Features
Confronting Capitalist system in Sri Lanka: 1824-2024
Historical transformation from Feudalism to Capitalism by 1824
by Jayampathy Molligoda
As we know, on March 2, 1815 the Kandyan Kingdom was formally ceded to the British by signing the Kandyan convention by the chiefs and the Governor, Brownrigg on behalf of the British. Thereafter, the year 1818 marks a real turning point with the defeat of the great rebellion of Uva- Wellassa, where the resistance of the people was broken and the British had laid claim to an all -island control.
According to eminent Historian, Professor K.M de Silva, British could not set up a unified administrative system for the whole island until the Colebrooke -Cameron reforms of 1829-1832, thus providing the administrative and legislative framework for a more liberal form of government for Sri Lanka. The establishment of plantation agriculture consolidated the unification by providing an economic basis for it. In the 1820’s, Governor Barnes’s network of roads built with the help of the traditional ‘rajakariya’ system (a feature of feudalist society) placed the control of Sri Lanka firmly under British hands.
As for the Island’s trade, the European agency houses were established in 1824 and then Governor Barnes decided to stop importing goods on account of the government, thus halting the monopolistic structure of the government’s economic activities through East India Company. Based on Colebrooke recommendations, the ‘Savings Bank of Ceylon’ was established in 1832 and money became freely available. Several historians and scholars including Ralph Peiris, Senaka Bandaranaike, Professor W.I Siriweera are of the view that pre-modern Sri Lankan society was feudal.
From the middle of the first millennium up to 1830, ‘feudal’ characteristics were predominant in the Sri Lankan society. The colonial powers including the British continued to maintain the state trade monopoly until the period up to 1825. Thereafter, the road and railway network developed and thus facilitated easy communication and opportunities for social mobility.
Internal and foreign trade expanded along with banking and money circulation. Governor Barnes (1824) is credited with the construction of the first major road under the British where he constructed a better and shorter road from Colombo to Kandy. Feudalism withered away with Colebrooke reforms and commercial capitalism in Sri Lanka started with the plantation crop culture.
The foundation of a class society was laid only with the implementation of Colebrooke reforms. As a result of the capitalist transformation, there emerged a class society based on the production; bourgeoisie (rich), middle class and a labour force. Tea and coffee plantation workers were brought in from South India and their living conditions were poor.
In contrast to the plantation workers, urban workforce experienced some salutary effects of transformation from feudalism to capitalism as the rigidity of the caste system was reduced because birth status was not a condition of employment. The majority of the labour force outside the plantation sector were Sri Lankans but labour employment was open to all ethnic groups and both sexes, although most of the laborers were male. Those labourers who settled down in Colombo (and few other main cities) lived in slums where sanitary conditions were unsatisfactory. ( Prof W.I Siriweera,2023)
Socio/ economic transformation by 1924; after 100 years under capitalism:
The growth of the plantation sector and means of communications and associated infrastructure development in road and rail transportation greatly contributed to commercialization. Cities such as Colombo, Galle, Matara, Kandy, Jaffna, Anuradhapura, Nuwara Eliya and many other cities developed considerably. Shops were established near railway stations and even some imported commodities were freely available in village boutiques and products of the villages began to be circulated in other villages, although the local hand-loom industry was affected.
According to published literature by eminent historians, only the plantation and merchandize capital had contributed to capitalist growth and hardly any industrial manufacturing growth, except small scale coir and coconut oil industries. The production of arrack and toddy became popular and the government granted permission to open taverns to earn revenue to the general treasury and as a result, crimes too increased and many other social issues cropped up.
By the 1920’s, we have seen a contraction of world trade due to World War 1914-1920 followed by the Great Depression of the late 1920’s. The British Government imposed restrictions on shipping and controls on tea and coconut imports from Sri Lanka. With the disruption of food imports and stagnation of the plantation sector, there had been a revival of interest in peasant agriculture and development of the dry zone.
Further, the government wanted to liberalize the system of alienating the crown lands in order to accommodate the peasants. In the 1920’s under a new system, leasehold tenure system was granted to the peasants. It was also decided to appoint a Land Commission and there was a close link between the reappraisal of the land policy and the increase in population (22.5 million according to 2021 census from 1.5 million 100 years ago.)
