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Big power brinkmanship and that elusive ship in Red Sea

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By Lasanda Kurukulasuriya

There appears to be confusion over diverse reports on the deployment of a Sri Lanka Navy ship in the Red Sea, to participate in a US-led military operation against Houthi ship attacks. President Ranil Wickemesinghe has remarked on this mission at various events, but it is still not clear whether a vessel is to be sent, has already been sent, or will not be sent.

Over the past several weeks, media reports have conveyed that:

– The Red Sea deployment to join the US-led “Operation Prosperity Guardian” is unlikely, as none of the Offshore Patrol Vessels in service with the SLN are equipped to operate in a missile environment (The Island 07.02.24)

– No ship has still been sent (The Sunday Times 18.02.24 citing a foreign ministry source)

– At a TV panel discussion on ‘Sovereignty, geopolitics and citizens’ on 28.02 24, none of the panelists referred to a ship having been dispatched on this mission, although the subject came up. Had such an event transpired, it’s unlikely that none on that panel had learnt of it (TV1 News1st 28.02.24, Face the Nation)

– That same day US ambassador Julie Chung at an Indian Ocean Conference organised by the Pathfinder Foundation said: “We have donated 3 former US Coast Guard Cutters to Sri Lanka’s Navy and provided a variety of other security assistance. We recently witnessed SL addressing global challenges head-on, and broadening its role on the world stage, by sending one of those donated Cutters to support Operation Prosperity Guardian that the president mentioned. The Sri Lankan Navy joined a multinational coalition of naval vessels in the Red Sea, Gulf of Aden and the Arabian Sea from over a dozen countries, to help safeguard the freedom of navigation and protect the busy sea lanes of commercial ship traffic from Houthi attacks.” (TV1 News1st 9pm English news 28.02.24)

Given that there has been no credible confirmation of the status of this mission for two months, it would appear the ambassador was taking her cue from remarks by the president at the conference, where he’s on record saying that “The freedom of navigation has led us now, to take part in the Operation Prosperity Guardian in the Red Sea.”

Thereafter The Island on 01.03.24 reported that there will be ‘No Red Sea deployment.’ It said: “Contradicting a claim made by US Ambassador Julie Chung the previous day, authoritative sources denied the deployment of an Offshore Patrol Vessel (OPV) in support of operation ‘Prosperity Guardian’ in the Red Sea to combat Houthis.” The report cited sources saying that two OPVs, SLNS Sayura (P 620) and SLNS Gajabahu (P 626) had been deployed on a special several weeks long mission in the Arabian Sea, on an anti-narcotic operation. SLNS Gajabahu had returned to Colombo whereas SLNS Sayura was on its way back.

Protecting economic interests

At two subsequent events however, President Wickremesinghe, who is Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces, again asserted the intention to participate in the US-led military operation. At a SLAF Cadets Commissioning ceremony held at Trincomalee Airbase on 29.02.24 he reportedly said “Our security forces have played a significant role in safeguarding the state of Mali from terrorism, earning appreciation from others for their efforts. In the event of our economic rights being compromised in the Red Sea, we are steadfast in our commitment to protecting them. Consequently, should issues arise concerning regional or global peace, we pledge to extend the necessary support to the United Nations Organization.” (President’s Media Division, translation)

The next day (01.03.24) at the SLN Fleet Review at Trincomalee Harbour, he asserted: “It is imperative that we prevent any harm to our economic endeavours in the Indian Ocean. Furthermore, we have made arrangements to deploy our navy for the security of the Red Sea. Recalling the adverse effects of the closure of the Suez Canal during the 1967 Israeli-Arab war, which halted operations at the Colombo port for a decade, underscores the necessity of safeguarding the Indian Ocean. .. I am confident that our navy will effectively undertake this responsibility in the future. (PMD, translation)

The president has made some points justifying participation in the Red Sea military operations against Houthis. One was, protecting Sri Lanka’s economic interests that would be harmed by disruption of trade transiting the vital sea channel. But is the comparison with the 1967 closure of the Suez Canal and its impact on Colombo Port, relevant in the present context? The SL Ports Authority remarked that more ships were calling in Colombo Port owing to the need to take the longer route around Africa. SLPA chairman Keith Bernard reportedly said that container volumes at the SLPA owned terminal had seen an 80% growth. One way or another, given the volatility of the situation the long term outcome would seem unpredictable.

