be useful for the future as scientific evidence indicates that this scenario is likely to be repeated with greater frequency in the foreseeable future.
What has caused drought, and could it have been predicted?
The general rainfall pattern in Sri Lanka dictates that a drought could be expected during the period from July to September in the dry- and intermediate climate zones, which broadly include all parts of the country except its southwest and the western slope of the Central Highlands. The South-West Monsoon which brings rainfall during the period from May to September to the wet zone in the southwest of Sri Lanka does not go beyond the western slope of the Central Highlands, which act as a physical barrier for extending the rains to the rest of Sri Lanka.
Therefore, crop fields in the dry- and intermediate zones receive very limited rainfall at the beginning of the yala season in the second half of April and the first half of May. Thereafter, there is no assured and consistent rainfall generating process for these climatic zones until the Second Inter-Monsoon which sets in from October onwards, largely as a result of tropical atmospheric depressions in the region around the Bay of Bengal. Therefore, the present drought cannot be considered as entirely unexpected.
What has happened in Sri Lanka is that the rainfree period that generally occurs during the July-September period in the dry- and intermediate zones has intensified into a severe drought. Even though the full rainfall data are not yet available, it is highly likely that rainfall from the South-West Monsoon has been below-average in 2023. This has meant that even the limited amount of rainfall that normally occurs at the beginning of the yala season was decreased, thus increasing the possibility of water shortage for crops at an earlier point in the current season than in a season of normal rainfall.
Lower rainfall from the South-West Monsoon in the wet zone means less water in the major reservoirs and tanks in the dry zone that are fed by the rivers originating from the Central Highlands (e.g. Mahaweli, Walawe) and the reservoirs located in the wet zone (e.g. Kotmale, Victoria).
Intensification of the ‘normally expected’ drought during this time of the year has been caused predominantly by the atmospheric phenomenon known as the ‘El Niño’, which had been predicted to occur in the middle of 2023, based on the climatic patterns observed in 2021-22 and the early months of 2023. El Niño is a process triggered by a weakening of the atmospheric air circulation (i.e. wind) patterns above the Pacific Ocean around the equator. Such a weakening of atmospheric circulation patterns disrupts the normal pattern of ocean evaporation, cloud formation and rainfall.
This disruption of wind patterns brings droughts to Australia, tropical East Asia (e.g. Indonesia, India, Sri Lanka etc.) and some parts of South America (e.g. Brazil) while bringing heavy rainfall and floods in some parts of South America (e.g. Peru). El Niño events usually happen at a frequency of 1-3 times every decade.
The opposite cycle of El Niño, called La Niña, also happens at an approximately similar frequency where the wind patterns are unusually strengthened bringing excess rainfall to tropical Australasia and causing droughts in tropical South America. During an El Niño event, global air temperature increases above average whereas the opposite happens during a La Niña event. During an El Niño year, sea surface temperatures in the equatorial Pacific near South America (e.g. Peru) increase above average, and thereby provides an early warning signal. Such an increase had been observed during the first few months of 2023 and by April, climate scientists had predicted an El Niño during the middle of 2023.
Furthermore, they had warned that the El Niño in 2023 could be unusually strong (called a ‘Super El Niño’) because the last three years (2019-22) had seen a rare continuous run of La Niña, thus raising the possibility of it being followed by an El Niño. This information and early warnings should have been available to Sri Lanka’s Department of Meteorology who should have alerted the relevant authorities and stakeholders such as the officials of the Ministries of Agriculture, Power and Energy and the farmers.
What measures could be taken to protect Agriculture from the impacts of drought?
Early warning, preparation and making adjustments in advance are key to minimising the impacts of a drought on Agriculture as options are very limited once a drought sets in.
Early warning: Why was it not there?
Early warnings on impeding droughts can be issued based on analyses of the current and past meteorological data from land, atmosphere, and ocean. Large volumes of data from several sources are fed to models that describe the behaviour of climate and weather based on the laws of physics. These models, which are run on high-performance supercomputers, make predictions of the future weather patterns. Different global agencies such as the US National Oceanic and Atmosphere Administration (NOAA) and the UK Met Office run these models on a global scale, and their predictions are made available to the relevant agencies of countries which do not have the capacity to develop and operate their own models (e.g. Sri Lankan Department of Meteorology).
