Opinion
Dogs bark, but caravan moves on
The Prorogation Message
Events fast changing keep boggling our minds making it difficult to establish their continuity. Each new scene is staged by the same players wearing different masks, and our vision gets encumbered with illusions confusing us again and again. Caravan moves on unimpeded, while we attempt to keep pace and contemporaneous with our present.
Collective responsibility: In the ongoing controversy around the Yugadanavi fiasco, the behaviour of some members of the Cabinet has given rise to a political quagmire, which the entire country is keenly watching. In the parliamentary system of government, with the Cabinet bound by collective responsibility, there are components they have to abide by. It is well recognised that the Ministers should have the opportunity to have free and frank discussions prior to the decision- making. The Cabinet practice is that such discussions, however, are confidential, and the details will be confined to the members of the Cabinet only. The other important principle is that once agreed, all Ministers are expected to abide by such decisions. They are left with no options other than to be with the government towing the line OR else resign from their portfolios. We are confronted with a slightly varied circumstance, in that those who counter the decision, claim that the first principle has not been followed or they are denied of that opportunity.
Authorities have maintained that Prime Ministers can apply the principle of collective responsibility more flexibly such as “overlooking media coverage which suggests there are ministerial disagreements or leaks of information.” But such discrepancies depend on the Prime Minister’s own strength and the constitutional power devolving on the PM. According to Article 45(1) it is the President who has the power to appoint from time to time, in consultation with the Prime Minister, where he considers such consultation to be necessary, Members of the Cabinet of Ministers.
According to 47(a), any member of the Cabinet of Ministers continues to function unless he “is removed by a writ under the hand of the President”.
Another matter relevant to this issue is the coalition nature of the Government. We are not aware of the mandatory conditions applicable to the parties in the coalition, sharing the ‘pohottuwa’ symbol for the election. For example, if there is an agreement for the Ministers to “argue freely in private’ but must maintain a united front when decisions have been reached at the Cabinet” , the parties to the dispute are now taking the position that no such decision has been taken.
Anyway, according to the constitution, the President can make the final decision under the powers to hire and fire.
In the British system of Parliament, historically, collective responsibility has also been relaxed during periods of coalition government. During the 2010-2015 Conservative-Liberal Democratic coalition, collective responsibility was set aside for certain party political issues, including the 2011 referendum on electoral reform. Perhaps the different political parties involved in the brawl surrounding the Yugadanavi MOU will have to be given a leeway to maintain their credibility with the voters on the declarations they publicly made during election time!
Finally, the Judiciary has to give a ruling on the issue. Parliament makes laws but the judiciary has to interpret and dispense justice even-handedly in the courts, and that the general public feel confident in the integrity and impartiality of the judiciary.
A Fistfull of Dollars:
The 1964 movie, Fistfull of Dollars, starring Clint Eastwood in the lead- role, was a box office hit. Today there is a Box Office break for another show awaiting the grand finale, starring Ajith Nivard C, the “Dollar Reserve Crisis’ ‘! It was Clint Eastwood’s maiden show, but Nivard C being a veteran actor having played the lead role during more serious highly critical periods, is eagerly watched by many during this performance, conjectured to be harder than ever before. But his confident disposition towards the outcome is dispelling all kinds of negativity and scepticism expressed by interested parties, as well as those ignorant of feasible alternatives in the case of a crisis.
Management of a crisis is both a Technique as well as an Art. For some it is a single-track approach in keeping with their blinkers (blinders worn by horses) on. But the time has come for all to look for ways and means beyond the traditional help refuge one is used to. The Panadol treatment may not be the best at certain times, and it is best to administer something slow but stronger as a lasting relief. People who are used to rapid pain killers do recommend and sometimes blame and accuse them for not taking such treatment. But those who are inclined to offer a cure and a sustained relief would look at other options, however hard and bitter they sound. Let us hope and look at Ajith Nivard C’s approach in this perspective.
