Features
Behind the Scenes of the 1987 UN Human Rights Resolution on Sri Lanka: Power, Politics, and Diplomacy
In March 1987, the Commission on Human Rights (CHR) convened in Geneva at a time when Sri Lanka was under mounting international scrutiny over its human rights record. The 1983 communal riots, which saw widespread anti-Tamil violence, triggered an exodus of Tamils—some to India as direct victims, and many others to countries like Canada, the UK, Australia, and the U.S. Over the next few years, this growing Tamil diaspora transformed into a potent political force, actively lobbying their host governments and legislators.
By 1987, their efforts had culminated in a concerted campaign by the Western European and Others Group (WEOG), led by Canada, to introduce a resolution targeting Sri Lanka’s human rights situation. What began as a domestic ethnic crisis had by then escalated into a global diplomatic battle. With diaspora communities pressing elected representatives, particularly in Canada, the UK, and the U.S., these Western governments were compelled to act, often out of political expediency. The Tamil diaspora’s influence in constituencies with swing voters made Sri Lanka’s internal conflict a priority in capitals far from Colombo.
It was against this backdrop that Sri Lanka dispatched a high-level delegation to Geneva. Although Harry Jayewardene—a respected legal luminary and elder brother of President J.R. Jayewardene—was designated as the head of the delegation, his failing health meant he played a supervisory role in Geneva. In practice, the delegation was led by Ambassador Jayantha Dhanapala, Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative to the UN Office in Geneva, with critical support from Dr. Hiran Jayewardene, mission staff and officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, including the writer.
By that time. Dr. Hiran Jayewardene had amassed considerable experience in negotiations, having played a pivotal role in completing negotiations that culminated in the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). During the initial weeks of the session, there was little sign that a resolution on the situation in Sri Lanka would materialize. However, on the very last day earmarked for submission of draft resolutions, the Argentinian delegation unexpectedly tabled one. This raised eyebrows. Why would a distant Latin American country lead such an initiative on Sri Lanka?
The answer lay in geopolitics. Argentina’s action was reportedly at India’s behest, whose relations with Sri Lanka were not ideal due to its unwavering position on the ethnic issue. During that period, India was deeply involved in finding a negotiated solution between the Sri Lankan government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) following the failed 1985 Thimphu talks. India, already suspicious of President Jayewardene’s Western tilt, and what designs he had for the Trincomalee Harbour, was looking for leverage.
Argentina, aggrieved over Sri Lanka’s vote with the UK against the General Assembly resolution 37/9 on the ‘Question of the Falkland Islands (Malvinas)’ -part of a bloc mockingly dubbed the “Gang of 12” – provided a convenient proxy, was not too difficult to be persuaded to play the lead role in presenting the draft resolution on the human rights situation in Sri Lanka.
This move exposed the true nature of the Council on Human Rights (CHR): a body vulnerable to political manipulation. Although the resolution was presented as a response to human rights violations, many observers recognized that it was equally about punishing geopolitical dissent and appeasing the Tamil Diaspora, whose representatives played a significant role within the Palais de Nations.
As soon as the draft resolution was submitted, the atmosphere in Geneva became electrified. There was frantic lobbying from both sides. The sponsors of the resolution—mainly Western nations—attempted to pass it by consensus, giving it greater moral authority. Sri Lanka, meanwhile, was determined to prevent that outcome. Ambassador Dhanapala led intensive negotiations, supported by constant communications with Colombo. President J R Jayewardene was in regular contact with his brother Harry. In one tense call, JR reportedly threatened to withdraw Sri Lanka from the United Nations altogether if the resolution passed. Harry, demonstrating his pragmatic instincts, counselled against such a drastic step.
In the final hours, Ambassador Amadou-Mahtar Bow Sene of Senegal, representing the African Group, played a pivotal mediating role. His tireless efforts helped modify the resolution’s language, removing particularly objectionable clauses and making it palatable enough for Sri Lanka to tolerate—though not support. Notably, Sri Lanka refused to co- sponsor the resolution, unlike its approach in 2015 when it did so voluntarily, if not foolishly.
Thus, the first-ever human rights resolution on Sri Lanka was adopted by consensus, but only after high-stakes diplomacy, considerable compromise, and backroom dealing. It was a bitter pill to swallow, but arguably a strategic win for the Sri Lankan delegation, which succeeded in diluting the text and avoiding isolation.
Following the adoption of the resolution, Dr. J. S. Teja, India’s Permanent Representative to the UN in Geneva, delivered a statement in which he expressed satisfaction with the outcome and justified the resolution on the grounds of legitimate international concern. His tone, described by observers as self-congratulatory and assertive, provoked a swift and poignant reaction from Sri Lanka’s Ambassador Jayantha Dhanapala.
In what was later described as a moment of mixed bravado and emotional vulnerability, Ambassador Dhanapala delivered a powerful rebuttal that reflected both disappointment and resolve. He reminded the session that Sri Lanka had been subjected to a highly politicized campaign and warned against allowing multilateral human rights mechanisms to become tools of coercion. Dr. Hiran Jayewardene supported Ambassador Dhanapala by providing vital information to frame his verbal response.
This diplomatic exchange was a defining moment of the 1987 session. It illustrated the raw political undercurrents at play and the courage of smaller nations trying to defend their sovereignty in an increasingly polarized global arena. Ironically, the same mechanism used to criticize Sri Lanka in 1987 came full circle the following year. In 1988, India—having deployed the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) into Sri Lanka under the Indo-Lanka Accord of 1987—faced allegations of human rights violations related to its engagement with the LTTE. Armed clashes between the IPKF and the Tigers escalated quickly, resulting in civilian casualties and international criticism alleging serious human rights breaches in the Northern and Eastern provinces.
During the 1988 CHR session in Geneva, the Indian delegation found itself on the defensive.
In a remarkable twist of diplomacy, India approached the Sri Lankan delegation for assistance in deflecting criticism, just a year after allegedly orchestrating a resolution highlighting human rights violations by Sri Lanka. This reversal highlighted the fluid nature of alliances in multilateral forums and how human rights mechanisms can be used—or exploited—for political purposes.
The episode provides valuable lessons. Firstly, it shows how international human rights bodies are not immune to influence from power politics. While their mandates are based on universal values, the machinery often advances the strategic interests of powerful states. For India in 1987, the CHR was a tool to pressure Sri Lanka into settling with Tamil rebels and to push Colombo away from Washington’s orbit. For the West, it was a response to domestic diaspora pressures and Cold War alignments.