Further improvements to the Capitalist system through Constitutional bases during the last 100 years-1924 -2023 To date:
With the formation of the Ceylon National Congress (CNC) under P. Arunachalam, the educated Sri Lankans agitated for greater share in the administration. As a result, more reforms were introduced during the 1920’s. One reform was popularly known as Manning reforms and the colonial office in 1927 appointed the ‘Donoughmore’ commission to make a new constitution.
One of the major reasons for the reforms was the Anti-Imperialist movements originating in Sri Lanka with the ‘Suriyamal’ movement in 1926 and formation of Youth leagues by Marxists (LSSP, CPSL). During this period, immigrant workers joined the indigenous working class under A.E. Gunasinha’s leadership. Urban workforce resorted to strike action due to poor working conditions.
Exactly 100 years under the capitalist system, there was a general strike in 1923 and in Lake House in 1929 and the Galle Face Hotel in 1934. After the formation of the State Council in 1931, the CNC continuously agitated for complete independence. As the Indian nationalist movement gained ground, the British government outlined a set of proposals in 1943, but Marxists opposed the transitional status, although moderates agreed to the proposals.
The white paper on constitutional reforms, which included Soulbury proposals, was placed before the State Council in 1945 by D.S Senanayake and was approved. Later, he informed the colonial office that he could not successfully challenge the Marxists if dominion status was not granted.
On August 15, 1947, the first election to the House of Representatives was held under the Soulbury constitution and the opening of parliament on February 4, 1948 marked the end of the status of crown colony. During the next 70 years. The Sri Lankan leaders continued to maintain the capitalist system of governance up-to- date (Although some attempts were made to change it during the period 1971-1974 by Marxists within the 1970 government of Mrs Bandaranaike and outside, but it was not successful).
The Constitution titled, The Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka- 1979 by President J.R Jayewardene (with 21 amendments so far) introduced the present ‘Executive Presidential system’ and is still continuing. These constitutional provisions provided a solid base for smooth functioning of the capitalist system although some cracks have emerged. The writer is of the view, that at present, the majority of people are dissatisfied with the prevailing governance system.
Present status of the political economy and living standards of the people:
Much has been written on the failure of successive governments since gaining independence to provide even some basic needs of the people let alone improving the quality of life and overall economic development in Sri Lanka; therefore, there is no need to repeat over and over again some facts and figures to justify this claim.
As this writer has explained in many articles published since 2014, the Sri Lankan economy has been recording a persistently high ‘twin deficits’ meaning (1) government budget deficits since independence and (2) Balance of Payments (BOP) current account deficit with rest of the world due to deficit in exports minus imports. And CBSL has been compelled to resort to ‘money printing’ more than what is required/desired level while the successive governments continued to borrow to bridge the gap thus increasing foreign debt service beyond sustainable levels.
The real issue has been that our exports as a % of GDP has come down from 28% in four to five decades to 12% especially since 2014 to date. As explained earlier, since 1824 mainly the merchandise, capital had contributed to our economy’s capitalist growth and hardly any industrial manufacturing growth. Even in the case of agricultural and plantation crops, due to high cost of production and low yields compared to products from other countries, our exporters have not been able to compete in the global marketplace on ‘cost leadership strategy’.
Many have already expressed serious concerns about the deep economic crisis in the country and its impact on the people of Sri Lanka, especially the poor and the vulnerable, particularly women. The government of the day has not focussed enough to address those badly affected segments, including SMEs, construction industry etc. and address those vulnerabilities. Already, poor and some middle-class families became poorer.
According to a survey conducted by the Department of Census and statistics recently, some 60% of the household’s income has decreased. Income disparity between the rich, middle class and the poor has also increased. The Sri Lankan society’s poverty problems are closely related to this wider problem- namely, the growing gap in the share of income going to the rich, the middle class and the poor. The recent increases of VAT up to 18% in addition to price increases of fuel, electricity, water, transport, food items etc. have really aggravated the burden of the middle class and poor.
The grand idea of capitalism is that those with capital will apply it to create more wealth that enables to create more employment and jobs for everyone. Not only the wealthy benefit but their wealth will trickle down to other classes as well. However, according to more comprehensive research studies done recently by eminent economics of the calibre of Prof. Joseph Stiglitz and Thomas Piketty, the inequality will worsen under free market capitalism.