The resolve to protect Sri Lanka’s ‘economic rights’ in the far-away Red Sea also draws attention to economic deprivation nearer home, where Northern fishermen are protesting their loss of livelihood owing to the longstanding issue of poaching by Indian fishermen in Sri Lankan waters (not to mention severe degradation of the marine environment that continues unabated).Wouldn’t this be a more immediate task relating to ‘preventing harm to our economic endeavours in the Indian Ocean?’

Regional and global peace

At Trincomalee Airbase, the president referred to the significant role of Sri Lankans participating in UN Peacekeeping operations in Mali, an African state fighting terrorism, and pledged to extend Sri Lanka’s support to the UN on issues concerning regional or global peace. The ongoing military exercise against Houthis in the Red Sea however is not a UN operation, as in the case of Mali, but a campaign initiated by the US with a few allies. The Houthis say they are targeting ships linked to Israel in protest against its war on Gaza, and that they will stop their attacks no sooner Israel ends its onslaught.

The president has, at the same time, supported the call for a ceasefire in Gaza and statehood for Palestine, and made other sympathetic statements and moves such as setting up a ‘Children of Gaza Fund’ in aid of the war-affected children. But with the US facilitating the carnage in Gaza by continuing to supply arms to Israel, and vetoing Security Council resolutions for a humanitarian ceasefire, it is difficult to reconcile these sentiments with his eagerness to respond to the US call. Many analysts are of the view that the US-UK led strikes in the Red Sea are escalating the war, not helping to end it.

The US meanwhile having seen the ‘cracks in the armour’ of Sri Lanka’s professed Non Alignment, has lost no time pushing for deeper maritime and defence ties, in a location that has become a geopolitical flashpoint in the context of big power rivalry. US Deputy Secretary of State Richard Verma during a Feb 23-24 visit to Sri Lanka announced the donation of a fourth Coast Guard Cutter to the SL Navy.

“Very, very grateful for your leadership and participating in the “Operation Prosperity Guardian,” the efforts in the Red Sea,” he told the president. “Just again excited about the prospect of contributing to further ties, whether on maritime domain awareness, whether on counter terrorism training, whatever area we can do together to strengthen the peace, security and stability of the Indian Ocean region.”

It’s of interest that he also visited the West Container Terminal of Colombo Port, for the expansion of which the US recently announced a US$553 million loan through its International Development Finance Corporation. The fact that this finance is supplied to the Adani group which holds a 51% stake in the project has been downplayed in US communications. When the IDFC loan was announced ft.com reported “The US will lend $553mn for the development of a container terminal in Sri Lanka operated by Indian tycoon Gautam Adani as Washington works to counter China’s influence in the country.”

It should not be forgotten that India is designated a ‘major defence partner’ of the US – advancing defence trade and technology sharing with India ‘to a level at par with that of the United States’ closest allies and partners,’ according to a joint statement issued at the time. Sri Lanka has signed numerous agreements with India, with little transparency, in vital sectors that could radically alter the economic landscape in years ahead, potentially worsening the asymmetry in the Indo-Lanka power balance.

Ambassador Chung also attended the signing of an MoU between the US National Nuclear Security Administration and the Sri Lanka Navy at the Navy Headquarters on 28.02.24. According to an SLN statement “The MoU addressed bilateral cooperation to detect and interdict illicit trafficking in special nuclear material and other radioactive material through technical and methodological cooperation, including the installation and improvement of technical systems for the detection and identification of such material at border crossing control points of the democratic socialist republic of Sri Lanka.” ‘Border crossing control points’ would presumably refer to the country’s ports and airports, key strategic assets for any country.