Prediction of weather is a complex and tricky exercise, where there is a possibility of getting the predictions wrong. The highly chaotic nature of the atmosphere and incomplete understanding of the processes means that none of the predictions are definitive. Only the probability of a certain weather event occurring within a given period can be given and often different models provide different probabilities for the same event. An unforeseen or previously unaccounted atmospheric disturbance can cause a sudden and large-scale impact on the entire weather system so that predictions given only a few days ago may not come true.
A small country such as Sri Lanka has the added complexity that it is represented by only a small portion of the global grid. The climate models are run separately and concurrently for small segments of the earth (called ‘grid cells’) and overall predictions are made by combining the model predictions for each individual cell. Sri Lanka falls within a small number of grid cells so that the predictions from these global scale climatic models are not specific enough to be of use in making decisions about important weather-dependent activities such as Agriculture. This is especially true when we take in to account the fact that Sri Lanka is divided in to 46 different agroecological regions based on the diverse combinations of climate and soil conditions that are found within such a small country.
Overcoming the above methodological difficulties in the prediction of weather (short-term variations) and climate (longer-term variations), especially given the limited resources available to the Sri Lankan Department of Meteorology, is challenging, but not impossible. Greater vigilance and monitoring of the forecasts, especially the medium- to long-range forecasts, from global weather and climate models put out by the global agencies could help the Sri Lankan meteorologists to look for similar patterns in the local weather data as they come in. Weather and climate forecasting involves the expertise, local knowledge and judgement of the meteorologists to translate model outputs into practically usable forecasts.
Conversion of larger scale model outputs to smaller scale local areas (called ‘down-scaling’) requires research which develops relationships between atmospheric processes and climatic factors at different scales. For Sri Lanka, a network of weather stations with sufficient geographical coverage to take into account the 46 different agroecological regions is essential to generate the data that will enable the local meteorologists to develop meaningful down-scaling procedures and make sufficiently accurate predictions.
The current number of weather stations which measure all required climatic factors in Sri Lanka is woefully inadequate and little initiative has been taken in recent times to develop and expand capacity in this vital area despite the obvious threat of climate change. Agencies such as the UK Met Office and NOAA are research hubs staffed with a large number of climate scientists and have close links to the university system of those countries and beyond.
In contrast, very little research takes place in the Sri Lankan Department of Meteorology and there are no formal links to the university system. Urgent initiatives are required to address these shortcomings in Sri Lanka’s capacity to forecast weather and climate especially given the clear and present danger posed by climate extremes such as droughts which are predicted to increase in their frequency as a result of climate change.
Preparation and making adjustments: Were they done?
Agriculture, especially the cultivation of crops, is an activity which is extremely sensitive to climatic conditions that the crops would experience in a given season. In Sri Lanka, the climate sensitivity of its crop production is further increased by the fact that rice, which provides its staple food and on which its national food security depends, is a crop which has an unusually high-water requirement in comparison to other major staple food crops such as wheat and maize. As such, adjustment of the cropping practices in accordance with the expected rainfall and water supply is essential for the cultivated crops to survive an expected drought until they are harvested.
A general principle that is adopted in drought-prone regions all over the world is to grow short-duration crops which are able to complete their cropping cycle before the drought intensifies (known as ‘drought escape’). This is especially relevant in the yala season in the dry- and intermediate zones of Sri Lanka because the drought that develops from mid-July onwards persists until October (and therefore called ‘terminal drought’). For such seasons, the Rice Research and Development Institute (RRDI) of the Sri Lankan Department of Agriculture has developed rice varieties which provide a harvest in 2 ½ – 3 months (e.g. Bg251, Bg314). However, it is clear that the majority of farmers have not opted for these varieties, but have instead cultivated their preferred varieties, which are of longer duration and therefore got caught in the drought before they mature.
Irrespective of the duration of the variety, timely commencement of cultivation with the onset of the limited rainfall in late-April and May is crucial for the crops to escape the drought that develops later in the season. Unfortunately, Sri Lankan farmers do not have a good track record in this regard. If rice crops had been established by the end of April with land preparation either before or after the Sinhala and Hindu New Year, even a three-month rice variety would have been harvested by the end of July.