Growing income disparity is not only a disaster for the poor, but also a threat to the rich. Poverty breeds crime, beggars, prostitution, massive social protest movements and inability to gain access to education and training, which will seriously affect developing our human resource requirements for improving businesses.
These economists urge the governments to embrace real solutions: Investing in education, science, technology and infrastructure, offering more help to the children of the poor, doing more to restore the economy to full employment, introducing more effective and proper tax policies etc. It is essential to ensure that adequate social protection is provided. They believe our choice is not between growth and fairness- with the right policies we can choose and achieve both. (For a more thorough discussion of the adverse economic consequences of inequality, please see Joseph Stiglitz, ‘The Price of Inequality’ and Thomas Piketty, ‘Capital in the twenty -First century’)
Need to project immediate future scenario during the election year- 2024:
In the event, the Government is unable to provide these solutions, social unrest will further increase and the ruling party unpopularity will increase, thus paving way for political forces demanding a General or Presidential elections sooner or later. Once again, the government of the day would have to abandon the IMF policy prescription. It is interesting to note that even the IMF, an organisation not taking radical positions, has taken up the position that inequality is associated with instability. For details, please see ‘Inequality and unsustainable growth; two sides of the same coin? – IMF staff discussion note- 2011’.
The writer is of the view that in the new year 2024 (exactly after 200 years of capitalist form of governance) there is a probability or a likely scenario that a major transformation of a ‘system change’ may take place including a complete abolition of the Executive Presidential system. It is not impossible to obtain two thirds majority in Parliament to change the Constitution and adopt a new constitution approved by people in a referendum by early 2025 and thus ending the capitalist system that prevailed over 200 years in Sri Lanka. Whether it will provide tangible benefits to Sri Lanka and its people is yet to be ascertained.
(The author is a freelance writer who previously served as Executive Deputy Chairman/CEO at Bogawantalawa Tea Estates PLC and as Chairman, Sri Lanka Tea Board)
Features
The Iran War, Global Oil Crisis, and Local Options
Flight of Insanity
Now in its third week and still no end sight, Trump’s Iran’s war is showing a tedious pattern of tragic-comic episodes. The human tragedy continues under relentless aerial assaults in Iran and under both aerial and ground assaults in Lebanon. Israel, now in a hurry to destroy as much it can of its enemy assets before Trump lapses into war withdrawals, is picking its spots at will; three of its latest scalps could not have come at higher echelons of the Iranian regime. Within two days, Israeli has targeted and killed Ali Larijani, the powerful, versatile and experienced secretary of the Supreme National Security Council; Gholamreza Soleimani, head of the Basij paramilitary force; and Iran’s Intelligence Minister Esmail Khatib.
Yet there is no indication if the continuing hollowing out of Iran’s decision making apparatus will produce the intended effect of encouraging the people of Iran to come out on the streets and topple the regime. People cannot pour on to the streets, even if they want to, until the American and Israeli bombing stops. That may not happen till the US military finishes its list of asset targets in Iran and Israel finishes off the list of Iranian leaders who are tagged on by Mossad’s network of Iranian moles. They are so widespread that last year after setting up a special task force to expose the internal informants, the National Security Council found out that the person whom they had selected to lead the task force was himself a spy! Disaffected citizens are also becoming informal informants. 
The comical side of the war is provided by President Trump in the daily press court that he holds at the White House, taking full advantage of the presidential system in which the chief officer is not required to present himself to and take questions from the country’s elected lawmakers. There has never been and there likely will never be another presidential spectacle like Donald J. Trump. It is shocking although not surprising to find out daily as to how much he doesn’t know about the war that he started or where it is heading. The ghost of Donald Rumsfeld, the Defence Secretary of the Iraq war and the coiner of the ‘unknown unknowns’ phrase, would tell you that Trump is the epitome of one of the known knowns, the predictable bully. For all his misjudgements and bad calls over the Iraq war 23 years ago, Rumsfeld now looks like a giant of a professional in comparison to Pete Hegseth, the bigmouthed charlatan who parades as Donald Trump’s Secretary of War.