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The challenge of being positive about SAARC

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The RCSS forum addressed by SAARC Secretary General Ambassador Md. Golam Sarwar in progress. (Pic courtesy RCSS)

It was a few years back that a former President of Sri Lanka took it on himself to pronounce SAARC ‘dead’. Since then there have been other sections of Sri Lankan opinion that have joined the critics of SAARC and taken the solemn stance that SAARC has indeed died what may be called a natural death.

Their fatalism is understandable. SAARC has failed to meet at heads of government or state level for the past several years to take the SAARC process notably forward. Regional cooperation has more or less been only an appealing idea. No substantive concrete projects have taken off to make the idea a hard reality. ‘Inner paralysis’ seems to be SAARC’s lot. Hence the fatalism in these circles.

However, being one of the worst cash-strapped regions of the world and a teemingly populated one with people virtually left to their devices, what choices do the ‘SAARC Eight’ have other than to try their best to band together and continue with their cooperation efforts, however small they may be?

There is no escaping the mounting debt trap for many of these countries and bankrupt Sri Lanka is a glaring example, but ‘throwing in the towel’ and abandoning themselves entirely to the diktats of the strongest economies and their agencies will prove a ‘living death’ for many countries in the SAARC fold.

The gains may be meagre but giving-up on SAARC cooperation in full would prove self-defeating for the organization and South Asia. Right now, the collective intention ought to be to salvage what the region could from the tenuous cooperative efforts. Moreover, such initiatives could go some distance to generate a degree of goodwill among the Eight and help in sustaining a dialogue process.

Given this backdrop it proved ‘a stich in time’ for the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies (RCSS), Colombo, to recently host the SAARC Secretary General Ambassador Md. Golam Sarwar to a round table discussion on the unifying potential of SAARC and its future possibilities, besides other related issue areas.

Held on June 24th and moderated by RCSS Executive Director and former ambassador Ravinatha Aryasinha, the forum brought together a vibrant, wide ranging audience comprising academicians, diplomats, senior public servants, civil society activists and many others. Following the presentation by Ambassador Golam Sarwar titled, ‘Reigniting SAARC: Achievements, Challenges and the Way Ahead’, a lively Q&A followed.

The above forum could be described as an act of lighting the proverbial ‘candle’ rather than ‘cursing the darkness.’ It surely is a ‘darkness’ that could be seen as daunting considering that the region’s pivotal powers, India and Pakistan, are failing to act in a spirit of accord but are engaged in bitter finger-pointing on a number of questions of vital importance to SAARC.

On the other hand, what is the rest of the region doing to bring the above sides together? It is disappointing that to date the rest of SAARC has failed to launch a major diplomatic drive to bring peace between the feuding regional heavyweights. It needs to act without delay and establish its earnestness and this effort would need to prove SAARC’s staying power in the unfolding months and even years.

In assessing SAARC’s seeming failure local opinion in particular has failed to factor in what could be described as weak leadership. Since Sheikh Mujibur Rahman of Bangladesh, the founding father of SAARC, the region has failed to produce a visionary leader who could advance the SAARC cause with charisma and drive.

Among other reasons, weak leadership accounts considerably for the faltering and stuttering status, as it were, of SAARC. Badly needed are leaders who could go the extra mile, think less of narrow national interests and work diligently towards the collective well being of the region but SAARC’s millions of ordinary people have been made to wait in vain for leaders of such stature. Instead, they have been burdened with politicians who seem to be relishing the apparently moribund state of SAARC.

Looking back, it could be said that it was the dynamic leadership factor that led to the launching of the Non-Aligned Movement and for its sustenance for a few decades. True, it could be seen in some quarters that NAM is no more, but as in the case of SAARC, the former too has been unfortunate to be burdened over the years with politicians who lack the vision and drive to unflaggingly advance the fortunes of the South. NAM and SAARC lack the dynamism and vision of leaders of the stature of Jawaharlal Nehru, for example, to give them the required guidance and intellectual depth.