Clint Eastwood had to use his master gun skill to control bandit Rojo and save his aggression, and now the policy makers have to face the attacks from Fitch Ratings, and Opposition politicos’ hell bound to propagate their ostensible National Interests. We can only watch and cheer, ‘come on- bat on’!
Prorogation of parliament:
In essence a prorogation of the parliament means the continuation of the parliament from one session to another. It is not a termination, although in its process some of the ongoing activities will be halted. It is effected under constitutional powers given to the President. Political history records many controversial prorogations, which were resorted to by those in power to avoid different kinds of issues in dispute. The most controversial one was the prorogation of Canada parliament in 2008 by prime Minister Stephen Harper, in view of a pending no-confidence motion against his minority government by the opposing parties. The prorogation provided an opportunity for the Harper govt to reach an agreement with the opposition, thereby helping Harper to continue in power.
Although there is no visible threat of such a nature for the Rajapaksa government, there are many things in the brewing that could manifest into major disputes. Thus, the prorogation provides breathing space for settlement of the dust and starting afresh. Any way the country needs a refreshed approach, and a new session with new thinking and approach. The product life of some of the items have long since come to a stagflation calling for course corrections. Hopefully the opportunity could be utilized to set the Gyro compass to distinguish between the true North and the magnetic north; because we witnessed the magnetic North directional sailing has attracted many iron filings of no use.
Let us hope that this prorogation is heading towards a meaningful transition.
COPE, COPA and COPF
: It is strongly commented that the prorogation of the parliament is a sinister move to change the Chairpersons of these committees. There is no doubt that these persons have played a praiseworthy role in these bodies. Well, according to their knowledge, understanding and experience it may be so. But these committees are mere name’s sake bodies, which have been talking about the subject areas coming under their purview, but without any useful service either to the Institutions they examine or to the Public at large. Why I state this is due to an obvious factor that nobody has been penalized or taken to task for the irresponsibility, highlighted and exposed at these so-called investigations or inquiries. We do not understand why they are termed investigations, because what they in effect do is to examine the Audit reports and confine their role of inquiring into the remarks and shortcomings pointed out in the reports.
Beyond the highly dramatic media shows they were recently converted into during the process of inquiry, no meaningful steps have been taken to either rectify or instigate charges against some of the awe-inspiring detections and revelations. In actual fact the COPE, COPA and COPF sessions are held much later, after the audit reports are released. Sometimes during the next year. In most cases the shortcomings discussed at these committees remain totally neglected by the respective organizations and institutions without any action being taken.
The so-called inquiry is confined to what is pinpointed in the Audit reports. The legislators little realize that the Audit function is a very limited examination, which does not probe in detail into the affairs of a SOE. The auditors go by the accounts presented to them and they are least concerned about the facts that remain unexposed in the accounts presented by those SOEs. The Auditors never go into the areas of broad public interest, such as the objective of the SOE, whether they have fulfilled those broad objectives, and to what extent they have deviated from the main purpose of establishment of such Public institutions. Sometimes they confine their comments to the profitability factor only, and thereby forgetting or disregarding how they have cooked up the figures to bloat profits through various unethical and unorthodox operations. Profits can be shown by various dubious means. In accounting they cook up figures, resort to window dressings, and bypass regulatory requirements stipulated in respect of the industries to show profits. In the annual accounts they hide several pitfalls and wrongful operations in order to show profits. None of the Committees are showing any interest in those, other than confining themselves to some adverse remarks if made by the Auditors. This is a pathetic situation.
Many SOEs are today purely and completely operating as white elephants, hiding many serious lapses in the eyes of the Committee Chairpersons, as well as members who are MPs with no better knowledge. If they want and are ready to debate any of these points we could devote some time with them for the sake of the future wellbeing of the country. I am certain they will find themselves ashamed of what they have been doing all this time, when we expose the reality behind many of those instances. The accumulating losses are a burden on the people, and the bogus profits too are equally bad and disastrous to the country’s economy.
