Opinion
Dogs bark, but caravan moves on
The Prorogation Message
Events fast changing keep boggling our minds making it difficult to establish their continuity. Each new scene is staged by the same players wearing different masks, and our vision gets encumbered with illusions confusing us again and again. Caravan moves on unimpeded, while we attempt to keep pace and contemporaneous with our present.
Collective responsibility: In the ongoing controversy around the Yugadanavi fiasco, the behaviour of some members of the Cabinet has given rise to a political quagmire, which the entire country is keenly watching. In the parliamentary system of government, with the Cabinet bound by collective responsibility, there are components they have to abide by. It is well recognised that the Ministers should have the opportunity to have free and frank discussions prior to the decision- making. The Cabinet practice is that such discussions, however, are confidential, and the details will be confined to the members of the Cabinet only. The other important principle is that once agreed, all Ministers are expected to abide by such decisions. They are left with no options other than to be with the government towing the line OR else resign from their portfolios. We are confronted with a slightly varied circumstance, in that those who counter the decision, claim that the first principle has not been followed or they are denied of that opportunity.
Authorities have maintained that Prime Ministers can apply the principle of collective responsibility more flexibly such as “overlooking media coverage which suggests there are ministerial disagreements or leaks of information.” But such discrepancies depend on the Prime Minister’s own strength and the constitutional power devolving on the PM. According to Article 45(1) it is the President who has the power to appoint from time to time, in consultation with the Prime Minister, where he considers such consultation to be necessary, Members of the Cabinet of Ministers.
According to 47(a), any member of the Cabinet of Ministers continues to function unless he “is removed by a writ under the hand of the President”.
Another matter relevant to this issue is the coalition nature of the Government. We are not aware of the mandatory conditions applicable to the parties in the coalition, sharing the ‘pohottuwa’ symbol for the election. For example, if there is an agreement for the Ministers to “argue freely in private’ but must maintain a united front when decisions have been reached at the Cabinet” , the parties to the dispute are now taking the position that no such decision has been taken.
Anyway, according to the constitution, the President can make the final decision under the powers to hire and fire.
In the British system of Parliament, historically, collective responsibility has also been relaxed during periods of coalition government. During the 2010-2015 Conservative-Liberal Democratic coalition, collective responsibility was set aside for certain party political issues, including the 2011 referendum on electoral reform. Perhaps the different political parties involved in the brawl surrounding the Yugadanavi MOU will have to be given a leeway to maintain their credibility with the voters on the declarations they publicly made during election time!
Finally, the Judiciary has to give a ruling on the issue. Parliament makes laws but the judiciary has to interpret and dispense justice even-handedly in the courts, and that the general public feel confident in the integrity and impartiality of the judiciary.
A Fistfull of Dollars:
The 1964 movie, Fistfull of Dollars, starring Clint Eastwood in the lead- role, was a box office hit. Today there is a Box Office break for another show awaiting the grand finale, starring Ajith Nivard C, the “Dollar Reserve Crisis’ ‘! It was Clint Eastwood’s maiden show, but Nivard C being a veteran actor having played the lead role during more serious highly critical periods, is eagerly watched by many during this performance, conjectured to be harder than ever before. But his confident disposition towards the outcome is dispelling all kinds of negativity and scepticism expressed by interested parties, as well as those ignorant of feasible alternatives in the case of a crisis.
Management of a crisis is both a Technique as well as an Art. For some it is a single-track approach in keeping with their blinkers (blinders worn by horses) on. But the time has come for all to look for ways and means beyond the traditional help refuge one is used to. The Panadol treatment may not be the best at certain times, and it is best to administer something slow but stronger as a lasting relief. People who are used to rapid pain killers do recommend and sometimes blame and accuse them for not taking such treatment. But those who are inclined to offer a cure and a sustained relief would look at other options, however hard and bitter they sound. Let us hope and look at Ajith Nivard C’s approach in this perspective.
Clint Eastwood had to use his master gun skill to control bandit Rojo and save his aggression, and now the policy makers have to face the attacks from Fitch Ratings, and Opposition politicos’ hell bound to propagate their ostensible National Interests. We can only watch and cheer, ‘come on- bat on’!