In such crops, the need for water would have decreased from mid-July onwards because the water requirement of rice decreases during its final grain filling period. Therefore, while there are no records to verify this, there is a high likelihood that rice crops that have got caught in the drought are late-planted crops and most likely of longer duration (i.e. 3 ½ to 4 months) varieties.
There are reports that during the time when water was initially released from the Uda Walawa reservoir, a majority of the farmers had not begun their cultivation. Uncertainty about the supply of fertilizer may have played a part in farmers delaying commencement of cultivation, but it has proven to be a costly delay.
Selection of which crops to cultivate is a crucial decision prior to a season where a drought could be expected. In this regard, the recommendation from the Department of Agriculture is to cultivate short-duration rice only in fields where there is a reasonably-assured supply of water and to grow other field crops such as short-duration legumes (e.g. mung bean, cow pea, soya bean etc.) in fields where there is a likelihood of a water shortage. However, there is an inherent reluctance on the part of the farmers to follow this recommendation.
The preference is to cultivate rice irrespective of whether sufficient water would be available or not while ignoring any warnings from the Departments of Meteorology and Agriculture. There is a fair percentage of Sri Lanka farmers who practice rotation of crops, which has many agronomic advantages such as restoring soil fertility and breaking the pest- and disease cycles. However, changes in the choice of crops, especially at short notice, in response to an early warning of possible extreme climatic events such as drought, is not a practice that is ingrained in the psyche of the average Sri Lankan farmer.
Using the limited amount of available water efficiently, with minimum wastage, is essential to avoid crop failure during a drought-affected season. The predominant method of irrigation employed by Sri Lankan farmers involves saturating the soil by applying water along the surface. In rice cultivation, this is taken even further by maintaining a layer of standing water. These methods of water management require large quantities of water along with substantial wastage due to evaporation, lateral seepage and deep drainage (i.e. water draining down below the crop’s root zone).
Research has shown that in many crops, including rice, the soil need not be saturated throughout the crop’s duration for it to have sufficient water for its growth. In rice, there are alternative water management methods such as ‘alternative wetting and drying’ and ‘saturated soil culture’, which do not require standing water to be maintained at all times, and therefore require less water. These alternative methods require more precise management of their crops by the farmers. Unfortunately, they have not gained much acceptance by the farmers despite the efforts of researchers at the RRDI.
Role of governmental agencies: Did they do their job?
The governmental agencies, run by the taxpayer’s money and the indirect tax paid by the general public, have an important contribution to make to enable Sri Lankan Agriculture to withstand climate-related shocks such as the current drought, the frequency of which is predicted to amplify with climate change. While the Department of Meteorology needs to step up in providing forecasts with greater precision and credibility, the Department of Agriculture (DoA) of the central government and the Provincial Departments of Agriculture need a major shake-up of their programs and activities to build resilience in the food production system and among the farmer community to better manage similar drought episodes in the future.
While the research arm of the DoA should continue its efforts to develop crop varieties with greater genetic tolerance to drought, the extension arms of the DoA and the Provincial DoAs have a huge role to play in changing famer perceptions and convincing them to adopt cultivation strategies and practices that will increase the resilience of their farming systems against drought.
All these governmental agencies are hugely under-staffed and under-resourced with very low levels of motivation for innovation while being steeped in routine practices. As a result, these agencies and their officials have lost credibility in the eyes of the farmers so that their recommendations are not taken seriously and adopted. Therefore, there is a need to restore credibility and confidence among the farming community by more focused proactive activities with a clear vision and better planning.
The current crisis clearly demonstrated that there is no proper coordination between the relevant governmental agencies when addressing the multiple challenges faced during a drought. It is important that mechanisms are put in place for a coordinated response during a drought where all parties work with better understanding and flexibility while keeping the greater goals of protecting national food security, farmer livelihoods and energy security in focus.
Role of farmers: Are they willing to adapt and change?