The reasons are complex for there not being among us currently political leaders with the vision and the steadfast commitment to advance the legitimate interests of the South. However, it could be stated with conviction that the majority of Southern leaders have too easily caved in to the demands of the global North and its financial agencies.

These leaders have failed to see, for instance, that the largely market economy oriented Northern governments would not view with favour a centrist economic model that attaches priority to the interests of the dis-empowered publics of the South. This realization ought to have dawned on the current government in Sri Lanka, for instance, some while ago but it has no choice but to abide by IMF dictates since economic survival at present is unthinkable without the latter’s succour.

Accordingly for SAARC this should be the time for some soul-searching. Priority needs to be attached to ending the feuding between India and Pakistan since at present the material fortunes of the region hinge largely on these regional giants giving peaceful relations among them a try. This is no easy challenge to meet but some daring, visionary diplomacy needs to take hold among the rest of SAARC.

There is some sense in SAARC bringing the peoples of the region together through programs that address their best collective interests. A meeting of minds among SAARC nations could enable SAARC and its agencies to build a region-wide people’s movement for progressive political and economic change that could in turn lead to the region’s political leaders sensitizing themselves more to the neglected needs of their publics.

However, the time is ‘now’ for the initiation of these progressive changes and the voice of SAARC well wishers would need to drown out those of their critics.

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OPA seminar examines Sri Lanka’s economic recovery, resilience and growth pathways

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(L to R) Dr Achinthya Koswatte, Anushan Kapilan, Dr Harsha Aturupane, Bhanu Wijeyaratne, Vice President, OPA and moderator of the discussion, and Eng Chamil Edirimuny, General Secretary, OPA, at the head table.

A seminar, “Sri Lanka’s Economic Crossroads: Navigating Recovery, Resilience and Growth” was recently held by the Organisation of Professional Associations of Sri Lanka (OPA) at the OPA Auditorium, bringing together economists, OPA members, and professionals from diverse fields for an insightful discussion on Sri Lanka’s economic recovery and future growth prospects.

The event was held under the patronage of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA, and was jointly organised by the National Issues Committee (NIC) and the Seminars, Workshops and Programmes Committee of the OPA. The event reaffirmed the organisation’s commitment to advancing professional excellence, fostering insightful intellectual engagement, facilitating interdisciplinary knowledge exchange and creating a constructive platform for informed dialogue on issues of national importance.

The panel of speakers comprised Dr. Harsha Aturupane, Lead Economist and Programme Leader for Human Development at the World Bank for Sri Lanka and the Maldives; Dr. Achinthya Koswatta, Senior Lecturer in Economics at the Open University of Sri Lanka, and Anushan Kapilan, Lead Economist at Verité Research.

In his welcome address, the President of the OPA emphasised that Sri Lanka was at a critical juncture in its economic recovery journey where sustained reforms, effective implementation, and collective national commitment are essential to achieving long-term stability, resilience and inclusive growth. He noted that the country had experienced one of the most severe economic crises in its history with the economy contracting by 7.8 percent in 2022 and a further 11.5 percent in 2023, resulting in significant economic and social challenges.

Delivering his introductory remarks Bhanu Wijeyaratne, Vice President of the OPA and Chairman of the National Issues Committee, underscored the need to move beyond short-term economic stabilisation towards a comprehensive agenda of structural transformation. He observed that the economic crisis had revealed deep-rooted weaknesses within the economy, including persistent fiscal pressures, rising public debt, foreign exchange limitations, and insufficient diversification of the export base. He stressed that addressing these challenges through strategic reforms, institutional strengthening and long-term economic planning would be essential to establishing a more resilient and competitive economy.