Prorogation of parliament:
In essence a prorogation of the parliament means the continuation of the parliament from one session to another. It is not a termination, although in its process some of the ongoing activities will be halted. It is effected under constitutional powers given to the President. Political history records many controversial prorogations, which were resorted to by those in power to avoid different kinds of issues in dispute. The most controversial one was the prorogation of Canada parliament in 2008 by prime Minister Stephen Harper, in view of a pending no-confidence motion against his minority government by the opposing parties. The prorogation provided an opportunity for the Harper govt to reach an agreement with the opposition, thereby helping Harper to continue in power.
Although there is no visible threat of such a nature for the Rajapaksa government, there are many things in the brewing that could manifest into major disputes. Thus, the prorogation provides breathing space for settlement of the dust and starting afresh. Any way the country needs a refreshed approach, and a new session with new thinking and approach. The product life of some of the items have long since come to a stagflation calling for course corrections. Hopefully the opportunity could be utilized to set the Gyro compass to distinguish between the true North and the magnetic north; because we witnessed the magnetic North directional sailing has attracted many iron filings of no use.
Let us hope that this prorogation is heading towards a meaningful transition.
COPE, COPA and COPF
: It is strongly commented that the prorogation of the parliament is a sinister move to change the Chairpersons of these committees. There is no doubt that these persons have played a praiseworthy role in these bodies. Well, according to their knowledge, understanding and experience it may be so. But these committees are mere name’s sake bodies, which have been talking about the subject areas coming under their purview, but without any useful service either to the Institutions they examine or to the Public at large. Why I state this is due to an obvious factor that nobody has been penalized or taken to task for the irresponsibility, highlighted and exposed at these so-called investigations or inquiries. We do not understand why they are termed investigations, because what they in effect do is to examine the Audit reports and confine their role of inquiring into the remarks and shortcomings pointed out in the reports.
Beyond the highly dramatic media shows they were recently converted into during the process of inquiry, no meaningful steps have been taken to either rectify or instigate charges against some of the awe-inspiring detections and revelations. In actual fact the COPE, COPA and COPF sessions are held much later, after the audit reports are released. Sometimes during the next year. In most cases the shortcomings discussed at these committees remain totally neglected by the respective organizations and institutions without any action being taken.
The so-called inquiry is confined to what is pinpointed in the Audit reports. The legislators little realize that the Audit function is a very limited examination, which does not probe in detail into the affairs of a SOE. The auditors go by the accounts presented to them and they are least concerned about the facts that remain unexposed in the accounts presented by those SOEs. The Auditors never go into the areas of broad public interest, such as the objective of the SOE, whether they have fulfilled those broad objectives, and to what extent they have deviated from the main purpose of establishment of such Public institutions. Sometimes they confine their comments to the profitability factor only, and thereby forgetting or disregarding how they have cooked up the figures to bloat profits through various unethical and unorthodox operations. Profits can be shown by various dubious means. In accounting they cook up figures, resort to window dressings, and bypass regulatory requirements stipulated in respect of the industries to show profits. In the annual accounts they hide several pitfalls and wrongful operations in order to show profits. None of the Committees are showing any interest in those, other than confining themselves to some adverse remarks if made by the Auditors. This is a pathetic situation.
Many SOEs are today purely and completely operating as white elephants, hiding many serious lapses in the eyes of the Committee Chairpersons, as well as members who are MPs with no better knowledge. If they want and are ready to debate any of these points we could devote some time with them for the sake of the future wellbeing of the country. I am certain they will find themselves ashamed of what they have been doing all this time, when we expose the reality behind many of those instances. The accumulating losses are a burden on the people, and the bogus profits too are equally bad and disastrous to the country’s economy.
State Banks, CPC, CEB, SriLankan Airlines, Water Board, Port Commission, CWE are simply white elephants turned precious profit centres, which can turn around the entire economic landscape of the country for the benefit of all ordinary citizens, who happen to be the highest tax payers in this country. Therefore, let us not talk about Utopian high expectations as an outcome of these parliamentary committees. We can see how best they have failed to deliver anything useful to the society, if we re-examine the reports they have gone through all these years, some with massive media propaganda.