State Banks, CPC, CEB, SriLankan Airlines, Water Board, Port Commission, CWE are simply white elephants turned precious profit centres, which can turn around the entire economic landscape of the country for the benefit of all ordinary citizens, who happen to be the highest tax payers in this country. Therefore, let us not talk about Utopian high expectations as an outcome of these parliamentary committees. We can see how best they have failed to deliver anything useful to the society, if we re-examine the reports they have gone through all these years, some with massive media propaganda.
Just to quote one example out of several, I invite the attention of the parliamentarians, especially the Opposition that is complaining about various sinister moves associated with the postponement of these committees, to look into the last completed COPE report on the People’s Bank. The revelations made were alarming and the strictures too were shocking. Nothing happened so far.
Therefore, we are fed up with ridiculous criticisms. People of this country want action and not empty critics.
TENNEKONE RUSIRIPALA
Opinion
War with Iran and unravelling of the global order – II
Broader Strategic Consequences
One of the most significant strategic consequences of the war is the accelerated erosion of U.S. political and moral hegemony. This is not a sudden phenomenon precipitated solely by the present conflict; rather, the war has served to illuminate an already evolving global reality—that the era of uncontested U.S. dominance is in decline. The resurgence of Donald Trump and the reassertion of his “America First” doctrine reflect deep-seated domestic economic and political challenges within the United States. These internal pressures have, in turn, shaped a more unilateral and inward-looking foreign policy posture, further constraining Washington’s capacity to exercise global leadership.
Moreover, the conduct of the war has significantly undermined the political and moral authority of the United States. Perceived violations of international humanitarian law, coupled with the selective application of international norms, have weakened the credibility of U.S. advocacy for a “rules-based international order.” Such inconsistencies have reinforced perceptions of double standards, particularly among states in the Global South. Skepticism toward Western normative leadership is expected to deepen, contributing to the gradual fragmentation of the international system. In this broader context, the ongoing crisis can be seen as symptomatic of a more fundamental transformation: the progressive waning of a global order historically anchored in U.S. hegemony and the emergence of a more contested and pluralistic international landscape.
The regional implications of the crisis are likely to be profound, particularly given the centrality of the Persian Gulf to the global political economy. As a critical hub of energy production and maritime trade, instability in this region carries systemic consequences that extend far beyond its immediate geography. Whatever may be the outcome, whether through the decisive weakening of Iran or the inability of external powers to dismantle its leadership and strategic capabilities, the post-conflict regional order will differ markedly from its pre-war configuration. In this evolving context, traditional power hierarchies, alliance structures, and deterrence dynamics are likely to undergo significant recalibration.
A key lesson underscored by the war is the deep interconnectivity of the contemporary global economic order. In an era of highly integrated production networks and supply chains, disruptions in a single strategic node can generate cascading effects across the global system. As such, regional conflicts increasingly assume global significance. The structural realities of globalisation make it difficult to contain economic and strategic shocks within regional boundaries, as impacts rapidly transmit through trade, energy, and financial networks. In this context, peace and stability are no longer purely regional concerns but global public goods, essential to the functioning and resilience of the international system
The conflict highlights the emergence of a new paradigm of warfare shaped by the integration of artificial intelligence, cyber capabilities, and unmanned systems. The extensive use of unmanned combat aerial vehicles (UCAVs)—a trend previously demonstrated in the Russia–Ukraine War—has been further validated in this theatre. However, unlike the Ukraine conflict, where Western powers have provided sustained military, technological, and financial backing, the present confrontation reflects a more direct asymmetry between a dominant global hegemon and a Global South state. Iran’s deployment of drone swarms and AI-enabled targeting systems illustrates that key elements of Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) warfare are no longer confined to technologically advanced Western states. These capabilities are increasingly accessible to Global South actors, lowering barriers to entry and significantly enhancing their capacity to wage effective asymmetric warfare. In this evolving context, technological diffusion is reshaping the strategic landscape, challenging traditional military hierarchies and altering the balance between conventional superiority and innovative, cost-effective combat strategies.