While acknowledging recent positive developments, including improved inflation management, tourism recovery and signs of economic stabilisation, Wijeyaratne stressed the need to advance reforms aimed at strengthening fiscal discipline, enhancing productivity, improving competitiveness, developing human capital and reinforcing governance and institutional effectiveness.

He further highlighted the important role of professionals, businesses, academia and other stakeholders in contributing to evidence-based dialogue and supporting Sri Lanka’s journey towards a resilient, inclusive and sustainable economic future.

Delivering the keynote presentation, Dr. Harsha Aturupane provided a comprehensive assessment of Sri Lanka’s economic prospects within the broader context of global economic transformation. He argued that Sri Lanka functioned as a small open economy whose performance is significantly influenced by developments in the global marketplace. External factors could not be controlled, and the country must strengthen its domestic capacity and resilience to respond effectively to international economic shifts, he noted.

Tracing the evolution of global economic systems, Dr. Aturupane highlighted the transition from ideological divisions between state-controlled and market-oriented economies towards increasingly pragmatic approaches focused on growth, competitiveness and development. He noted that Sri Lanka’s own economic journey reflects a similar evolution, with contemporary policy debates now centred on practical solutions for sustainable economic progress.

The presentation also examined the transformative impact of globalisation. Dr. Aturupane observed that global economic integration had enabled several East Asian economies, including South Korea, Singapore, Taiwan and Hong Kong, to achieve remarkable economic advancement through export-led growth strategies. Sri Lanka similarly benefited from this process through the expansion of its apparel industry and increased integration into global value chains.

Turning to Sri Lanka’s recovery programme, Dr. Aturupane emphasised that the ongoing stabilisation process should be viewed as a national programme supported by the International Monetary Fund rather than solely as an IMF initiative. He observed that strong worker remittances, improved tourism earnings, enhanced government revenue mobilisation and prudent import management have contributed significantly to economic stabilisation.

Despite this progress, he cautioned that rebuilding foreign exchange reserves and meeting future debt obligations remain major challenges. He underscored the need to strengthen export performance, attract investment and generate sustainable foreign exchange earnings to ensure long-term economic resilience.

The discussion also focused on monetary stability, inflation management and exchange-rate policy. Dr. Aturupane stressed that maintaining price stability was fundamental to sustainable growth and household welfare, while sound monetary policy remains essential for preserving economic confidence.

Looking beyond stabilisation, he argued that Sri Lanka must transition towards a broader economic transformation agenda. Sustainable growth, he noted, will depend on expanding productive capacity through investment, technological advancement, innovation, skills development and structural reforms.

Among the key constraints identified was the high cost of energy, which continues to affect competitiveness and investment attractiveness. Dr. Aturupane emphasised the importance of improving efficiency and affordability within the energy sector to enhance Sri Lanka’s business environment.

He further highlighted the social dimensions of the crisis, noting the rise in poverty and economic vulnerability among households. Strengthening social protection systems and ensuring inclusive growth, he argued, must remain central components of the national development agenda.

Another critical challenge identified was Sri Lanka’s demographic transition. With an ageing population, outward migration and evolving labour market dynamics, the country is increasingly confronting labour shortages in several sectors. Dr. Aturupane suggested that greater automation, increased labour-force participation and strategic workforce planning would be necessary to address these emerging realities.

Concluding his presentation, he emphasised the need to improve governance, strengthen institutions, enhance competitiveness and create an enabling environment for private sector investment. Sri Lanka’s future success, he noted, will depend on its ability to move decisively beyond crisis management towards a development model founded on resilience, innovation, productivity and inclusive growth.

Dr. Achinthya Koswatta reiterated the importance of policy consistency and predictability in fostering investment and industrial development. She observed that frequent policy changes create uncertainty and discourage long-term investment decisions, whereas stable and coherent policy frameworks build confidence and support sustainable economic transformation.

Meanwhile, Anushan Kapilan highlighted the substantial progress achieved in restoring macroeconomic stability following the recent crisis. He noted significant improvements in fiscal performance, including increased government revenue, reduced reliance on debt financing and a historically low fiscal deficit.