Farmers are key stakeholders in Sri Lanka’s efforts to ensure national food security and as such are highly influential in shaping the interventions and policy initiatives to meet the challenges posed by drought and other climate-related events that affect Agriculture. While the government has the responsibility of ensuring the availability of key resources for farming such as fertilizer, water, seeds, fuel etc., the farmers, in turn, should have the willingness to adapt and change their age-old cultivation practices and perceptions to follow recommendations that are issued after careful research and field validation. A paradigm shift is needed on the part of the farmers as well.
Opinion
We were here first: The case for Malaypolitical representation in Sri Lanka
There is a mosque on Slave Island in Colombo that has stood for more than three centuries. Masjidul Jamiya was not built by merchants or pilgrims. It was built by soldiers, Malay soldiers who came to this island in service to the Dutch crown and, after 1796, to the British, and who stayed, raised families, and made Ceylon their permanent home. That mosque, and the neighborhood that grew quietly around it, is perhaps the most visible monument to something the rest of this country has largely forgotten: that the Malays of Sri Lanka have been here, contributing and serving, for longer than the modern republic has existed.
Today the community that built that mosque numbers approximately 40,000 people. We are 0.2 percent of the population. We hold no seat in Parliament. We have no dedicated political voice. With each passing decade our language, our culture and our civic presence grow a little quieter. This is not an appeal for sympathy. It is a case, resting on history and on democratic principle, for a recognition that is long overdue. The Malays of Sri Lanka are not asking for charity. We are asking to be counted in the nation we helped build
A Community of Soldiers, Scholars and Statesmen
The Sri Lankan Malay story does not begin in the colonial footnotes. Austronesian seafarers reached these shores as early as 200 BC. The 13th century brought Chandrabhanu Sridhamaraja, a Javanese ruler who led an invasion from Tambralinga and briefly held dominion over northern Sri Lanka. The community that exists today, however, traces its roots most concretely to the Dutch colonial era, when soldiers, nobles and political exiles from across the Indonesian archipelago, from Sulawesi, Java, Bali, Ambon and Madura, arrived in Ceylon and never returned.
These were not passive arrivals waiting for history to happen around them. The Malays became the backbone of Ceylon’s colonial military, serving with enough distinction that the British formalised their role through the Ceylon Rifle Regiment, a unit staffed almost entirely by Malays. The regiment’s influence extended far beyond the barracks. Malay soldiers in Colombo published the first Malay-language newspaper issued anywhere in the Eastern world. They built mosques across Kandy, Badulla, Kurunegala and Hambantota. They left their mark on the Sinhala language in ways that persist to this day: the words sarong, rabana, botale, kamara, bonchi and soldaduwa all trace their roots to Malay. The nation’s beloved dodol is a Malay contribution.
In the legal and civic sphere, the record is equally substantial. Justice Maas Thajoon Akbar became the first Malay Justice of the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka in the 1920s. Tuan Burhanudeen Jayah, known as T. B. Jayah, served in the Legislative Council, the State Council and in the first post-independence Parliament. Dr. P. Drahaman, a physician who founded the All Ceylon Malay Congress in 1944, won a parliamentary seat in 1956 and argued with striking clarity that Malays deserved representation in their own right, distinct from any other community. In the armed forces, Brigadier T. S. B. Sally rose to become Chief of Staff of the Sri Lanka Army, the highest rank any Malay officer has ever held.
This is not a peripheral community. This is a community that has served at every level of Sri Lankan public life and has been rendered progressively invisible in the democratic structures of the state it helped to build. We shaped this nation’s language, defended its sovereignty and administered its laws. Yet today we hold no seat in its Parliament.
The Slow Erasure
The 2024 Census records the Malay community within a combined category alongside Burghers, Chetties, Bharathas and Veddas that together account for just 0.3 percent of Sri Lanka’s total population of 21.7 million. Within that fraction, the Malays number fewer than 40,000. Under Sri Lanka’s proportional representation system, where votes are cast for parties across multi-member electoral districts, a community of this size has no realistic prospect of parliamentary representation through any community-specific route.
The practical consequence has been absorption into broader Muslim political formations that do not always attend to the specific cultural, linguistic and civic concerns of the Malay community. The All Ceylon Malay Political Union, which fought explicitly and consistently for a distinct Malay political voice, faded from active political life decades ago. The last Malay to hold a parliamentary seat of any kind was a nominated member in 1989. That is 37 years without representation.