The war further exposed and deepened the weakening of global governance institutions, particularly the United Nations. Many of these institutions were established in 1945, reflecting the balance of power and geopolitical realities of the immediate post-Second World War era. However, the profound transformations in the international system since then have rendered aspects of this institutional architecture increasingly outdated and less effective.
The war has underscored the urgent need for comprehensive international governance reforms to ensure that international institutions remain credible, representative, and capable of addressing contemporary security challenges. The perceived ineffectiveness of UN human rights mechanisms in responding to violations of international humanitarian law—particularly in contexts such as the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and more recently in Iran—has amplified calls for institutional renewal or the development of alternative frameworks for maintaining international peace and security. Moreover, the selective enforcement of international law and the persistent paralysis in conflict resolution mechanisms risk accelerating the fragmentation of global norms. If sustained, this trajectory would signal not merely the weakening but the possible demise of the so-called liberal international order, accelerating the erosion of both the legitimacy and the effective authority of existing multilateral institutions, and deepening the crisis of global governance.
Historically, major wars have often served as harbingers of new eras in international politics, marking painful yet decisive transitions from one order to another. Periods of systemic decline are typically accompanied by instability, uncertainty, and profound disruption; yet, it is through such crises that the contours of an emerging order begin to take shape. The present conflict appears to reflect such a moment of transition, where the strains within the existing global system are becoming increasingly visible.
Notably, key European powers are exhibiting a gradual shift away from exclusive reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, seeking instead a more autonomous and assertive role in global affairs. At the same time, the war is likely to create strategic space for China to expand its influence. As the United States becomes more deeply entangled militarily and politically, China may consolidate its position as a stabilising economic actor and an alternative strategic partner. This could be reflected in intensified energy diplomacy, expanded infrastructure investments, and a more proactive role in regional conflict management, advancing Beijing’s long-term objective of reshaping global governance structures.
However, this transition does not imply a simple replacement of Pax Americana with Pax Sinica. Rather, the emerging global order is likely to be more diffuse, pluralistic, and multilateral in character. In this sense, the ongoing transformation aligns with broader narratives of an “Asian Century,” in which power is redistributed across multiple centers rather than concentrated in a single hegemon. The war, therefore, may ultimately be understood not merely as a geopolitical crisis, but as a defining inflection point in the reconfiguration of the global order.
Conclusion: A New Era on the Horizon
History shows that major wars often signal the birth of new eras—painful, disruptive, yet transformative. The present conflict is no exception. It has exposed the vulnerabilities of the existing world order, challenged U.S. dominance, and revealed the limits of established global governance.
European powers are beginning to chart a more independent course, reducing reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, while China is poised to expand its influence as an economic stabiliser and strategic partner. Through energy diplomacy, infrastructure investments, and active engagement in regional conflicts, Beijing is quietly shaping the contours of a more multipolar world. Yet this is not the rise of Pax Sinica replacing Pax Americana. The emerging order is likely to be multilateral, fluid, and competitive—a world in which multiple powers, old and new, share the stage. The war, in all its turbulence, may therefore mark the dawn of a genuinely new global era, one where uncertainty coexists with opportunity, and where the next chapter of international politics is being written before our eyes.
by Gamini Keerawella
(First part of this article appeared yesterday (08 April)
Opinion
University admission crisis: Academics must lead the way
130,000 students are left out each year—academics hold the key
Each year, Sri Lanka’s G.C.E. Advanced Level examination produces a wave of hope—this year, nearly 175,000 students qualified for university entrance. Yet only 45,000 will be admitted to state universities. That leaves more than 130,000 young people stranded—qualified, ambitious, but excluded. This is not just a statistic; it is a national crisis. And while policymakers debate infrastructure and funding, the country’s academics must step forward as catalysts of change.