Just to quote one example out of several, I invite the attention of the parliamentarians, especially the Opposition that is complaining about various sinister moves associated with the postponement of these committees, to look into the last completed COPE report on the People’s Bank. The revelations made were alarming and the strictures too were shocking. Nothing happened so far.
Therefore, we are fed up with ridiculous criticisms. People of this country want action and not empty critics.
TENNEKONE RUSIRIPALA
Opinion
We were here first: The case for Malaypolitical representation in Sri Lanka
There is a mosque on Slave Island in Colombo that has stood for more than three centuries. Masjidul Jamiya was not built by merchants or pilgrims. It was built by soldiers, Malay soldiers who came to this island in service to the Dutch crown and, after 1796, to the British, and who stayed, raised families, and made Ceylon their permanent home. That mosque, and the neighborhood that grew quietly around it, is perhaps the most visible monument to something the rest of this country has largely forgotten: that the Malays of Sri Lanka have been here, contributing and serving, for longer than the modern republic has existed.
Today the community that built that mosque numbers approximately 40,000 people. We are 0.2 percent of the population. We hold no seat in Parliament. We have no dedicated political voice. With each passing decade our language, our culture and our civic presence grow a little quieter. This is not an appeal for sympathy. It is a case, resting on history and on democratic principle, for a recognition that is long overdue. The Malays of Sri Lanka are not asking for charity. We are asking to be counted in the nation we helped build
A Community of Soldiers, Scholars and Statesmen
The Sri Lankan Malay story does not begin in the colonial footnotes. Austronesian seafarers reached these shores as early as 200 BC. The 13th century brought Chandrabhanu Sridhamaraja, a Javanese ruler who led an invasion from Tambralinga and briefly held dominion over northern Sri Lanka. The community that exists today, however, traces its roots most concretely to the Dutch colonial era, when soldiers, nobles and political exiles from across the Indonesian archipelago, from Sulawesi, Java, Bali, Ambon and Madura, arrived in Ceylon and never returned.
These were not passive arrivals waiting for history to happen around them. The Malays became the backbone of Ceylon’s colonial military, serving with enough distinction that the British formalised their role through the Ceylon Rifle Regiment, a unit staffed almost entirely by Malays. The regiment’s influence extended far beyond the barracks. Malay soldiers in Colombo published the first Malay-language newspaper issued anywhere in the Eastern world. They built mosques across Kandy, Badulla, Kurunegala and Hambantota. They left their mark on the Sinhala language in ways that persist to this day: the words sarong, rabana, botale, kamara, bonchi and soldaduwa all trace their roots to Malay. The nation’s beloved dodol is a Malay contribution.
In the legal and civic sphere, the record is equally substantial. Justice Maas Thajoon Akbar became the first Malay Justice of the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka in the 1920s. Tuan Burhanudeen Jayah, known as T. B. Jayah, served in the Legislative Council, the State Council and in the first post-independence Parliament. Dr. P. Drahaman, a physician who founded the All Ceylon Malay Congress in 1944, won a parliamentary seat in 1956 and argued with striking clarity that Malays deserved representation in their own right, distinct from any other community. In the armed forces, Brigadier T. S. B. Sally rose to become Chief of Staff of the Sri Lanka Army, the highest rank any Malay officer has ever held.
This is not a peripheral community. This is a community that has served at every level of Sri Lankan public life and has been rendered progressively invisible in the democratic structures of the state it helped to build. We shaped this nation’s language, defended its sovereignty and administered its laws. Yet today we hold no seat in its Parliament.
The Slow Erasure
The 2024 Census records the Malay community within a combined category alongside Burghers, Chetties, Bharathas and Veddas that together account for just 0.3 percent of Sri Lanka’s total population of 21.7 million. Within that fraction, the Malays number fewer than 40,000. Under Sri Lanka’s proportional representation system, where votes are cast for parties across multi-member electoral districts, a community of this size has no realistic prospect of parliamentary representation through any community-specific route.
The practical consequence has been absorption into broader Muslim political formations that do not always attend to the specific cultural, linguistic and civic concerns of the Malay community. The All Ceylon Malay Political Union, which fought explicitly and consistently for a distinct Malay political voice, faded from active political life decades ago. The last Malay to hold a parliamentary seat of any kind was a nominated member in 1989. That is 37 years without representation.