The Sri Lanka Malay language, a creole blending Austronesian, Sinhala and Tamil in proportions found nowhere else on earth, is classified as endangered. Senior academics who are themselves Malay acknowledge that they rarely speak it at home. The Malay Club at Slave Island, the Sri Lanka Malay Association, the Conference of Sri Lanka Malays: these institutions remain active and their members dedicated, but cultural associations cannot substitute for political representation. Without a voice in policy, a community has no mechanism to advocate for its own language, its schools or its civic recognition.
The Bonds That Remain
What makes the Malay political case distinctive, and worth the attention of any serious Sri Lankan political leader, is the particular character of the community’s relationship with the Sinhalese majority. Unlike many of the fault lines that have defined Sri Lankan politics for decades, the Malay connection with Sinhalese society runs deep and is rooted in centuries of genuine proximity. Sri Lankan scholars have documented significant intermarriage between early Malay settlers and Sinhalese communities, particularly in the south and west of the island. The linguistic overlap is not incidental; it reflects generations of neighbors, colleagues and extended family.
The Malays were never a party to this country’s most devastating ethnic conflicts. A community that is small in number and dispersed across Colombo and the western coast has always been obliged to build relationships across communal lines rather than retreat behind them.
That quality of bridge-building is not weakness, nor is it political neutrality born of indifference. It is the earned disposition of a people who have always understood that their future in Sri Lanka is inseparable from the future of the country as a whole.
In a political moment when Sri Lanka is actively pursuing national reconciliation and inclusive governance under the NPP administration of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, that disposition is not a liability. It is a genuine political asset. The Malay community has never been an adversary in Sri Lanka’s story. We have always been partners. It is time the state recognised us as such.
What Representation Would Look Like
This is not an argument for a return to communal politics or ethnic bloc-building. Sri Lanka has paid an enormous price for that history and nobody with any sense wants to revisit it. What is being argued here is a model of civic representation rooted in culture, in documented contribution and in constitutional possibility.
The National List, the 29 proportionally allocated parliamentary seats distributed after each general election, has been used before to include communities and voices that the direct electoral system cannot accommodate. A major political party that chose to place a credible Malay representative on its National List would bear no electoral cost for doing so and would signal something genuine about its understanding of Sri Lanka’s full diversity. That is not a complicated ask.
At the local level, the Colombo Municipal Council and the relevant Pradeshiya Sabhas offer a more immediate pathway. The Malay community is concentrated enough in Slave Island, Wellawatte and the broader Colombo district that a well-organised ward-level campaign is a realistic proposition. Local government has historically been where minority community members establish the credibility that national politics eventually recognizes.
Beyond elections, there is a straightforward case for formal state recognition of the Sri Lankan Malay community’s cultural and linguistic heritage, including support for language preservation, inclusion in national school curricula and proper documentation of Malay contributions to Sri Lankan history. When Mahatma Gandhi visited Sri Lanka in 1927, he reportedly mentioned the Malays in nearly every public address he gave on the island. It would be a particular kind of failure if the modern Sri Lankan state knew less about its own communities than a visiting guest did, a century ago.
A Voice Worth Having
I write this as a Sri Lankan Malay who has a great deal of affection for this country and a clear-eyed view of both what it has been and what it can become. The NPP government came to power on a conviction that the old patterns of Sri Lankan politics needed to be broken and that the state should answer to all of its people. If that conviction is real rather than rhetorical, it must eventually reckon with the communities that have slipped through the architecture of the electoral system through no failure of their own but through the simple arithmetic of smallness.
Forty thousand Malays. Three centuries of documented service. No seat in Parliament.
That is not a record that should be comfortable for any government that takes representation seriously. It is, however, one that is entirely possible to change.
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Thanzyl Thajudeen FCIPR FCIM FCMI is a Chartered PR Practitioner, Managing Director of Mark and Comm (Pvt) Ltd, and a board member of PRCA Asia Pacific. He was named Campaign Asia-Pacific 40 Under 40 in 2024. He is a Sri Lankan Malay. The views expressed are his own.
by Thanzyl Thajudeen,a Sri Lankan Malay ✍️
Opinion
Role of children’s stories in learning English and their impact on children
Children’s stories have always been an important part of childhood. From traditional fairy tales to modern picture books, stories entertain children while also helping them understand the world around them. When children are learning English as a language, stories become an especially valuable tool because they provide a natural, enjoyable, and meaningful way to develop language skills. Through characters, plots, and imaginative situations, children’s stories support vocabulary development, improve communication abilities, and encourage confidence in using English.