Asymmetric Advantage
For its part, Iran appears to be reaping the worst and the best of an asymmetric warfare. Iran is getting pummelled in all the metrics of conventional warfare and there should be nothing surprising about it. It is rather silly for the American and Israeli military spokespeople to crow about their aerial strikes and their successes. On the other hand, the US and Israeli forces combined have not been able to answer Iran’s ability to establish areas of war where Iran sets the term and scores at its choosing. Quite astonishingly, President Trump has said that Iran was not supposed to attack its neighbours and no one apparently told him that such attacks might happen.
“Nobody. Nobody. No, no, no. The greatest experts—nobody thought they were going to hit,“ Trump responded to a leading question by a Fox News reporter whether the President was “surprised nobody briefed you ahead of time” about the likelihood of Iranian retaliation against America’s Gulf allies. Prevarication is second nature to President Trump and it is the same explanation for the Administration’s strategic gaffe over the Strait of Hormuz.
Iran has imposed a blockade over the narrow waterway between the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman that provides vital passage for about 20% of the world’s oil shipments. Again, no one told him that Iran might do this. That is also because Trump has gotten rid of all the people in government capable of providing advice and is surrounding himself with sidekicks who will not challenge him on his misrepresentation of facts. As well, by keeping Congress out of the loop the President and the Administration tossed away the opportunity to deliberate before deciding to go to war.
True to form, Trump trots out another bizarre argument that the US does not have any shipment through the Strait of Hormuz and, therefore, it is up to countries, including China, that depend on the Hormuz route to come to his party in the Persian Gulf. The US would be there to help them out and he went on to invite his erstwhile allies and fellow NATO members to join the US and help the world keep the Strait of Hormuz open for its oil shipments.
Trump’s calls have been all but spurned. No US president has suffered such a rebuff. Other presidents did their consultations with allies before starting a war, not after. “This war started without any consultations,” said Germany’s Defence Minister Boris Pistorius. He then queried incredulously: “What does Donald Trump expect from a handful of European frigates in the Strait of Hormuz that the mighty US Navy cannot manage alone?” Iran has let it be known that it will block passage only to its enemies and allow others to cross the strait by arrangement. Chinese, Indian and Pakistani ships have been allowed to navigate through the strait. The UN and NATO countries are reportedly considering new initiatives to ensure safe passage through the Strait, but details are unclear.
While the official American endgame is unclear, scholars and academics have started weighing in and calling Trump’s misadventure for what it is. Three such contributions this week have caught the media’s attention. Muhanad Seloom writing online in Al Jazeera, has presented an unsolicited yet by far the strongest case for Trump, arguing that “the US-Israeli strategy is working” because Trump’s war against Iran is accomplishing a “systematic, phased degradation of a threat that previous administrations allowed to grow for four decades.” A former State Department staffer and now a Doha and Exeter academic, Seloom seems overly sanguine about the impending demise of the Iranian regime and underplays the political implications of the war’s externalities and unintended consequences for the Trump presidency in America.
The comprehensive degradation of virtually all of Iran’s hard assets is not in question. What is in question is whether the asset degradation is translating into a regime change. The additional questions are whether the obvious success in asset degradation is enough to save President Trumps political bacon in the midterm elections in November, or will it stop Iran from controlling the Strait of Hormuz and impacting the global oil flows. Firm negative answers to these questions have been provided by two American scholars. Nate Swanson, also a former State Department staffer turned academic researcher and who was also a member of Trump’s recent negotiating team with Iran, has additionally highlighted the martyrdom significance of the killing of Ayatollah Khamenei both within Iran and in the entire Shia crescent extending from Lebanon to Karachi.
Robert Pape, University of Chicago Historian, who has studied and modelled Iranian scenarios to advise past US Administrations, has compared President Trump’s situation in Iran to President Johnson’s quagmire in Vietnam in 1968. Pape’s thesis is that asymmetric conflicts inherently keep escalating and there is no winning way out for a superpower over a lesser power. The main difference between Vietnam and Iran is that Vietnam did not trigger global oil and economic crises. Iran has triggered an oil crisis and the IMF is warning to expect higher inflation and lower growth as a result of the war. “Think of the unthinkable and prepare for it,” is the advice given to world’s policy makers by IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva to a symposium in Japan, earlier this month.