Second, it highlighted the essential role of capable, composed, and strategic diplomatic engagement. Harry Jayewardene had direct access to President Jayewardene and the ability to persuade him that Sri Lanka could only go so far and no further. Under Ambassador Dhanapala’s skillful leadership, the Sri Lanka delegation succeeded in avoiding a more severe outcome and in defending the country’s sovereignty while engaging with the CHR constructively.
Finally, it raised lasting questions about the impartiality and consistency of the international human rights system. The very nations that lead crusades in one session might find themselves in the dock in the next. The human rights discourse, as noble as it may be, must not be hijacked by opportunistic statecraft.
In today’s environment—where the Human Rights Council remains a battleground for political influence—Sri Lanka’s experience in 1987 stays highly relevant. Policymakers must recognize how global narratives on human rights connect with domestic vulnerabilities and geopolitical interests. To navigate this landscape, Sri Lanka needs to combine principled engagement with strategic realism—lessons drawn not from theory, but from lived experience in the diplomatic trenches of Geneva.
by a Special Correspondent ✍️
Features
Silence of the majority keeps West Asian conflict raging
With no military quick-fix in sight to the ongoing, convoluted West Asian conflict it ought to be clear to the rationally inclined that there is no other way to a solution to the blood-letting other than through a negotiated one. Unfortunately, there are not many takers the world over for such an approach.
Consequently the war rages on incurring the gravest human costs to all relevant sides. Whereas it should be obvious to the Trump administration that Iran wouldn’t be backing down any time soon from its position of taking on the US frontally and with the required military competence in the Hormuz Strait and adjacent regions, the US demonstrates a stubbornness to persist with war strategies that are showing no quick, positive results on the ground.
Clearly, the virtual ‘lock down within a lock down’ situation in the Strait is not proving beneficial for either party. Instead, the spilling of civilian blood in particular continues with unsettling regularity along with an all-encompassing economic crisis that carries a staggering material toll for ordinary people all over the world.
From this viewpoint it is commendable for Pakistan to offer itself as a peace mediator and go ‘the extra mile’ to keep the principal parties engaged in some sort of negotiatory process. But its efforts need to win greater support from the world community. It is a time for peace-makers the world over to stand up and be counted.
It is also a time for straight-talking. To his glowing credit Pope Leo XIV is doing just that and he is the only religious head worldwide to do so. Very rightly he has called on President Trump to end the war through negotiations and described it as ‘unjust’ and ‘a scandal to humanity’.
May this crucial cause be taken up by more and more world leaders, is this columnist’s wish. Instead of speaking fatalistically about a ‘Third World War’, decision and policy makers and commentators, and these are found in plenty in Sri Lanka as well, would do better to help in drumming-up support for a peaceful solution and the latter is within the realms of the possible.
Incidentally, the commonplace definition of the phrase ‘World War’ is quite contentious and it would be premature to speak forebodingly about one right now. The fissures within the West on the Middle East conflict alone rule out the possibility of a ‘World War’ occurring any time soon.
Instead, it would be preferable for the international community, under the aegis of the UN, to take the ‘straight and narrow’ path to a peaceful solution. As implied, this path is no easy avenue; it is cluttered with obstacles that only doughty peace makers could take on and clear.
However, the path to a negotiated peace is worth taking and no less a power than the US should know this. After all, the US ‘bled white’ in Vietnam and had to bow out of the conflict, realizing the futility of pursuing a military solution. A similar lesson should have been learned by Russia which bled futilely in Afghanistan. It too is in an unwinnable situation in Ukraine.
The Pope’s observations to President Trump on negotiating peace have earned for him some snarls and growls of criticism but with time these critics would realize that peace could come only by peaceful means and not through ‘the barrel of a gun.’
For far too long the ‘silent majority’ of the world has allowed politicians to take the sole initiative on working towards peaceful solutions to conflicts and wars. As could be seen, the results have been disastrous. The majority of politicians speak the language of Realpolitik only and this tendency runs contrary to the ways of the selfless peace maker.
Power, which is the essence of Realpolitik, and peace are generally at loggerheads in the real world. Power and self-aggrandizement have to be shelved in the pursuit of durable peace anywhere and it is a pity that the likes of Donald Trump and his team are yet to realize this.
At this juncture the ‘peace constituency’ or the silent majority would need to take centre stage and play their rightful role as the ‘Conscience of the World’. If the latter begins to take on the cause of peace in earnest everywhere, the politicians would have no choice but to pay heed to their cause and take it up, since a contrary course would earn for them public displeasure and votes.
An immediate challenge would be for the ‘peace constituency’ to come together and act as one. Right now, such a coordinating role could be played effectively by only the UN and its agencies. Practical problems are likely to get in the way but these need to be managed insightfully and resourcefully by all stakeholders to peace.
In fact the time couldn’t be more appropriate for the backers of peace to come together and work as one. Right now, economic pressures are increasing worldwide and no less a public than that in the US is beginning to feel them in a major, crushing way.
Going ahead the US public, along with other polities, would find the economic consequences of war to be intolerable. There would be no choice but for governments and peoples to champion peace. Peace makers would need to ‘strike while the iron is hot.’
The success of the above endeavours hinges on the importance humans attach to their consciences. The danger about prolonged wars is that they deaden consciences; particularly those of politicians. The latter deaden their consciences to the extent that they prove impervious to the pain and suffering wars incur.
Thus, the ‘peace constituency’ has its work cut out; it cannot rest assured that politicians would prove sensitive to their demands. The latter would need to be constantly dinned into the hearts and minds of politicians and decision-makers if peaceful solutions to conflicts are to be arrived at.
Likewise, the publics of war-torn countries would need to demand the activation and sustaining of accountability processes with regard to those sections that are suspected of committing war crimes and like atrocities. Those publics that cease to demand accountability from powerful sections among them which are faced with war-time atrocity charges are as good as condemning themselves to lives of permanent dis-empowerment and enslavement.
Features
Don’t take the baby: In the quiet night, mother always returns