One of the greatest benefits of children’s stories in English language learning is that they introduce children to new vocabulary in a meaningful context. Instead of memorising isolated words from a list, children learn words through situations and actions within a story. For example, a story about a farm may introduce words such as “animal,” “field,” “farmer,” and “plant” while showing how these words relate to each other. This contextual learning helps children understand and remember new vocabulary more effectively.
Stories also improve children’s listening skills. When teachers, parents, or other speakers read stories aloud, children hear correct pronunciation, sentence structures, and natural expressions in English. Regular exposure to spoken English helps children become familiar with the rhythm, sounds, and patterns of the language. Even when children do not understand every word, they can often follow the meaning through pictures, gestures, and the events of the story. Over time, this develops their ability to understand spoken English in different situations.
Another important impact of children’s stories is the development of speaking skills. Stories encourage children to talk about characters, describe events, answer questions, and share their own ideas. Activities such as retelling a story, acting out scenes, or discussing what might happen next give children opportunities to practise English in a relaxed environment. Because stories are enjoyable and engaging, children are often more willing to participate and communicate without fear of making mistakes.
Children’s stories also support the development of grammar skills. Through repeated exposure to well-formed sentences, children gradually recognize how English works. They learn common sentence patterns, verb forms, and ways of expressing ideas. For young learners, grammar is often easier to understand when it is presented through a story rather than through direct explanations. For example, a story that describes past events naturally introduces the use of past tense verbs, allowing children to observe grammar in action.
In addition to language development, stories have a strong influence on children’s imagination and creativity. Stories allow children to enter different worlds, meet interesting characters, and explore new ideas. When learning English, imagination makes the language experience more meaningful. A child who becomes interested in a story about a brave character or a magical adventure is more likely to remember the words and expressions connected with that experience. Creativity also encourages children to create their own stories, which further strengthens their ability to use English.
Children’s stories can also help develop cultural awareness. Language is closely connected with culture, and stories often introduce children to different traditions, lifestyles, and values. English stories from different countries allow children to learn about people and places beyond their own experiences. This helps them understand that English is not only a subject to study but also a way to communicate with people around the world.
Reading stories in English can also increase children’s motivation and positive attitudes toward learning. Many children may find learning a new language challenging, especially when they focus only on textbooks or exercises. Stories make learning more enjoyable because they combine education with entertainment. When children associate English with fun and creativity, they are more likely to develop curiosity and continue learning.
The emotional impact of stories should not be overlooked. Many children’s stories contain themes such as friendship, kindness, courage, and problem-solving. Through characters and situations, children can learn important social and emotional lessons. Discussing these themes in English gives children opportunities to express feelings, opinions, and personal experiences. This not only improves language ability but also supports emotional growth.
Teachers play an important role in using stories effectively in English language classrooms. Selecting stories that match children’s age, interests, and language levels is essential. Teachers can support understanding by using pictures, asking questions, encouraging predictions, and connecting the story to children’s lives. Repetition is also valuable, as hearing the same story several times allows children to become more familiar with vocabulary and sentence structures.
Parents can also encourage language learning through storytelling at home. Reading English stories together, listening to audiobooks, or watching story-based programs can provide additional exposure to the language. A supportive environment where children feel comfortable experimenting with English can greatly improve their confidence and progress.
In conclusion, children’s stories have a powerful impact on learning English as a language. They provide children with opportunities to develop vocabulary, listening, speaking, reading, and grammar skills in an enjoyable and meaningful way. Beyond language learning, stories encourage imagination, creativity, cultural understanding, and emotional development. By making English learning engaging and enjoyable, children’s stories help young learners build a strong foundation for future communication and lifelong learning.