Global Oil Crisis
The blockade of the Strait of Hormuz has created a crisis of uneven supplies and high prices the likes of which have not been seen since the 1973 oil embargo by Arab countries in the wake of the Yom Kippur War that saw the price of oil increasing four fold from $3 to $12 a barrel. The International Energy Agency (IEA), which came into being as the western response to the 1973 Arab oil embargo, has warned that the market is now experiencing “the most significant supply disruption in its history.”
According to Historians, denying or disrupting oil flows has been an effective tool in modern warfare. The oft cited examples before the 1973 oil embargo are the British oil blockade of Germany in World War 1, and the stopping of Germans accessing the Caucasus oilfields by the Soviet Union’s Red Army in World War II. The irony of the current crisis is that until now the world was getting to be more energy efficient and less oil dependent as a result of the technological, socioeconomic and behavioural changes that were unleashed by the 1973 oil embargo. Post Cold War globalization streamlined global oil flows even as the turn towards cheaper and renewable energy sources increased the use of alternative energy sources.
What was becoming a global energy complacency, according to Jason Bordoff and Meghan O’Sullivan, American academics and National Security advisers to former Presidents Obama and Bush, suffered its first disruptive shock with the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Market reaction was immediate with crude oil prices increasing by over 50% and exceeding $135 per barrel. Russia cut its natural gas supply to Europe by half leaving western Europe the worst affected region by the crisis. In contrast, Asia is the worst affected continent by the current crisis although market reaction was not immediate apparently because the US was deemed a far more reliable actor than Russia. It is a different story now.
The present crisis is expected to ratchet up crude oil prices to as high as $150 to $200 a barrel in current dollars from what was below $75 before Trump started the war. Futures trading before the war projected $62 per barrel in 2027. Now, lower prices are not anticipated until after the end of this decade. The daily price has been yo-yoing above and below $100 in harmony with Trump’s musings about the course of the war and the time for its ending. The current market uncertainty stems from the growing realization that the Trump Administration was not clear about why it was starting the war and now it does not know how or when to bring it to an end. The Hormuz crisis has made the prospects all the bleaker.
Sri Lanka’s Options
In the unfolding uncertainty, the only certainty is that Sri Lanka’s options are limited. The challenges facing the country and the government involve both politics and economics. For the country, even the political options are limited – perhaps as limited as the economic options available to the government in the short term. The incessant political critics of the government start with extrapolating Aragalaya and end with anticipating another government collapse like the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government. But anyone looking for political alternatives to the NPP government should look at the press photograph showing a recent news conference of opposition party leaders announcing the formation of “a common opposition platform to resist the government’s anti-democratic actions.” Missing an action and absconding per usual, like Julia Roberts in Runway Bride, is once again Sajith Premadasa, the accredited Leader of the Opposition.
Talk about democratic priorities when the economic engine and the energy generators will soon have no oil or diesel to run on. Among the assembled, there is no one equipped enough to head a government ministry with the possible exception of Champika Ranawaka. And it is rich to talk about constitutional dictatorship for a group that was associated with the extended one-party government from 1977 to 1994, and a second group the tried to perpetuate a one-family government between 2005 and 2022. It is virtually imperative to argue that for the sake of the country the NPP government must successfully navigate through the impending crisis. Whether the government will be able to live up to what is now a necessity, not just expectation, we will soon find out.
There is no minimizing or underestimating the magnitude of the crisis. Crude oil and petroleum products account for nearly 20% of the total import bill. Rising oil prices will impact the balance of payment and forex reserves, and could potentially siphon off the currently accumulated $7+ billion forex balance. Rupee devaluation and inflation are likely, but not necessarily to the absurd levels reached during the ultimate Rajapaksa regime. Economic growth will slow and the $1.5 to $2.0 billion FDI targets may not materialize. The current arrangement for debt repayment may have to be revisited, even as relief measures will need to be undertaken to soften the rising price effects throughout the economy and among the less privileged sections of society. Restricting consumption has already been started and the country may have to brace for further restrictions and even power cuts.