Chaminda Jayasekara
There is a particular stillness in Sri Lanka’s forests, after dusk — a kind of hushed expectancy where shadows lengthen, cicadas soften their chorus, and the night begins to breathe in its own rhythm. It is a world that does not reveal itself easily. You have to wait for it. You have to listen.
And then, suddenly, you see them — a pair of luminous, unblinking eyes suspended in the dark.
The Grey Slender Loris, or unahapuluwa, emerges, not with drama, but with quiet precision. Small, slow-moving, and almost impossibly delicate, it is one of Sri Lanka’s most enigmatic nocturnal primates — a creature that has survived millennia by mastering the art of stillness.
Yet, during these months — from late March through July — the forests hold a more tender story. It is the breeding season of the slender loris, and with it comes a scene that is often misunderstood by those who encounter it for the first time: a tiny infant, alone on a branch, barely three inches long, its fragile body silhouetted against the night.

Grey Slender Loris with twin babies
To many, it appears to be a moment of abandonment.
To nature, it is a moment of trust.
“People often act out of compassion, but without understanding what they are seeing,” explains Chaminda Jayasekara of the University of Hertfordshire. “A baby loris left alone is not necessarily in danger. In fact, it is part of a natural process that is critical for its survival.”
According to Jayasekara, when a baby loris is about a month old, the mother begins a remarkable routine. As darkness settles, she gently places her infant on a secure branch and moves off into the forest to forage. Her journey can take her hundreds of metres away — sometimes close to 800 metres — as she searches for insects and other small prey.
In those hours of solitude, the infant is not abandoned. It is learning.
Clinging to the branch, it begins to explore its immediate surroundings. Tentatively, almost hesitantly, it reaches out — testing balance, grip, and instinct. It may attempt to catch tiny insects, mimicking behaviours it will one day rely on entirely. This is its first classroom, and the forest its only teacher.
“Those early nights are crucial,” Jayasekara says. “The baby is developing motor skills, coordination, and the ability to interact with its environment. These are things that cannot be replicated in captivity.”
And yet, this is precisely where human intervention often disrupts the process.
Across rural and even semi-urban Sri Lanka, stories circulate of well-meaning individuals who come across a lone baby loris and assume the worst. Driven by concern, they pick it up, take it home, or attempt to hand-rear it — believing they are saving a life.