The Sri Lanka Malay language, a creole blending Austronesian, Sinhala and Tamil in proportions found nowhere else on earth, is classified as endangered. Senior academics who are themselves Malay acknowledge that they rarely speak it at home. The Malay Club at Slave Island, the Sri Lanka Malay Association, the Conference of Sri Lanka Malays: these institutions remain active and their members dedicated, but cultural associations cannot substitute for political representation. Without a voice in policy, a community has no mechanism to advocate for its own language, its schools or its civic recognition.
The Bonds That Remain
What makes the Malay political case distinctive, and worth the attention of any serious Sri Lankan political leader, is the particular character of the community’s relationship with the Sinhalese majority. Unlike many of the fault lines that have defined Sri Lankan politics for decades, the Malay connection with Sinhalese society runs deep and is rooted in centuries of genuine proximity. Sri Lankan scholars have documented significant intermarriage between early Malay settlers and Sinhalese communities, particularly in the south and west of the island. The linguistic overlap is not incidental; it reflects generations of neighbors, colleagues and extended family.
The Malays were never a party to this country’s most devastating ethnic conflicts. A community that is small in number and dispersed across Colombo and the western coast has always been obliged to build relationships across communal lines rather than retreat behind them.
That quality of bridge-building is not weakness, nor is it political neutrality born of indifference. It is the earned disposition of a people who have always understood that their future in Sri Lanka is inseparable from the future of the country as a whole.
In a political moment when Sri Lanka is actively pursuing national reconciliation and inclusive governance under the NPP administration of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, that disposition is not a liability. It is a genuine political asset. The Malay community has never been an adversary in Sri Lanka’s story. We have always been partners. It is time the state recognised us as such.
What Representation Would Look Like
This is not an argument for a return to communal politics or ethnic bloc-building. Sri Lanka has paid an enormous price for that history and nobody with any sense wants to revisit it. What is being argued here is a model of civic representation rooted in culture, in documented contribution and in constitutional possibility.
The National List, the 29 proportionally allocated parliamentary seats distributed after each general election, has been used before to include communities and voices that the direct electoral system cannot accommodate. A major political party that chose to place a credible Malay representative on its National List would bear no electoral cost for doing so and would signal something genuine about its understanding of Sri Lanka’s full diversity. That is not a complicated ask.
At the local level, the Colombo Municipal Council and the relevant Pradeshiya Sabhas offer a more immediate pathway. The Malay community is concentrated enough in Slave Island, Wellawatte and the broader Colombo district that a well-organised ward-level campaign is a realistic proposition. Local government has historically been where minority community members establish the credibility that national politics eventually recognizes.
Beyond elections, there is a straightforward case for formal state recognition of the Sri Lankan Malay community’s cultural and linguistic heritage, including support for language preservation, inclusion in national school curricula and proper documentation of Malay contributions to Sri Lankan history. When Mahatma Gandhi visited Sri Lanka in 1927, he reportedly mentioned the Malays in nearly every public address he gave on the island. It would be a particular kind of failure if the modern Sri Lankan state knew less about its own communities than a visiting guest did, a century ago.
A Voice Worth Having
I write this as a Sri Lankan Malay who has a great deal of affection for this country and a clear-eyed view of both what it has been and what it can become. The NPP government came to power on a conviction that the old patterns of Sri Lankan politics needed to be broken and that the state should answer to all of its people. If that conviction is real rather than rhetorical, it must eventually reckon with the communities that have slipped through the architecture of the electoral system through no failure of their own but through the simple arithmetic of smallness.
Forty thousand Malays. Three centuries of documented service. No seat in Parliament.
That is not a record that should be comfortable for any government that takes representation seriously. It is, however, one that is entirely possible to change.
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Thanzyl Thajudeen FCIPR FCIM FCMI is a Chartered PR Practitioner, Managing Director of Mark and Comm (Pvt) Ltd, and a board member of PRCA Asia Pacific. He was named Campaign Asia-Pacific 40 Under 40 in 2024. He is a Sri Lankan Malay. The views expressed are his own.
by Thanzyl Thajudeen,a Sri Lankan Malay ✍️
Opinion
Role of children’s stories in learning English and their impact on children
Children’s stories have always been an important part of childhood. From traditional fairy tales to modern picture books, stories entertain children while also helping them understand the world around them. When children are learning English as a language, stories become an especially valuable tool because they provide a natural, enjoyable, and meaningful way to develop language skills. Through characters, plots, and imaginative situations, children’s stories support vocabulary development, improve communication abilities, and encourage confidence in using English.