He further observed that public debt levels are declining faster than anticipated, economic growth has exceeded expectations and inflation has been brought under control more rapidly than forecast. Nevertheless, he cautioned that the recovery remains uneven, particularly within the industrial sector and that many households have yet to experience a meaningful improvement in living standards.

The seminar was expertly coordinated by Eng. Chamil Edirimuni, Vice President of the OPA and Chairman of the Seminars, Workshops and Programmes Committee, while the technical moderation and interactive discussion session were facilitated by Bhanu Wijeyaratne, Vice President of the OPA and Chairman of the National Issues Committee.

The event was attended by Tisara De Silva, President-Elect of the OPA, Eng. Ravi Rupasinghe, General Secretary, Past Presidents, members of the Executive Council, representatives of the General Forum and professionals representing a wide range of disciplines.

The seminar concluded with a vibrant exchange of ideas and perspectives, reaffirming the importance of evidence-based policy dialogue, institutional collaboration and collective national commitment in advancing Sri Lanka’s economic recovery, resilience and sustainable growth.

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Her roots run deep in Sri Lanka

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Samantha Kay: Now based in the UK Samantha’s biggest passion is helping people, especially women, build confidence and believe in themselves Today, her focus is on radio, podcasting and coaching women Whenever she visits Sri Lanka, she says she loves spending time on the beautiful south coast, especially Hikkaduwa and Mirissa She released a song with 90s music icon Angie Brown, which reached No. 9 in the UK Club Charts

Yes, for UK-based presenter and artiste Samantha Kay, home is where the heart – and the roots – are. And her roots run deep in Sri Lanka.

In an exclusive interview with The Island, Samantha says “I’m proud to be Sri Lankan. My mum is from Kandy and my dad is from Colombo, so Sri Lanka has always held a very special place in my heart.

“Whenever I visit Sri Lanka, I love spending time on the beautiful south coast, especially Hikkaduwa and Mirissa. It’s somewhere I always feel connected to my roots and completely at peace.”

Now living in Bournemouth, on the south coast of England, where, she says, she is lucky to be close to some of the UK’s most beautiful beaches, including the iconic Sandbanks, Samantha has built a career that refuses to fit into one box.

She is a radio presenter, podcast host, singer-songwriter, personal trainer and life coach.

“I genuinely love the variety because every role allows me to connect with people and, hopefully, make a positive difference in someone’s day.”

Of course, music has taken her far.

One of her proudest achievements, she says, was releasing a song with 90s music icon Angie Brown, which reached No. 9 in the UK Club Charts.

She also reached the final stages of The X Factor and performed at Wembley Stadium in front of thousands.

Beyond music, Samantha competed in bikini bodybuilding across the UK, winning several titles. “It taught me discipline, resilience and self-belief,” she recalls.

Today, her focus is on radio, podcasting and coaching women. Her podcast encourages people to live life on their own terms rather than feeling pressured to follow society’s expectations.

Says Samantha: “Whether someone is single, changing careers, travelling solo or simply trying to find their purpose, I want them to know that it’s never too late to create a life that feels authentic. If you’ve ever felt like you don’t fit into the box, maybe you were never meant to.”

Samantha Kay also spent a year in Dubai, performing at five-star hotels, including FIVE, and coaching at the iconic outdoor gym on Palm Jumeirah.

“I taught strength and conditioning classes, and hosted wellness retreats, combining my passion for music, health and inspiring others.”

However, with family matters calling her back to the UK, she made the choice to return. “Family comes first,” she says.

Looking ahead, Samantha plans to grow her radio and podcast work, release more music, and expand her wellness retreats.

“My biggest passion is helping people, especially women, build confidence and believe in themselves,” she says.

“Wherever my career takes me, I hope to continue inspiring others to live with courage, kindness and authenticity, while never forgetting my Sri Lankan roots.”

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