Grey Slender Loris
But the reality is far more complex — and far more tragic.
“When a baby is removed unnecessarily, it loses something fundamental,” Jayasekara emphasises. “It loses the chance to learn how to survive in the wild. Without that, even if it survives in the short term, its long-term prospects are extremely poor.”
The forest, after all, is not just a habitat. It is a living, evolving system of lessons — how to detect predators, how to navigate branches, how to hunt silently, how to recognise territory. These are not instincts alone; they are behaviours refined through experience.
And the mother, contrary to assumption, is rarely far away.
“If people simply waited — even for several hours — they would often see the mother return,” Jayasekara explains. “She knows exactly where she left her baby. Her absence is temporary, purposeful.”
The advice from conservationists is clear and consistent: observe, but do not interfere.
If you encounter a baby loris, watch quietly from a distance. Avoid using bright lights or making noise. Give it time — at least 10 to 12 hours — before drawing conclusions. In most cases, the situation will resolve itself, just as nature intended.

35 days old Grey Slender Loris
Only if the animal is clearly injured, or if there is strong evidence of abandonment after prolonged observation, should intervention be considered — and even then, it must be done through the proper channels, particularly the Department of Wildlife Conservation.
Attempting to care for such a delicate animal at home is not only ineffective but often fatal.
Sri Lanka is home to two species of slender loris — the Grey Slender Loris and the Red Slender Loris — each adapted to specific ecological zones across the island. Both are protected under national legislation and recognised internationally as species requiring urgent conservation attention.
Their threats are many: habitat loss, road mortality, illegal pet trade, and, increasingly, human misunderstanding.
Yet, in the midst of these challenges, there are also signs of hope.

In recent years, the slender loris has become the focus of a unique form of wildlife tourism — one that values patience over spectacle. Night walks, conducted with trained naturalists and strict ethical guidelines, offer visitors a chance to witness the loris in its natural environment without disturbing its behaviour.
At places like Jetwing Vil Uyana, this approach has been refined into a model of responsible eco-tourism. Over more than a decade, the property has developed a dedicated Loris Conservation Project, recording thousands of sightings while educating visitors and supporting local communities.
Here, the loris is not handled, chased, or exploited. It is simply observed — a quiet presence in a carefully protected landscape.
“The success of such initiatives shows that conservation and tourism do not have to be at odds,” Jayasekara reflects. “When done responsibly, tourism can actually support conservation by creating awareness and value for these species.”
There is something profoundly moving about encountering a loris in the wild. It does not roar or charge. It does not demand attention. Instead, it exists — quietly, deliberately — as it has for millions of years.
And perhaps that is why it is so easily misunderstood.