One of the greatest benefits of children’s stories in English language learning is that they introduce children to new vocabulary in a meaningful context. Instead of memorising isolated words from a list, children learn words through situations and actions within a story. For example, a story about a farm may introduce words such as “animal,” “field,” “farmer,” and “plant” while showing how these words relate to each other. This contextual learning helps children understand and remember new vocabulary more effectively.
Stories also improve children’s listening skills. When teachers, parents, or other speakers read stories aloud, children hear correct pronunciation, sentence structures, and natural expressions in English. Regular exposure to spoken English helps children become familiar with the rhythm, sounds, and patterns of the language. Even when children do not understand every word, they can often follow the meaning through pictures, gestures, and the events of the story. Over time, this develops their ability to understand spoken English in different situations.
Another important impact of children’s stories is the development of speaking skills. Stories encourage children to talk about characters, describe events, answer questions, and share their own ideas. Activities such as retelling a story, acting out scenes, or discussing what might happen next give children opportunities to practise English in a relaxed environment. Because stories are enjoyable and engaging, children are often more willing to participate and communicate without fear of making mistakes.
Children’s stories also support the development of grammar skills. Through repeated exposure to well-formed sentences, children gradually recognize how English works. They learn common sentence patterns, verb forms, and ways of expressing ideas. For young learners, grammar is often easier to understand when it is presented through a story rather than through direct explanations. For example, a story that describes past events naturally introduces the use of past tense verbs, allowing children to observe grammar in action.
In addition to language development, stories have a strong influence on children’s imagination and creativity. Stories allow children to enter different worlds, meet interesting characters, and explore new ideas. When learning English, imagination makes the language experience more meaningful. A child who becomes interested in a story about a brave character or a magical adventure is more likely to remember the words and expressions connected with that experience. Creativity also encourages children to create their own stories, which further strengthens their ability to use English.
Children’s stories can also help develop cultural awareness. Language is closely connected with culture, and stories often introduce children to different traditions, lifestyles, and values. English stories from different countries allow children to learn about people and places beyond their own experiences. This helps them understand that English is not only a subject to study but also a way to communicate with people around the world.
Reading stories in English can also increase children’s motivation and positive attitudes toward learning. Many children may find learning a new language challenging, especially when they focus only on textbooks or exercises. Stories make learning more enjoyable because they combine education with entertainment. When children associate English with fun and creativity, they are more likely to develop curiosity and continue learning.
The emotional impact of stories should not be overlooked. Many children’s stories contain themes such as friendship, kindness, courage, and problem-solving. Through characters and situations, children can learn important social and emotional lessons. Discussing these themes in English gives children opportunities to express feelings, opinions, and personal experiences. This not only improves language ability but also supports emotional growth.
Teachers play an important role in using stories effectively in English language classrooms. Selecting stories that match children’s age, interests, and language levels is essential. Teachers can support understanding by using pictures, asking questions, encouraging predictions, and connecting the story to children’s lives. Repetition is also valuable, as hearing the same story several times allows children to become more familiar with vocabulary and sentence structures.
Parents can also encourage language learning through storytelling at home. Reading English stories together, listening to audiobooks, or watching story-based programs can provide additional exposure to the language. A supportive environment where children feel comfortable experimenting with English can greatly improve their confidence and progress.
In conclusion, children’s stories have a powerful impact on learning English as a language. They provide children with opportunities to develop vocabulary, listening, speaking, reading, and grammar skills in an enjoyable and meaningful way. Beyond language learning, stories encourage imagination, creativity, cultural understanding, and emotional development. By making English learning engaging and enjoyable, children’s stories help young learners build a strong foundation for future communication and lifelong learning.