In the short term, renegotiating the current EFF (Extended Fund Facility) terms with the IMF will be unavoidable. Equally important are long term measures. The low storage capacity for oil and petroleum has made price fluctuations inevitable. The government has announced storage capacity expansion in Kolonnawa and fast tracking the construction of a jet-fuel pipeline from Muthurajawela to Katunayake – to facilitate the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA) becoming a regional aviation hub. The current shipping problems present a new opportunity for the utilization of the expanded terminal facilities to increase transhipment operations at the Colombo harbour.
At long last, after 78 years, there is some action to upgrade the storied 99 oil tanks in Trincomalee. But the bulk of the upgrading depends on the trilateral agreement between Sri Lanka, India and the United Arab Emirates to create an energy hub in Trincomalee. This might run into delays because of the current situation involving the UAE. Already delayed is the construction of the $3.7b Sinopec Oil refinery in Hambantota, the MOU for which was signed more than an year ago. The NPP government has been adept in keeping good relationships with both India and China. Now is the time to try to expedite the deliverables on their commitments.
Another not so long term necessity is to expand electricity generation through renewable sources and minimize its dependence on thermal generation based on imported oil, not to mention coal. Thermal power contributes to just under 50% of energy output at about 80% of total generation costs. In contrast, just over 50% of the output is generated by renewable sources, including hydro, at 20% of the total cost.
The contribution of hydropower is weather dependent and its uncertainty has long been the pretext for persisting with thermal power and not encouraging the development of solar and wind energy sources. There is no more urgent time to stop this persistence than now in light of the oil crisis. The government must cut through the cobwebs of vested thermal power interests and make clean energy a central part of its Clean Sri Lanka initiative. China is in the forefront of renewable energy technology and expansion and has timed the unveiling of its new five year renewable energy expansion plan to coincide with the current oil crisis. Many countries are emulating China and Sri Lanka should join them.
Features
Two Decades of Trust: SINGER Wins People’s Brand of the Year for the 20th Consecutive Time
Singer Sri Lanka, the nation’s foremost retailer of consumer durables, celebrates a truly historic milestone at the SLIM-KANTAR People’s Awards 2026, securing a prestigious triple victory while marking 20 consecutive years as the People’s Brand of the Year, an achievement made possible by the enduring trust and loyalty of Sri Lankan consumers.
This year, SINGER was honoured with yet another triple win with People’s Brand of the Year, Youth Brand of the Year and People’s Durables Brand of the Year at the awards ceremony. This remarkable recognition reflects the deep and lasting relationship the brand has built with Sri Lankans across generations, standing as a symbol of trust in homes across the island.
Reaching this 20-year milestone is not just a testament to brand strength, but a celebration of the millions of customers who have continuously chosen SINGER as a part of their everyday lives. For two decades, Sri Lankans have placed their confidence in the brand, welcoming it into their homes, their families, and their aspirations.
Expressing his appreciation, Janmesh Antony, Director – Marketing of Singer Sri Lanka PLC, stated:
“Winning these awards reflects our commitment to quality, innovation, and staying closely connected to our customers. Being recognised as Durables brand, Youth brand, and as the People’s Brand of the Year highlights our ability to resonate across generations. As we celebrate 20 years as the People’s Brand, our deepest gratitude goes to our customers, this milestone truly belongs to them. It also reflects the dedication of our teams, who continuously strive to serve them better every day. Winning Youth Brand of the Year further reinforces our focus on staying relevant and meaningfully connected with the next generation.”
Commenting on the milestone, Mahesh Wijewardene, Group Managing Director of Singer Sri Lanka PLC, added:
“This recognition is a tribute to the millions of Sri Lankans who have stood by us over the years. Being named the People’s Brand of the Year for the 20th consecutive time is both humbling and inspiring. It reflects the deep trust our customers place in us, and we are truly grateful for the role we play in their everyday lives. This milestone strengthens our commitment to continue delivering value, innovation, and service excellence, always with our customers at the heart of everything we do.”
Over the years, SINGER has grown alongside the people of Sri Lanka, evolving from a trusted household name into a future-ready retail powerhouse. By continuously innovating its product portfolio and enhancing service excellence, the brand has remained closely aligned with the changing needs and aspirations of its customers.