Beyond the Numbers: A National Responsibility
Education is the backbone of Sri Lanka’s development. Denying access to tens of thousands of qualified students risks wasting talent, fueling inequality, and undermining national progress. The gap is not simply about seats in lecture halls—it is about the future of a generation. Academics, as custodians of knowledge, cannot remain passive observers. They must reimagine the delivery of higher education to ensure opportunity is not a privilege for the few.
Expanding Pathways, Not Just Campuses
The traditional model of four-year degrees in brick-and-mortar universities cannot absorb the demand. Academics can design short-term diplomas and certificate programmes that provide immediate access to learning. These programmes, focused on employable skills, would allow thousands to continue their education while easing pressure on degree programmes. Equally important is the digital transformation of education. Online and blended learning modules can extend access to rural students, breaking the monopoly of physical campuses. With academic leadership, Sri Lanka can build a reliable system of credit transfers, enabling students to begin their studies at affiliated institutions and later transfer to state universities.
Partnerships That Protect Quality
Private universities and vocational institutes already absorb many students who miss out on state admissions. But concerns about quality and recognition persist. Academics can bridge this divide by providing quality assurance and standardised curricula, supervising joint degree programmes, and expanding the Open University system. These partnerships would ensure that students outside the state system receive affordable, credible, and internationally recognised education.
Research and Advocacy: Shaping Policy
Academics are not only teachers—they are researchers and thought leaders. By conducting labour market studies, they can align higher education expansion with employability. Evidence-based recommendations to the University Grants Commission (UGC) can guide strategic intake increases, regional university expansion, and government investment in digital infrastructure. In this way, academics can ensure reforms are not reactive, but visionary.
Industry Engagement: Learning Beyond the Classroom
Sri Lanka’s universities must become entrepreneurship hubs and innovation labs. Academics can design programmes that connect students directly with industries, offering internship-based learning and applied research opportunities. This approach reduces reliance on classroom capacity while equipping students with practical skills. It also reframes education as a partnership between universities and the economy, rather than a closed system.
Making the Most of What We Have
Even within existing constraints, academics can expand capacity. Training junior lecturers and adjunct faculty, sharing facilities across universities, and building international collaborations for joint programmes and scholarships are practical steps. These measures maximise resources while opening new avenues for students.
A Call to Action
Sri Lanka’s university admission crisis is not just about numbers—it is about fairness, opportunity, and national development. Academics must lead the way in transforming exclusion into empowerment. By expanding pathways, strengthening partnerships, advocating for policy reform, engaging with industry, and optimizing resources, they can ensure that qualified students are not left behind.
“Education for all, not just the fortunate few.”
Dr. Arosh Bandula (Ph.D. Nottingham), Senior Lecturer, Department of Agricultural Economics & Agribusiness, Faculty of Agriculture, University of Ruhuna
by Dr. Arosh Bandula
Opinion
Post-Easter Sri Lanka: Between memory, narrative, and National security
As Sri Lanka approaches the seventh commemoration of the Easter Sunday attacks, the national mood is once again marked by grief, reflection, and an enduring sense of incompleteness. Nearly seven years later, the tragedy continues to cast a long shadow not only over the victims and their families, but over the institutions and narratives that have since emerged.
Commemoration, however, must go beyond ritual. It must be anchored in clarity, accountability, and restraint. What is increasingly evident in the post-Easter landscape is not merely a search for truth, but a contest over how that truth is framed, interpreted, and presented to the public.
In recent times, public discourse has been shaped by book launches, panel discussions, and media interventions that claim to offer new insights into the attacks. While such contributions are not inherently problematic, the manner in which certain narratives are advanced raises legitimate concerns. The selective disclosure of information particularly when it touches on intelligence operations demands careful scrutiny.