Saumya Aloysius
(A children’s writer contributing to both local and foreign newspapers as a freelance writer)
Opinion
When governments destroy mangroves
Any government that comes into power is a caretaker – of its people, environment and security. This is another glaring occasion where their lack of knowledge, or blatant disregard to the environment is causing long-lasting damage to this country.
After the devastation of the tsunami, then governments took the initiative to raise natural protection of the island by undertaking massive projects to plant mangroves. It was a long-term project, spanning 20 years, by the armed forces, to get these barriers up. Now the same army is used by this government to chop down these mangroves!!
This is happening right now in the Trincomalee lagoon. Nearly 40 lorry loads of mangrove forest have been taken away already. The excuse used for this is dengue control, a circular issued by the presidential secretariat in June. The ignorance is here; the seawater mixed lagoon does NOT breed mosquitoes. Trincomalee does not pop up in the dengue demographics, even as a high risk area. Yes, there is garbage, and plastic thrown into the mangroves that can be breeding grounds for mosquitoes. These can be cleared away in a clean-up operations, without harming the mangrove trees. It has been done a few times before, by previous government authorities, like coast conservation, who know the value of the mangrove belts. The local rumour becomes believable, that this deplorable act is done to please some local business partners of the area who run pleasure boats in the lagoon.
Yes, unhealthy mangroves can breed mosquitoes. But mangroves are ‘decease swamps’ is a dangerous myth. That mangroves are dirty, stagnant swamps teeming with decease carrying mosquitoes is a misconception that promotes harmful policies to control dengue outbreaks. This top myth justifies the illegal coastal clearance today in Trincomalee. It is destroying an important ecological asset of this country, mangroves, while failing to address the true root of dengue transmission. Where is the coast conservation department in this situ? Have they got CCD permission to carry out this butchery?
Healthy mangroves do not breed dengue mosquitoes, especially the one’s closely connected to the sea like in Trincomalee. The larvae needs completely still unmoving water to breathe at the surface, and mature. The power of tidal flushing which keeps water circulating in the mangroves makes this impossible. Also the daily ebb and flow of ocean tides keeps the water moving in the mangroves and frequently drains the forest floor. The natural hydrology of healthy mangroves, acts as an automatic self-regulating barrier against stagnant water collection, making viable breeding sites virtually impossible.
Also mangroves contain nature’s exterminators. It hosts a massive army of mosquito predators. These mangroves are not dead swamps but vibrant nurseries. Young Fish, dragon flies, crusteasians, and insectivorous birds are natural mosquito predators. Clearing mangroves collapses this natural food web, removing this natural pest control.
In fact, clearing mangroves is counterproductive and will backfire with worsened dengue cases. The heavy machinery will leave a scarred landscape with deep tyre tracks in the marshy soil making stagnant water pools and disrupted drainage. When rainwater fills these artificial depressions it will create perfect stagnant, predator free, fresh water pools, Ideal breeding grounds for Aedes aegypti. Also clearing this kind of buffers can bring in the urban sprawl with its people, housing, and garbage, to the new degraded land.
The collateral damage is even bigger. Destroying mangroves in the name of pest control leaves coastal populations poorer, hungrier, and highly vulnerable to extreme weather. One would have thought at least the people in the coast conservation department were knowledgeable enough about the loss of wave attenuation with removal of mangroves and the risk of flooding and storm surge damages to the coastal areas. Collapse of these fish nurseries should ring alarm bells in the fisheries department. Reduced fish harvest and loss of livelihood for the local fishermen should have had fisheries department people rushing to the site. But neither of the mentioned government departments have raised a murmur, in the face of political influence. This is the sad truth of the country at the moment. Sri Lanka’s climate resilience has been compromised by release of stored ‘blue carbon’ and a loss of natural buffer against rising sea levels, while the responsible people in the government are silent in front of an ignorant political hierarchy.
This is an appeal to the highest authority in the country to stop this environmentally insensitive projects of this nature being coughed up by ignorant municipal members. Clearing these forests directly violates so many policies on conservation. Our local fishermen depend entirely on healthy mangrove root systems—such as those being chopped down. From a health perspective, medical professionals have repeatedly assured us that under the current National Policy Framework, marshy lands and mangrove ecosystems pose no threat of dengue. We request your guidance and intervention to ensure our environment is not sacrificed.
Citizen S
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