Saumya Aloysius
(A children’s writer contributing to both local and foreign newspapers as a freelance writer)
Opinion
When governments destroy mangroves
Any government that comes into power is a caretaker – of its people, environment and security. This is another glaring occasion where their lack of knowledge, or blatant disregard to the environment is causing long-lasting damage to this country.
After the devastation of the tsunami, then governments took the initiative to raise natural protection of the island by undertaking massive projects to plant mangroves. It was a long-term project, spanning 20 years, by the armed forces, to get these barriers up. Now the same army is used by this government to chop down these mangroves!!
This is happening right now in the Trincomalee lagoon. Nearly 40 lorry loads of mangrove forest have been taken away already. The excuse used for this is dengue control, a circular issued by the presidential secretariat in June. The ignorance is here; the seawater mixed lagoon does NOT breed mosquitoes. Trincomalee does not pop up in the dengue demographics, even as a high risk area. Yes, there is garbage, and plastic thrown into the mangroves that can be breeding grounds for mosquitoes. These can be cleared away in a clean-up operations, without harming the mangrove trees. It has been done a few times before, by previous government authorities, like coast conservation, who know the value of the mangrove belts. The local rumour becomes believable, that this deplorable act is done to please some local business partners of the area who run pleasure boats in the lagoon.
Yes, unhealthy mangroves can breed mosquitoes. But mangroves are ‘decease swamps’ is a dangerous myth. That mangroves are dirty, stagnant swamps teeming with decease carrying mosquitoes is a misconception that promotes harmful policies to control dengue outbreaks. This top myth justifies the illegal coastal clearance today in Trincomalee. It is destroying an important ecological asset of this country, mangroves, while failing to address the true root of dengue transmission. Where is the coast conservation department in this situ? Have they got CCD permission to carry out this butchery?
Healthy mangroves do not breed dengue mosquitoes, especially the one’s closely connected to the sea like in Trincomalee. The larvae needs completely still unmoving water to breathe at the surface, and mature. The power of tidal flushing which keeps water circulating in the mangroves makes this impossible. Also the daily ebb and flow of ocean tides keeps the water moving in the mangroves and frequently drains the forest floor. The natural hydrology of healthy mangroves, acts as an automatic self-regulating barrier against stagnant water collection, making viable breeding sites virtually impossible.
Also mangroves contain nature’s exterminators. It hosts a massive army of mosquito predators. These mangroves are not dead swamps but vibrant nurseries. Young Fish, dragon flies, crusteasians, and insectivorous birds are natural mosquito predators. Clearing mangroves collapses this natural food web, removing this natural pest control.
In fact, clearing mangroves is counterproductive and will backfire with worsened dengue cases. The heavy machinery will leave a scarred landscape with deep tyre tracks in the marshy soil making stagnant water pools and disrupted drainage. When rainwater fills these artificial depressions it will create perfect stagnant, predator free, fresh water pools, Ideal breeding grounds for Aedes aegypti. Also clearing this kind of buffers can bring in the urban sprawl with its people, housing, and garbage, to the new degraded land.
The collateral damage is even bigger. Destroying mangroves in the name of pest control leaves coastal populations poorer, hungrier, and highly vulnerable to extreme weather. One would have thought at least the people in the coast conservation department were knowledgeable enough about the loss of wave attenuation with removal of mangroves and the risk of flooding and storm surge damages to the coastal areas. Collapse of these fish nurseries should ring alarm bells in the fisheries department. Reduced fish harvest and loss of livelihood for the local fishermen should have had fisheries department people rushing to the site. But neither of the mentioned government departments have raised a murmur, in the face of political influence. This is the sad truth of the country at the moment. Sri Lanka’s climate resilience has been compromised by release of stored ‘blue carbon’ and a loss of natural buffer against rising sea levels, while the responsible people in the government are silent in front of an ignorant political hierarchy.
This is an appeal to the highest authority in the country to stop this environmentally insensitive projects of this nature being coughed up by ignorant municipal members. Clearing these forests directly violates so many policies on conservation. Our local fishermen depend entirely on healthy mangrove root systems—such as those being chopped down. From a health perspective, medical professionals have repeatedly assured us that under the current National Policy Framework, marshy lands and mangrove ecosystems pose no threat of dengue. We request your guidance and intervention to ensure our environment is not sacrificed.
Citizen S
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