In a world that often equates visibility with importance, the loris reminds us that some of the most extraordinary lives unfold beyond the spotlight.
It also reminds us of something else — something simpler, yet harder to practice.
Restraint.
Because conservation is not always about stepping in. Sometimes, it is about stepping back. About recognising when nature does not need our help, but our patience.
So if, on some future night, you find yourself walking beneath the trees, and your light catches a tiny figure sitting alone on a branch — do not rush forward.
Pause.
Watch.
Let the moment unfold.
Because somewhere, moving silently through the darkness, guided by instinct and memory, a mother is already on her way back.
And by morning, the forest will be whole again.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
Kumar de Silva: 40 years of fame and flair
We first saw him on the small screen in January 1986 – a relatively raw, totally untrained and a very nervous 24-year-old presenting ‘Bonsoir’ on ITN.
And now, 40 years later, and as one looks back, one realises what a multi-dimensional journey Kumar de Silva has navigated across the small screen yes, from your television screens to your laptops, and iPads, tabs, and mobile phones.
Says Kumar: “It is the French language I speak that opened the world of television to me, 40 years ago. It was ‘Bonsoir’ alone, and so to my French teacher at Wesley College, Mrs. BA Fernando, to ‘Bonsoir’, and to the Embassy of France in Sri Lanka, I am eternally grateful”.

Promoting the French language, and culture, in Sri Lanka, in a big way
Kumar went on to say that on the heels of ‘Bonsoir” came ‘Fanclub’, on ITN, describing it as yet another resounding success story which saw him as a music DJ on TV.
His inherent talent saw him handle a range of contrasting programmes across ITN, TNL, Prime TV and SLRC with consummate ease – from News Reading, Business Talk Shows, Celebrity Chats, to Dhamma discussions, on Poya Days, to name a few.

Kumar – the 1986 look
Trained in Paris in television production and presentation, the Government of France, in 2012, conferred on him the title of ‘Chevalier dans l’Ordre des Arts et Lettres’ (Chevalier in the Order of Arts and Letters) in recognition of his contribution to promoting the French language, and culture, in Sri Lanka.
In celebration of his four decades on the small screen, Kumar recently launched ‘Bonsoir Katha’, the Sinhala translation (by Ciara Mendis) of his English book ‘Bonsoir Diaries’ (2013), at a gala soiree. at the Alliance Francaise de Colombo, under the distinguished patronage of the French Ambassador in Sri Lanka, Remi Lambert, and francophone President Chandrika Kumaratunga.
He’s now excited about launching the French version of this book, ‘Les Coulisses de Bonsoir’, in Paris, in autumn this year. It is currently being translated by Guilhem Beugnon, a former Deputy Director of the Alliance Francaise de Colombo. This will, co-incidentally, also be Kumar’s 30th visit to Paris.

Chief Guest French Ambassador in Sri
Lanka Remi Lambert
Says Kumar: “The word GRATITUDE means a lot to me and so I always make it a point to spend time with two very special French people every time I go to France. One is Madame Josiane Thureau, formerly of the French Foreign Ministry, who began ‘Bonsoir’ in Sri Lanka. way back in the mid-1980s. The other is Madame Aline Berengier, the lady who designed the ‘Bonsoir’ logo – the Sri Lankan elephant in the colours of the French national flag”.
Kumar is also a much-sought-after Personal Development and Corporate Etiquette Coach in Colombo’s corporate world. Over the past 15 years, tens of thousands of corporates, have been through the different modules of his interactive training sessions. There have also been thousands of school leavers and undergraduates from national and private universities, many of whom will constitute the corporates of tomorrow.

Guest of Honour francophone President Chandrika Kumaratunga at the gala soiree
at the Alliance Francaise de Colombo
The multi-talented Kumar turns 65 next year, and his journey on the small screen still continues – you see him on the (monthly) ‘Rendez-Vous with Yasmin and Kumar’ on the French Embassy’s YouTube Channel, and (every Friday) on ‘Fame Game with Rozanne and Kumar’ on Daily Mirror Online, Hi Online and The Sun Online.
There’s yet another podcast in the pipeline, he indicated, but diplomatically declined to give us details. All he said, with a glint in his eye, was, “It will hit your screens soon.”
Whatever he has in mind, one can be certain that the new programme will continue to showcase Kumar de Silva’s enduring presence in Sri Lanka’s entertainment scene.
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