Guided by a deep-rooted customer-first philosophy, an extensive islandwide retail network, and dependable after-sales service, Singer continues to set benchmarks not only in the consumer durables sector but across the nation. By elevating everyday living and bringing greater convenience, comfort, and ease into Sri Lankan homes, the brand has become a trusted partner in shaping modern lifestyles. Its growing connection with younger audiences further reflects its ability to seamlessly blend legacy with contemporary aspirations.
As Singer Sri Lanka celebrates this milestone, the company remains profoundly grateful for the trust placed in it by generations of Sri Lankans. With a continued commitment to enriching lives through innovation and making everyday living more effortless and accessible, Singer looks ahead to growing alongside its customers, strengthening its place as one of the most trusted, loved, and enduring brands in the country.
Features
Test cricket of a different kind in 1948
Early last year [probably 2004] I received a call from Michael Ludgrove the then head of the rare book section at Christies Auction house requesting help to decipher the names of Ceylonese cricketers who had signed a cricket bat in the 1930’s following a combined India-Ceylon match against the visiting MCC. This led to my keeping an eye out for unusual items on Ceylon cricket.
A few months later a set of autographs came up for sale. They were of the visiting English women cricketers who played a match in Colombo, against the Ceylon women in the first “Test” of its kind. I was lucky to trace two of the test cricketers from the Ceylon team who now live in Victoria, Beverly Roberts (Juriansz) and Enid (Gilly) Fernando. Incidentally Gilly is called Gilly after AER Gilligan the Australian Cricketer and answers to no other name.
The visiting English team were on their way to Australia on the SS Orion. The Colombo Cricket Club were the hosts and the match was played at the Oval on the November 1, 1948. The match attracted a crowd of around 5,000 many of whom had not seen women play cricket before. Among the distinguished guests were the Governor General, the Bishop of Brisbane, the Assistant Bishop of Colombo -the Reverend Lakdasa de Mel, the Yuvaraj and Yuvaranee of Kutch and Sir Richard Aluwihare.
The well known cricket writer, SP Foenander, provided the broadcast commentary.
The English team consisted of: Molly Hyde (Capt.), Miss Rheinberger, Nacy Joy, Grace Morgan, Mary Duggan, Betty Birch, Dorothy McEroy, Mary Johnson, Megan Lowe, Nancy Wheelan,
The Ceylon team consisted of Miss O Turner (Capt.), Miss Enid (Gilly) Fernando, Miss C Hutton, Miss S Gaddum, Shirley Thomas, Marienne Adihetty, Beverley Roberts, Pat Weinman, Leela Abeykoon, Binthan Noordeen
Reserves: Mrs D H Swan & Mrs E G Joseph. Umpires: W S Findall and H E W De Zylva.
There is on record a previous match, played by a visiting English women’s cricket team in Colombo. However, they played against a team consisting mainly of wives of European Planters and no Ceylonese were included.
Beverley Roberts, 16 years old Leela Abeykoon and Phyllis De Silva were from St John’s Panadura which was the first girl’s school to play cricket. Their coach was G C Roberts (older brother of Michael Roberts). Marienne Adihetty was from Galle and her brother played for Richmond College. Binthan Noordeen was from Ladies College. She is the granddaughter of M.C. Amoo one of the best Malay cricketers of former days, who took a team from Ceylon to Bombay in 1910. Binthan was a teacher at Ladies College at the time and also excelled in hockey, netball and tennis. Pat Weinman is the daughter of Jeff Weinman, a former Nondescripts cricketer.
The team was mainly coached by S. Saravanamuttu with others such as S J Campbell helping. The arrangements were made by the Board of Control of Cricket headed by P Saravanamuttu. Though the match itself was one sided with the Ceylon women cricketers beaten decisively, the Ceylon team impressed the visitors by their gallant display, after less than two months of practice as a team. The English team won the toss and batted first. Molly Slide the captain scored a century in a fine display of batting. The captain of the Ceylon team Mrs Hutton took six wickets for 43.
(Michael Roberts Thuppahi blog)
Dr. Srilal Fernando in Melbourne, reproducing an essay that appeared originally in The CEYLANKAN, a quarterly produced by the Ceylon Research Society in Australia.
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