Sri Lanka’s legal and institutional framework is clear on the sensitivity of such matters. The Official Secrets Act (No. 32 of 1955) places strict obligations on the handling of information related to national security. Similarly, the Police Ordinance and internal administrative regulations governing intelligence units emphasize confidentiality, chain of command, and the responsible use of information. These are not mere formalities; they exist to safeguard both operational integrity and national interest.
When individual particularly those with prior access to intelligence structures enter the public domain with claims that are not subject to verification, it raises critical questions. Are these disclosures contributing to justice and accountability, or are they inadvertently compromising institutional credibility and future operational capacity?
The challenge lies in distinguishing between constructive transparency and selective exposure.
The Presidential Commission of Inquiry into the Easter Sunday Attacks provided one of the most comprehensive official examinations of the attacks. Its findings highlighted a complex web of failures: lapses in intelligence sharing, breakdowns in inter-agency coordination, and serious deficiencies in political oversight. Importantly, it underscored that the attacks were not the result of a single point of failure, but a systemic collapse across multiple levels of governance.
Yet, despite the existence of such detailed institutional findings, public discourse often gravitates toward simplified narratives. There is a tendency to identify singular “masterminds” or to attribute responsibility in ways that align with prevailing political or ideological positions. While such narratives may be compelling, they risk obscuring the deeper structural issues that enabled the attacks to occur.
Equally significant is the broader socio-political context in which these narratives are unfolding. Sri Lanka today remains a society marked by fragile intercommunal relations. The aftermath of the Easter attacks saw heightened suspicion, polarisation, and, in some instances, collective blame directed at entire communities. Although there have been efforts toward reconciliation, these fault lines have not entirely disappeared.
In this environment, the language and tone of public discourse carry immense weight. The framing of terrorism whether as a localized phenomenon or as part of a broader ideological construct must be handled with precision and responsibility. Overgeneralization or the uncritical use of labels can have far-reaching consequences, including the marginalization of communities and the erosion of social cohesion.
At the same time, it is essential to acknowledge that the global discourse on terrorism is itself contested. Competing narratives, geopolitical interests, and selective historiography often shape how events are interpreted. For Sri Lanka, the challenge is to avoid becoming a passive recipient of external frameworks that may not fully reflect its own realities.
A professional and unbiased approach requires a commitment to evidence-based analysis. This includes:
· Engaging with primary sources, including official reports and judicial findings
·
· Cross-referencing claims with verifiable data
·
· Recognizing the limits of publicly available information, particularly in intelligence matters

It also requires intellectual discipline the willingness to question assumptions, to resist convenient conclusions, and to remain open to complexity.
The role of former officials and subject-matter experts in this discourse is particularly important. Their experience can provide valuable insights, but it also carries a responsibility. Public interventions must be guided by professional ethics, respect for institutional boundaries, and an awareness of the potential impact on national security.
There is a fine balance to be maintained. On one hand, democratic societies require transparency and accountability. On the other, the premature or uncontextualized release of sensitive information can undermine the very systems that are meant to protect the public.
As Sri Lanka reflects on the events of April 2019, it must resist the temptation to reduce a national tragedy into competing narratives or political instruments. The pursuit of truth must be methodical, inclusive, and grounded in law.
Easter is not only a moment of remembrance. It is a test of institutional maturity and societal resilience.
The real question is not whether new narratives will emerge they inevitably will. The question is whether Sri Lanka has the capacity to engage with them critically, responsibly, and in a manner that strengthens, rather than weakens, the foundations of its national security and social harmony.
In the end, justice is not served by noise or conjecture. It is served by patience, rigor, and an unwavering commitment to truth.
Mahil Dole is a former senior law enforcement officer and national security analyst, with over four decades of experience in policing and intelligence, including serving as Head of Counter-Intelligence at the State Intelligence Service of Sri Lanka and a graduate of the Asia Pacific Center for Security Studies in Hawai, USA.
by Mahil Dole
Former Senior Law Enforcement Officer National Security Analyst; Former Head of Counter-Intelligence, State Intelligence Service)
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